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OF all the great Greek poets Pindar has received least 
attention from English scholars. The only complete 
- commentary that has appeared since Donaldson's is that of 
n Dr Fennell. The Nemean and Isthmian Odes came off even 
c less well than the Olympian and Pythian, which were separately 
R edited by Cookesley and in America by Mr Gildersleeve (whose 
work however was published in England). When we compare 
this list with the number of editions of Homer and the Greek 
dramatists which appear from year to year, it may seem needless 
to apologise for a new commentary on the works of Pindar ; 
and certainly an editor of the Nemean Odes may feel secure 
against the charge of crambe repctita. 

The methods of interpretation and the plan of exposition 
adopted in the present volume are in many respects new ; 
otherwise indeed this edition, after Dr Fennell's sound work, 
which so opportunely supplied a want, would have no reason 
for existing. The reader will find in the general Introduction 
a statement of my principles of interpretation, and he will see 
how much I owe to a new idea put forward by F. Mczger in 
Pindars Sicgcsliedcr, 1880. To the other well-known German 
scholars who have edited or dealt with Pindar (Boeckh, Dissen, 
Mommsen, Bergk, &c.) I gratefully acknowledge my obligations, 
and their names will be found in every page of my commentary. 
Rumpel's Lexicon Pindaricum and E. Abel's edition of the 
Scholia vctcra on the Nemean and Isthmian Odes have been 
specially useful. Dr Fennell's Nemean and Isthmian Odes has 
been always by me. 

In the revision of the proof-sheets I have received most 



valuable help from my friend Mr R. Y. Tyrrell, to whom I 
would here express my best thanks. Some of his suggestions 
are specially mentioned in the notes. 

I have also to acknowledge the kindness of Dr J. P. Postgate 
in offering to place at my disposal his manuscript notes on the 
Nemean Odes. Unfortunately I was unable to take full advan- 
tage of his offer, as the greater part of my Commentary was 
already finally printed ; but I have mentioned a few of his 
suggestions in a list of Addenda, to which I would invite 
attention. (See too Appendix A, note 10.) 

In regard to Pindaric metres, I have adopted with hesitation 
the conclusions of M. Schmidt. As I have not made a thorough 
study of Greek metric, I do not feel competent to pronounce on 
a subject which demands the concentrated powers of specialists. 

As six of the hymns included in this volume celebrate 
Aeginetans, I should like to have added an essay on the 
contemporary history of Aegina, but the introductory matter 
touching the art of Pindar claimed so much room that such an 
addition would have made the book too big. If however I 
realise my hope of editing the Isthmian Odes, there will be 
an opportunity of dealing with Aegina then. The two hymns 
to Chromius likewise suggest a section on a greater island than 
Aegina ; but that will be more in place when we reach the 
presence of the Syracusan ' Basileus ' himself. And besides 
when I come to the Olympian and Pythian Odes, if I should 
ever get so far, we shall have the advantage of new light on 
the island of the Sikels and Pindar's Sikeliot friends from the 
first instalment of the expected work of Mr Freeman. 

The Appendix on the Origin of the Great Games, in which I 
have had some useful help from Mr Mahaffy, propounds a new 
view as to the establishment of the Olympian games. I have 
stated there as strongly as possible the case which I plead, but 
of course I am fully conscious that it is only guesswork. 


P. i, footnote i. After the words '■Journal of Hellenic Studies'' read 'vol. ii.' 
for 'vol. i.' 

P. 2, footnote (continued from page i), for 'as Aetna was founded in 475' read 
'as Aetna was founded in 476 B.C.', and in next line for '472 B.C.' read '473 B.C.' 

P. 20, add to note on 1. 46 : 

Dr Postgate, however, quotes Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 894, tou ^wevoovTos 
Xpovov 'the time that shared my sleep' as an instance of time being said to do what 
takes place during its lapse. 

P. 44, 13th line from foot, 

for ----- (i 7 ), 

read ~^---- (17). 

P. 49, add to note on 1. 11 : 
The difficult expression rjpeos 0«os has never been satisfactorily explained. Dr 
Postgate conjectures ijpu. deos, and this certainly deserves consideration. 

P. ,so, to note on 1. 24 add a reference (pointed out to me by Dr Postgate) 
to Plato, Critias, p. 108. 

P. 53, 1. 41 of text, for cLTpeKti read arpeKd. 

P. 59, to note on 1. 72 add the following words: rpirov is the reading of the 
MSS. of Triclinius. BB have rpiraros and the other ancient MSS. rpiTarov, contrary 
to the metre. 

P. 6 1, in note on 1. 80 after the words 'associated with the city of Agrigentum ' 
add : 

The scholiast says that Pindar is alluding to Bacchylides. 

P. S9, in note on 1. 2, for x a ^ K bv • • .ovre . . .iv'iKaaav read xa\Kbv...'6vTe ...wnairai. 

P. 91, add to note on 1. 20 : 

Dr Postgate compares Oed. Tyr. 1301 ti's 6 Trr]0-r)aas udfava oaitxwv tGjv fictKta- 
twc; and suggests that we may infer from this that a maximum and a minimum leap 
were marked. 

P. 92, add to note on 1. 26 : 

Dr Postgate believes that ireSaffai here means to kill, comparing <f>{irevi Foi OdvaTov 
IV. 59 and Tliren. Jr. 6, iriipve 8e TpeTs /ecu 5<?k avdpas, reTpdru 5' auras ir e a ij . 


P. 109, in note on 1. 38 after the words 'the significance of yitfrvp 1 a,Ka.fiavTO% has 
been explained in the Introduction ', add : 

I feel doubts however whether Dr Fennell and Mr Paley are right in taking aVa- 
/xavTOS as a collateral form of aK&fxas. Dr Fennell translates 'the impregnable cause- 
way through the sea', and Paley 'the hard rocky causeway'. Rut I can find no analog}' 
for a nom. sing. ckdjuaeTos (which would imply a *Ka/j.abu), and, though I am sorry 
to abandon the conception of the indefatigable bridge (see p. 100), I must admit that it 
is safer to follow Boeckh in taking o.K<xp.a.vjo% with ttovtov {maris indefessi). 

P. 130, add as a note on 1. 14 : 

For evl ci/v rpovix), 'in one way only', Dr Postgate compares the use of cum in 
Latin, as e.g. in Lucretius v. 364 solido cum corpore mundi nalitrast. 

P. 133, to note on 1. 30 add : 

Dr Postgate however thinks the meaning is 'Death conies unexpected even on 
the best prepared' and compares Horace, C. II. 13, 13. It cannot be denied that 
this explanation suits the position of ko.i better than that which I have adopted. 

P. 135, in note on 1. 48, add after the word yaarpu: 

Compare also kclkwv peKTTjpa ko.1 vppiv'pa, Hesiod, "E. Kal H. 191 (a reference 
for which I am indebted to Dr Postgate). 

P. 144, after the words {crying for nothing) in 1. 19 of note on 1. 102 add : 
Dr Postgate, who takes the same view of the construction as Dr Fennell, would 
illustrate /j.a\J/v\d.Kas ('vainly babbling', practically = 'vainly babbled') by \(/ev(TTav 
\6yov in Nem. V. 29. 

P. 152, add as a note on Kelvov ye 1. 10 : 
Dr Postgate has pointed out to me that the force of ye may be brought out by 
rendering 'a prince like him' (cf. VII. 75). 

P. 158, add to note on 1. 51 : 
For the repetition of the article {rdv) although the strife of Adrastus and the 
strife of the Cadmeans were one and the same, Dr Postgate well compares the 
repetition of inter in Horace, Ep. I. 2, 11 Nestor componere lites inter Peliden festinat 
et inter Airiden, the effect here being to bring out the fact that Adrastus and 
the Thebans were on different sides. 


Preface ........ 

Introduction: i. The Interpretation of Pindar 

i. The Construction of the Pindaric 

3. The Text . 

Text and Notes 

Appendix A (Notes 1 — 10) . 
Appendix B, The Graces in Pindar . 
Appendix C, Pindar's visit to Sicily . 
Appendix D, Origin of the Great Games 

Index : I. Greek 

II. English .... 







i. The Interpretation of Pindar. 

Those who desire to study the Greek mind as revealed in literary 
art will probably find that there are more secrets to be learned in Pindar 
than in any other writer. For of all Greek poets he is the most Greek ; 
or, rather, in his poems those distinctive qualities of the Greek temper 
which are alien to modern sentiments and ideas are more clearly 
reflected than for instance in the tragedians. The Greek tragedies deal 
with forms of human emotion which are universal ; as we read them, the 
stress of common humanity tends to eliminate the differences between 
the modern and the ancient spirit ; and hence we even find it difficult 
to avoid the importation of modern emotions into our reading of 
Sophocles and Euripides. Whereas there is no temptation to falsify 
Pindar in this way, or, as we might say, to modernise him. He is the 
poet of 'the delightful things in Hellas', ra Tep-rrvd h 'EAAaSi, and his 
works reflect the authentic quality of the Hellenic spirit. This is 
the secret of his charm, and to this, too, is due the fact that he is less 
generally read than other Greek poets. For the complicated structure 
of his Odes, — demanding from the reader a close searching attention, to 
apprehend the unity of the whole and grasp the punctual meaning of 
every part, — cannot be regarded as a completely independent cause of 
unpopularity; inasmuch as this elaborate art is likewise a revelation 
of the Hellenic spirit, here carrying the desire of artistic perfection to 
the extreme limit of achievement. 

For recognising that with nature their power was small, the Greeks 
determined that over art at least their control should be complete, and 
they left little to chance. The saying of the poet Agathon that art and 
chance loved each other, 


had certainly no application to the work of Pindar. He elaborated his 
poems to such a point that every phrase was calculated, and no word 
was admitted which did not 'tell' in the total effect. In one place 
indeed he speaks as if he wandered from matter to matter at random 
'like a bee' (wre ju-e'Auro-a 1 ) flitting from flower to flower; but that 
is only a graceful reserve or cipwveia — an expression of the artistic 
hiding of art. Nor is the contrast between genius and the mere know- 
ledge of rules (fay and Te'xvTj), on which he often dwells, in any sense 
inconsistent with the self-consciousness of his own art. His idea of <t>vrj 
was not of some blindly acting force, moving outside rules, successful 
by sheer strength ; nor did he condemn in t€ X ^ an excessive care for 
order or diction. By tc'xvi?, rather, he meant the mere mechanical, 
slavish application of formulae, where the divine gift of insight is 
absent; by cjivyj, the power which can wield art more artfully and 
effectually than ever, because it works freely. His hymns wonderfully 
unite an appearance of the absence of restraint with the most scrupulous 
precision of language. The poetry seems to flow with the impulse of a 
torrent or some free natural force, unable to confine itself; and yet 
when we look more closely we find that every sentence is measured, 
every word weighed, every metaphor charged with subtle meanings that 
play beneath the surface. To be fettered and yet free is the ideal of 
art, or, in Pindaric phrase, the ' aim of the Muses ' (Moicrai/ o-kotto's) ; 
and perhaps no literary artist has ever realised that ideal as perfectly as 
the poet of Thebes. 

For appreciating Pindar a susceptibility to the effects of words is 
eminently necessary ; for each of his is, as it were, a gem with a virtue 
of its own, which the poet had fully appreciated before he set it in its 
place. To show what in editorial waywardness may result from a lack 
of this susceptibility, I may choose (one of many instances) the last 
measure of the Sixth Olympian Ode. This poem written in honour 
of Agesias of Syracuse, closes with an invocation of Poseidon, who is 
besought thus : 

e/xwv o vfxvwv ae£ evrepTrts ai/tfos, 

Cause the delectable flower of my hymns to grow. As the chief feature of 
the Ode is the story of Iamus, laid after birth in a bed of pansies (la) 
and thence deriving his name, the last word avOos is calculated to 
suggest the aesthetic virtue of the whole hymn, reminding us, even 
at the end, of that flowery ' woodborn wonder ', to which the victor 
Agesias is compared. And di&iv is the appropriate verb for a flower. 

1 Pyth. x. 54. 


Poseidon is implored to tend the growth of Agesias even as he had 
watched over Iamus. Yet Bergk is led by the indications of some 
MSS. to adopt in his text 

e/xwv vfxvwv oe oe£ £VTep7res avuos . 

We shall meet many instances of this kind in the Nemean Odes. 
But what one may lose through mere inattentiveness of the ear to words 
and their intentions, most readers have perhaps at some time or other 
experienced in the case of really careful poetry written in their own 
language. In this stanza for example of Tennyson's In Memoriam — ■ 

And up thy vault with roaring sound 

Climb thy thick noon, disastrous day ; 

Touch thy dull goal of joyless gray, 
And hide thy shame beneath the ground, 

— the felicity of the word disastrous in the context might easily pass 

And words have the habit of investing themselves, through asso- 
ciations, with a certain atmosphere, sometimes palpable, sometimes 
very subtle, — these associations being often the secret of the whole 
aesthetic effect, and withal of so volatile a nature as to elude inquiry. 
In the poetry of an ancient, in the poetry even of a foreign language, 
much is missed by the impossibility of feeling instinctively such associa- 
tions ; but in some words at least, used by Pindar, we may detect special 
significances. <£e'yy os > for example, seems to have been charged with a 
mystic import, designating most probably, in the mysteries, a divine 
Light; it was an ajiporov IVos, a 'mystic word' 2 . And thus Pindar's 
phrase of the Graces, naOapov c^eyyos XapiTOH', will suggest (as </>aos 
could not) a wonderful light, — as it were, ' the light of ineffable faces '. 
But the delicate potencies in words tend to vanish, when you try to 
define them, for in definition there is mostly a certain violence or 
rudeness. Of modern poets Rossetti was a master in handling the 
subtle suggestiveness of words. In one of his sonnets in the House of 
Life, for instance, these lines close the octave : 

Such fire as Love's soul-winnowing hands distil 
Even from his inmost ark of light and dew. 

To this curiously happy effect it is clear that the choice of the word 
ark and its accompaniment by 'light and dew' most largely contribute ; 
and yet if we let the mind force into full consciousness the associations 

1 Another objection to this reading is - See below, note on Ncm. ix. 42 

that in an Olympian Ode Poseidon could (p. 180). 
not be the receiver of the poet's offering. 


which have determined the virtue of that word, the happy effect is 
spoiled by an emerging incongruity. For when you pass into imagi- 
native literature, no coquettes are so capricious as words, so easily 
spoiled in more than one sense, their humours requiring the patient 
study of a lover. 

Nor is the mere sound of a word insignificant. In poetry of all 
ages effects frequently depend on similar sounds which represent quite 
different meanings, as in Pindar's aAAoicri 8' a'AtKes dXXoi, in Homer's 
wSlvwv oSvi'ijctl, ddvpfxara 6vp.w, or in Rossetti's 
By what spell they are sped. 

This is carried further, the poet, as it were, drawing attention to it, 
when Viola says in Twelfth Night 

And what should I do in Illyria? 
My brother he is in Elysium. 

The effect of these lines depends on the assonance of the names. 
Now to the Greeks similarity in sound meant far more than to modern 
ears, for they (except a few rationalists) regarded language as a divine 
invention and of this view it was a corollary that behind a likeness in 
sound lay some hidden likeness in fact. And this theory, in combi- 
nation with a belief in omens, suggested especially significances in 
proper names ; ovojxa opvis, a name is a bird. References to such 
significances, common to all Greek poets, are a notable feature in 
Pindar, occurring in almost every hymn '. And this was recognised by 
Greek critics. In a note which probably comes from Didymus we read 

the words : elmde Se d IliVSapos Tats 6p,uivvp.iat<; e7rava7raue<x#cu Wei iSi'w 

(Schol. on Nem. n. 1 1). There is a good example in the Second Pythian 
Ode. Rhadamanthys is there introduced for the sake of his name, 
interpreted as 'easily learning', and contrasted with the ape who also 
'learns in a way': — 

fxaOwv KaXds Tot TvtOutv, irapa Traivtv alei 

KttXd?" d 8k 'Pa.8diAa.v6vs ev iriirpaycv, on </>pevu5v 

e'Aa^e Kapirov ap.wp.rjTOV. 

Unless we recognise this intention, we shall have to think that 
Pindar, introducing Rhadamanthys without a motive, had forgotten his 

It is obvious that in many cases, where it would have been improper 
to mention names, unmistakable allusions could easily be made by 

1 Instances will be found in most of paronomasia from Homer, Aeschylus &c. 
the Odes in this volume. It is needless The derivations of Iannis and Aias in 
to cite here the familiar instances of Pindar are well known. 


various kinds of •paronomasia'. Latin poets, as everyone knows, used 
to introduce real personages under fictitious designations, metrically 
equivalent to the original names. Pindar combined this device with 
etymological allusion. In the Seventh Nemean Ode the strange 
coinage /jLouf/vkaKas can, in my opinion, have been invented for no other 
purpose than to designate Pindar's younger rival Bacchylides. /xa{f/- 
vAdKa? is metrically equivalent to BaK^vAi'S^? and has the same number 
of letters (i^-7rcr). And no enemy of Bacchylides who wished to refine 
on the significance of his name, could have more cunningly combined 
a plausible derivation and an invidious suggestion. Connecting the 
first syllable fta-x^- with the evil influence of wine on 'rhyme and 
reason', he parodies it by jxdxp 'wildly, rhymelessly'; and he sees in the 
second part of the name a relation of the words which mean 'bark ; 
(vXdtj), etc.) l . Philologists, much nearer to our own day than Pindar, 
would not have hesitated at such an etymology. 

There is in the Eighth Pythian, if my view of the passage is right, 
an interesting instance of an etymological allusion. 

That Ode, written in honour of an Aeginetan, soon after the 
conquest of Aegina by Athens (b.c. 457), though containing no direct 
reference to the Athenians, dwells on the uncertainty of prosperity ; 
in a short time, we read, 'men's pleasance waxethj but in the same wise 
too it falleth to the ground'. There is a clear prophecy of a reversal of 
fortune for the Aeginetans at the expense of the Athenians. Some 
words however contain a mote pointed allusion. The victor who had 
won his laurel wreath in wrestling had thrown four competitors ; and of 
these defeated men it is said that they did not return home to be 
welcomed by the smiles of their mothers, — 

Kara Xavpas ^opoiv aVaopoi 
7TToxrcrovTi (TV(JL(f>opa. 8e8ayp.£voi, 

' they cower, aloof from dances, in lanes '. The expression is strange ; 
but it wins significance if we suppose that one at least of the wrestlers 
was an Athenian and that Xavpas alludes to the silver mines of 
Laurium — Aavplov being really a diminutive of \avpa The suggestion, 
then, covertly expressed, is this : an Aeginetan has vanquished an 
Athenian in wrestling ; well, let the Athenian skulk in those mines, the 
source of the strength of his countrymen. The commercial Aeginetans 
must certainly have been jealous of the riches which their neighbours 

1 If Pindar had been defending Ins connexion, suggested in the Odyssey, he- 
etymology he might have supported the tween 2kA\\cl and <m'\a£. 
connexion of -vXio-qs with -uXeucas by the 

B. b 


dragged out of the earth at Laurium ; but this jealousy was still more 
bitter, if, as has been plausibly suggested 1 , Laurium originally belonged 
to Aegina herself and was wrested from her by Athens, ' the fountain 
of silver' being really the fountain of discord between the two cities 
throughout the early part of the 5th century. 

We should not expect to find one so punctual as Pindar in the 
use of words errant in the matter of metaphors. For in this as in 
other respects Greek literature was marked by temperance ; in Greek 
writers there is not that oriental exuberance of metaphorical language, 
which, at first attractive through its very strangeness to the western 
mind, soon offends the dry understanding. This shyness in regard 
to metaphor produced the habit of qualification ; as when a chorus 
of maidens, in the Iphigenia among the Taurt, comparing them- 
selves collectively to a bird, add a7rrepos, ' a bird — but wingless '. The 
oestrus which drove Io is called by Aeschylus apSis a-n-vpos, ' a goad — 
but unforged ' ; Orestes and Pylades in the Orestes are ' Bacchants — 
but wandless' aOvpcroi; discord in the same play, is 'fire, but not of 
Hephaestus'. In Pindar we shall find that his metaphors, when they do 
not arise naturally out of the metaphorical usage of a word in common 
speech, are due to some motive which renders them appropriate. In 

the expression 

kXvtol(Tl SaiBaX(j)ai/xev vfjcvwv 7ttv)(cu<; 

the comparison of strains of music to the folds of a dress enveloping 
the object arises smoothly out of a metaphor latent in the verb SaiSa- 
Xovv. The remarkable image of a hymn as 

AuSiW fiLTpav Ka.vaxa.8d TreTroiKiXjAtvav 

has its justification in the use of the /xiVpa to bind together the leaves of 
the victor's crown, and Kava^aSa is the qualification of the image ; ' a 
headband — but of sounds'. This temperance in direct metaphorical 
language is combined with a sharp sensibility to the metaphors latent 
in words, leading to a choice of harmonious phrases. Thus crvv 6ew 
4>vr<-v0ds oA/3os (in the Eighth Nemean) followed by Kivvpav 'ifipio-e 
ttXovtio suggests a tree weighed down by its fruit, but does not force the 
image on the vision. In another passage (Nemean 11. 7) ev6v7rofi.Tr6<;, 
implying the image of a wind, seems at first sight to stand alone. But 

1 By Mr Mahaffy (Rambles ami Studies (3) the allusion in the Persae of Aeschy- 

in Greece, p. 163). This hypothesis ex- his, which indicates that the mines had 

plains (1) the power of Aegina, (2) the only recently come into prominence at 

existence of an Aeginetan metric system, Athens. 


looking closer, we discover that the substantive which it qualifies, aioji/, 
is really conceived as a breeze, for Pindar associated it with drj/xt. 

And thus, though Pindar has won a repute of audacity for bold and 
mixed metaphors, we shall find on examination that his language is 
always scrupulously weighed, and charged with intention, his metaphors, 
as all else, bearing a definite relation to the whole effect. He does not 
mix images incongruously, though sometimes they follow in rapid succes- 
sion ; but he is rather inclined to push a single metaphor further than 
may be superficially obvious. The famous instance of mixed images in 
the Sixth Olympian Ode is clearly due to an error in the text. The 
lines are these : 

K€tvos, oj 7rcu SworpaTov, 

(tvv fiapvySovTTU) 7rarpt Kpatvei a-eOev £VTV\\ia.v. 

8o£av e'xco Ttv e7ri yXuxrcra aKoVas Xtyvpds, 

a /x WiXovra 7rpo(reXKeL /caAAtpootcrt irvoaxs, 

fxarep ifxd 2TU/x</>aAis evavOrj'i MeT0J7ra. 

The idea of a whetstone on the tongue, to sharpen it, interposed 
between the god of the sea and the waters of Metopa, with which the 
phrase /caAAipo'oicri 7ri'oats is accordant, is merely grotesque, and has 
absolutely no motive. Even in a modern writer, as eccentric as 
Browning, it would seem unusually harsh ; for Pindar, I believe, it 
would have been impossible. A little consideration will show what 
word originally held the place usurped by aKo'vas. From e^a) iirl yXwaa-a 
it is evident that the writer had in his mind the proverbial (3ov<; iirl 
yXuxraa signifying ' silence ' ; and as his meaning clearly is ' I cannot be 
silent touching Metopa', we must infer that for the ox of muteness he 
substituted a singing creature, a bird. And to be really suitable to the 
context, to harmonize with the presence of the sea and the rivers, the 
voice of a seabird was required. ' On my tongue I have (not an ox 
but) a certain fancy of a vocal seabird, which draweth vie on full willing 
with a fair stream of breathed sounds.' And this, I believe, was what 
Pindar wrote : 

oo£ai/ f.\oi tlv €7Tt yXto(T<Ta 'Xkvovos Xiyvpai<i\ 

The seabird that he chose was a kingfisher. And the idea is more than 
a mere metaphor ; for the seabird, as it were, flies seaward and draws 
the minstrel after it to the 'deep thundering' ocean from the waters of 

1 AKyONOC was read cikvovos or a/coi'os, 70 ris yap dpxa VS^aro eairriXia?; (as 

and 'corrected' to axovas. For the Bergk rightly reads, only he spells dpxv 

occurrence of such prodclision (as I pre- 'Kde^aro), and 250 w 'pKe<ri\a ; 01. XIII. 

fer to consider it) in Pindar, cf. Pvth. IV. 99 5tj '/j.<poTepu)6ei>. 




Metopa and the Stymphalian lake, in Arcadia, — thus symbolizing the 
passage from Stymphalus to Syracuse, from home to home {oIkoOzv 
o'UaSe). Nor is the imagery mixed ; for not the bird, but the imagina- 
tion thereof, is said to be eVi yXwcraa 1 . 

1 This metaphor has been defended by 
two eminent scholars. Professor Jebb, 
in his admirable study on Pindar {Jour- 
nal of Hellenic Shtdies, vol. III., p. 171), 
writes thus : ' The thought which in- 
spires a strain is compared to the whet- 
stone which sharpens the knife, — and here, 
again, note the mixture of metaphors : 
[Greek quoted] : " I have a thought upon 
my lips that lends keen motive to my 
song ; it woos my willing soul with the 
spirit of fair-flowing strains "...With re- 
gard to this metaphor, as to many others 
in Greek lyrics which are apt to strike us 
as harsh or even grotesque, there is a 
general principle which ought, I think, 
to be clearly perceived. Most Indo- 
European nouns expressed some one 
obvious and characteristic quality of the 
object which they denoted : e.g. vavs is 
"the swimmer", dpvs the thing which is 
cleft, &c. Similarly cikovt} is the sharpener, 
KpaTTjp is the mixer &c. A Greek who 
called a thought an clkovo was thus using 
a less startling image than we should use 
in calling it a •whetstone ; to call the 
teacher of a chorus a Kparr)p was not the 
same thing as it would be for us to call 
him a bowl. And such phrases are less 
audacious in proportion as they are old, 
i.e. near to the time when the language 
was still freshly conscious of the primary 
sense in such words as olkovt) '. 

I find it difficult to elicit Professor 
Jebb's ingenious translation 'a thought 
upon my lips that lends keen motive to 
my song' from 5o'£ae tiv' clkovcls \iyvpas. 
TIN rendering would rather demand bo^av 
tiv , aicovav Xtyvpav. And his defence 
of the metaphors applies with greater 
force to xparrip than to aKovr/, inasmuch 
as the Greeks had the verb Kepdvvvixi to 
remind them of the original meaning of 

Kparrip, whereas they had no word (like 
Latin acnere) to associate with aKovrj 
except cLKOvdu itself. Such words as cu'77, 
a.KWK-1), 6.Koiv, <xk'is would, alone, hardly 
suggest the idea of sharpening, and, with 
all deference to Professor Jebb's opinion, 
I doubt very much whether in Pindar's 
day or many generations before Pindar 
the Greek language 'was still freshly 
conscious of the primary sense ' in aubv-r). 
Kparr/p, I submit, is on a different footing. 

Mr Tyrrell (Classical Review, May 1888, 
p. 139) has defended the suspected phrase 
on different grounds. ' On the one hand 
it is wellnigh impossible to set bounds to 
the "soaring craft" as Pindar called it. 
What may not a great poet say at that 
golden moment 

' ' When a great thought strikes along 
the brain 
And flushes all the cheek"? 
Yet on the other, it must be owned that 
confusion of metaphor has its limits, 
and is sometimes quite intolerable. Our 
feeling about the expression seems to 
depend upon our feeling about the poet's 
mind at the moment when he clothed 
his thought in words. The expression 
is majestic only if we feel that the poet 
was in a " fine frenzy " '. In this con- 
nexion he refers to Pindar's 

' Methinks a whetstone shrilleth on 
my lips, 

It draws me on full fain 

On current of sweet airs'. 
But there must, I think, be certain objec- 
tive limits to legitimate mingling of meta- 
phor, apart from the subjective state of 
the poet. Take the familiar instance 
from Hamlet, quoted by Mr Tyrrell in 
this connexion, — 

Or to take arms against a sea of 


When this formidable example of metaphorical aberration is removed, 
those who read Pindar attentively will, I think, acknowledge that 
tenacity of one image is more characteristic of his poetry than a blend- 
ing of several. 

But though he does not confuse metaphors, he sometimes uses what 
we may call double metaphors, by playing on two meanings of a word. 
There is a remarkable example of this in Isthmian vi. 18; 

dfJLvdfxores Se fipOToi 

o tl fxyj cro(pLa<; awrov dxpov 

k\vto.l<; iirewv poats i$iK7]Tcu C,vyev. 

The meaning of these lines turns on the double sense of awros 
(i) gloss, or perfection, (2) breeze or breath (irr/p, awre'w), for which I 
must refer to note on Nem. 11. 9 and Appendix A, note 3. Thus there 
are two distinct metaphors, (1) from driving in a car (£vyev) to a height 
(a.Kf)o\>) : men remember not whatsoever reaches not the crowning height of 
Art, drawn in a rushing car of verses ; (2) from a ship wafted by a 
breeze : ivhatever exploit, ungirded by sounding streams of poetry, fails to 
win a favouring wind of Wisdom, passeth out of me/i's minds. The 
language is chosen with the greatest skill, almost every word suggesting 
a second meaning. £i'y«V, properly belonging to the first metaphor, 
is not inappropriate in the second, for £euy™/x6 was a technical word for 
undergirding a ship. l^iK-qrai may suggest ik/xci/o? ovpos, while acorov 

Here the metaphor ' sea of troubles ' is the passage and gives its proper object to 
natural and familiar ; ' to take arms a/i£. The same reasoning applies to the 
against ' or fight against troubles is also a passage under consideration. Four in- 
familiar image: and therefore the con- congruous pictures rise before us; yXuaaa, 
nexion of the two metaphorical phrases axova, eXKeiv, KctXXtpoot irvoal. The 
does not strike us as incongruous. But yXuicraa is not a natural resting-place for 
if both metaphors had been unusual, the the whetter; an cuwa cannot be said to 
incongruity would be unjustifiable. This ' draw on ' ; and with /caXXipoot wvoai it 
applies to the passage in the Antigone certainly is not accordant. And the 
where, according to the generally ac- strangeness of the image makes these 
cepted correction of the reading of the discords jar. My reading, while it in- 
mss., (com (with other things) is said to volves but a very slight change, harmo- 
mow down a light which had been set nises the words into one striking idea, 
above a plant. Here the incongruity of I should add that the comparison of a 
the unfamiliar metaphors is aggravated trainer to a Naxian whetstone, that 
by the fact that the thing (pifa) which sharpens athletes, in Isthm. v. 72 (an 
seems to offer itself to the scythe of the image thoroughly in place there) cannot 
Erinys is not mown, while the thing be fairly adduced to support olkovols in 
which could not possibly be mown suffers Olympian vi. 
that operation. A slight change restores 


aKpov of a prosperous breeze is justified by the Homeric adjective 


The idea of building up the Ode of Victory on a myth, worked out 
so as to contain an application usually to the victor himself, sometimes 
to his country, was adopted by Pindar 1 . Direct praises, blended with 
ethical commonplaces, must, when continued through a whole composi- 
tion, become monotonous and fulsome 2 , a poet's genius notwithstanding. 
But the myth gave a sphere both for the higher work of the imagination 
and for craft in elaborating a parallel or an allegory ; while the apparent 
passing away from the subject of the victor, for a while, was a relief 
from the necessity of reiterating a sort of Aios Kopu'flos. This new 
method of Pindar was thus a happy discovery, and we may regard it as 
the chief secret of his poetical charm ; for certainly the interest of each 
poem turns mainly on the myth and its relation to the rest. 

And here too lies the chief difficulty. Only recently a clue has been 
found by a German scholar, whose discovery certainly marks a new 
period in the study of Pindar. Just ten years ago F. Mezger published 
his Pindars Sicgeslieder, in which he pointed out that it was a practice 
of the poet to repeat some particular word in the same verse and foot of 
different strophes or epodes, and that he indicated thereby some 
connexion in thought between two separated parts of the Ode. Thus 
Pindar has himself supplied us with indications for following the ways 
of his thought; he has 'set words"'' for us like sign-posts. And he 
hinted too that his songs require a key, when he called Aeneas — the 
bearer of the Sixth Olympian Ode to Agesias, and charged with its 
interpretation — a scytale of the Muses (tJvko/awv vkvtoXo. Moicrav) 4 . 

I need not illustrate the principle of Mezger here, for each of the 
Odes in this volume is an example, as is shown in the special Intro- 
ductions. But I must observe that Mezger has not carried his own 
principle far enough ; and this has precluded him in many cases from 
grasping the full meaning of a poem. For Pindar does not confine his 
' responsions ' to verses metrically corresponding — and Mezger has to 
some extent recognized this — but indicates the train of his thoughts by 

1 lie tells US this himself in the Fourth derung an die Nemesis gewescn sein". 

Nemean (</.z'-), as Mezger has shown. :; iwewv Secret, Olymp. in. X. Mezger 

The idea lie is said to have derived from has closely connected this discovery with 

the instruction of Comma. Westphal's untenable theory of the struc- 

- Cp. also \i. Ltibbert, Pindar's Leben lure of the Pindaric Ode; but the con- 

und Dichtung, \>. 8 : ' Kin ausilihrliches nexion is not essential. 

directes Lob des Siegers wiirde nach * I (not Mezger) am responsible for 

hellenischen Begriffen eine Herausfor- this interpretation. 


verbal echoes anywhere, independently of the metre. These echoes 
become formal and emphatic ' responsions ', where in conformity with 
Mezger's rule the metre is confederate ; but when the metre does not 
assist, they are not less important guides for us in detecting the parallel 
ranges and answering groups constructed by this wonderful art. The 
last words of the Sixth Olympian Ode, already quoted, furnish an 
instance in point. Poseidon is invoked for Agesias : 

hiviroTa ttovt6[x&ov, evOvv 8e ttXoov KU/AaTiov 
€Ktos iovra 81801, x.pv<raAaKaToio 7roo"is 
'AfupLTpiTas, ip.wv 8' v/xvoiV ae£' evrepires av6o<;. 

In the myth which occupies the centre of the hymn, Poseidon had been 

invoked by lamus, who is the mythical counterpart of the victor 

Agesias ; and this is recalled by the ringing of ' gold ' and an echo of 

'delight'. For the appeal of lamus to Poseidon was introduced by 

the words 

T€pirvas 8' €7rei xp\)<ro<TT€<f)uvoio \a(3cv 

KapTrov H/3as. 

And, further, there is another cross-echo, here punctually answering; 
fur tirepirh &v0os, at the end of the fifth epode, recalls €uav0r}s MeTwVa, the 
last words of the fourth epode. 

And sometimes the echo is combined with a play on words. In the 
First Isthmian Ode, for instance, we read of the ' omen of Asopodorus ' 
yapvao/xai — d.yai<\ea t<xv 'Acrcj7ro8ojpou iraTpos aicrav (1. 34), 

and we wonder what it may be. Reading further we learn of the 
things which this Asopodorus (the father of the victor) had suffered ; 
how he had been banished from Thebes and afterwards restored ; and 
then the third strophe ends thus : 

o 7^ov^7C^a^s 8e vou> kcu irpo[j.a9eiav <\>ipa. 

When we reach the end of the fourth antistrophos, our ears are struck 
by a reverberation, which clears up our difficulty : 

■q jxa.v 7roAAu/a Kal to <T€<rwTrafj.€vov evOvp.iav [xet^w <J>€p«i (1. 63). 

The repetition of <£epei here at the end of the same verse, takes us back 
to the man of 'forethought'; and then we apprehend that to a-ewiraptvov 
explains the omen of 'A-o-wiro-Swpos — the guerdon of silence. 

The objections, which will doubtless be made to the principles on 
which my interpretation of Pindar is based, I can well imagine. It will 
be said that my view imputes to the poet an artificiality which is 
unworthy of a great genius and inconsistent with true poetical inspira- 


tion. If it be replied that no a priori considerations can alter a simple 
fact, the objectors will say that the echoes and ' responsions ' are 
undesigned coincidences, discerned only by the vain fancy of an over 
subtle commentator. This second argument is the only one with which 
I am necessarily concerned. If it can be shown that the echoes are not 
the creatures of a modern fancy, seeing in Pindar more than he ever 
dreamed of, then we must simply accept the fact and harmonize it with 
our aesthetic theories as we may see fit. 

There are two considerations which, in my judgment, peremptorily 
exclude the supposition that the echoes and responsions, pointed out in 
this volume, were merely accidental, (i) If only one hymn of Pindar 
were extant, it might be maintained that echoes of language, noticed by 
an editor, were a freak of chance and formed no part of the poet's 
design. But seeing that forty-five (or at least forty-three) poems of 
Pindar 1 have been preserved, and that in every one of these there are 
distinct responsions and echoes in which a direct bearing on the 
connexion of thought may be perceived (more or less easily), it 
cannot be judiciously or even plausibly maintained that chance worked 
so systematically. The eleven odes in this volume are quite sufficient 
to establish the principle ; but, if additional proof is needed, it will be 
shown in the succeeding instalments of this edition of Pindar, how 
amply the Olympian, Pythian and Isthmian Odes reinforce the evidence 
of the Nemeans, that rexv-rj, not tvxv, arranged the answering echoes. 

(2) If it be found that the echo-systems guide the student of Pindar 
to an adequate interpretation of the Odes, and enable him to discern the 
significance of the myths and the general connexions of thought, — then, 
regarding such results, it can only be said that, if this be chance, ' yet 
there's method in it '. 

Now the explanations offered by Boeckh, Dissen and their successors, 
who possessed no directing clue, were certainly, and indeed confessedly, 
far from satisfactory. Their analysis was often true as far as it went, 
but it generally left serious difficulties unexplained. When Mezger 
discovered the law of verbal responsions, he found himself able to 
solve problems which had eluded his predecessors ; and it is a feature 
of his commentary that the artistic unity of each hymn is exhibited and 
analysed more thoroughly than in previous works on Pindar. But even 
Mezger frequently failed, and left many knots untied, because he had 
not recognised that his ' responsions ' were only part of a more general 
system of echoes and signals. 

1 Forty-five, assuming Olymp. v. lo be consist of eight (not seven) Odes. 
genuine, and the Isthmian collection to 

INTR OD UCTION. x x i i i 

As an example of the inadequacy of hitherto proposed interpreta- 
tions, I may point to the First Nemean. The chief question, which 
occurs to the student of any ode, is : what is the application of the 
myth ? but in the case of the First Nemean this question forces itself on 
the attention with more than usual emphasis. What can the story of 
Heracles throttling the snakes have to do with Chromius of Syracuse? 
There might be little difficulty in agreeing that the general description 
of the labours of Heracles (11. 63 — 68) is appropriate to the man who 
had fought at Helorus and led an unusually active life ; but of all the 
exploits of Heracles why should that of his infancy be selected for a hymn 
celebrating a victory won in the chariot-race by a Sicilian noble ? The 
answer of Dissen was, that, as Tiresias augured the future powers of 
Heracles from his achievement in the cradle, so Chromius had showed 
in his early youth at the Helorus what manner of man he was to be. It 
is clear that this answer is inadequate ; nor indeed is it tenable. It is 
not tenable, because there is no reference or allusion to the battle of the 
Helorus throughout the Ode, and in the tale of the conflict with the 
snakes there is nothing to suggest it. It is inadequate, because no 
account is taken of the elaborate detail in which the exploit of Heracles 
is worked out. If Pindar merely meant what Dissen says, these details 
are superfluous and must be considered an obvious blemish in the poem. 
We have to believe that nearly half the ode is devoted to a description 
of accessories, which have nothing to do with the main idea and only 
draw the attention away from it. The selection of this event in the life 
of Heracles for comparison with the bravery of Chromius in battle does 
not, at the best, strike one as happy. But granting that Pindar might 
have likened the adventure with the snakes and the fighting at the 
Helorus as the opening incidents in two brilliant careers, he would 
assuredly have accentuated the point of likeness and passed over the 
details in which the dissimilarity was glaring. But this is just what he 
has not done. He has worked out an elaborate picture of the battle of 
the snakes, while he has not even alluded to the special exploit of 
Chromius supposed to be signified thereby. 

On this question no new light was thrown in the various explanations 
offered by von Leutsch, Rauchenstein and L. Schmidt. All these 
interpretations left the remark of Schneider, that the poet 'verlor sich in 
eine Episode die gar kein Verhaltniss zum Ganzen hat und dem 
Gedichte die fabelhafte Gestalt eines Hippocentaurus gibt ' ', as true as 
ever. But Mezger, by the help of his discovery, advanced nearer a 
solution. He holds that the myth is intended to illustrate the truth 

1 Quoted by Mezger. 

x x i v INTR OD UCT10N. 

that all men have to contend with troubles and to show how they can 
overcome them. The trouble of Chromius was the malice and calumny 
of enemies, but by his native faculty he triumphed over them, even as 
Heracles proved himself superior to all the trials which beset him even 
from his cradle. The responsion of 1<jto.v (I. 19) with Icrra (1. 55) 
suggests that Amphitryon contemplating the triumph of Heracles over 
the snakes is compared to the poet contemplating the triumph of 
Chromius over his calumniators ; and thus indicates what the intended 
parallel is. 

This analysis is an important advance on all previous attempts, but 
it does not completely solve the difficulty. A general reference to 
detractors will hardly account for the elaborate picture of the slaying of 
the snakes. Moreover we find that the verses which describe the 
success of Chromius against his foes respond, not to anything in the 
episode of the Spdicoircs, but to the lines in which Tiresias foretells 
that Heracles will distinguish himself by killing robbers and fighting 
with the Giants (dvriov 1. 25, for example, signals to aV-na^oxriv, which 
Mezger did not observe). Thus as far as the general comparison is 
concerned, the episode under discussion might be spared ; for the 
Giants and the Orjpc; d'i8po8iKai of 1. 63 amply suffice as prototypes of 
iniquitous foes and calumniators. We may infer that the combat with 
the snakes is introduced for the sake of some particular reference. 
This special instance of the victories of Heracles over 6-fjpes or Kvw8a\a 
(1. 50) must have been selected in order to suggest some special victory 
of Chromius over ' beasts ' who annoyed him. Here we have no clue, 
except so far as the language of the myth itself may reveal us some- 
thing ; for Pindar preferred to veil his special allusions in a fable which 
was perfectly lucid for Chromius and his friends. There is at least one 
inference which may be drawn with tolerable confidence. The enemies 
of Chromius specially alluded to were two, — neither more nor less. 
The accentuation of the dual number (Sto-o-aicrt Scuou's) can hardly be 
regarded as undesigned, — if it be once admitted that the myth had any 
application to contemporary fact. As the allusion to Chromius, which 
I suppose to be intended in 1. 46, rests on a slight change in the reading 
of the mss., I will not dwell on it here. The responsion earav — 
co-ra was appreciated by Mezger, but he did not notice a further 
responsion, Oi/xev — Oiaav (11. 5, 59), which sustains the parallel between 
Heracles and the victor. But enough has been said for the present 
purpose ; the other points bearing on the question will be set forth in 
the Introduction to the Ode under discussion. 

Tt may be shown that another distinct difficulty in the same poem 


yields to investigation, when Pindar's method of verbal signals is duly 
apprehended. The meaning of the opening lines is a puzzle as old as 
Didymus. Why is the river Alpheus introduced? Some say (according 
to the scholiast) that the stables of Hieron and Chromius were in 
Ortygia ; for this reason Ortygia was mentioned ; and Ortygia suggested 
Alpheus, though Alpheus has no connexion with the subject. Modern 
commentators throw no further light on the question. 

It has been noticed by Mezger that in the last verses of this hymn 
there is an echo of the beginning (crefivov, — aepvov, 11. i and 72). There 
is another echo which he did not observe: BdXos, 1. 2 — OaXzpdv, 1. 71. 
Now the Ode closes with the prophecy of the apotheosis of Heracles and 
his marriage with Hebe. It is clear, therefore, that if these echoes have 
any signification, they must imply some bright augury for the future of 
Chromius ; and there must be some allusion to such an augury in the 
first lines of the Ode. The solution is now obvious ; and indeed the 
query of the scholiast might have put us on the right path. These are 
the words in which he states the difficulty : 

^tcitcu 8c, tl brjiroTi t<3 'AA<£eiu>€Tcu koX rrj 'Oprvyiu, ttjs 

VIK1]S OUK OVO-TJS '0\v(J.7TiaKT]S, aAAa Nc/AeaK?7S. 

That is, 'AA</>eoC would have been pertinent in an Olympian Ode. But it 
is now easy to see that the mention of Alpheus is not only quite in place, 
but wonderfully happy, although the Ode is not an Olympian. By this 
allusion the prospect of an Olympian wreath in the future is held out to 
the Nemean victor. Such a victory would be his crowning triumph, as 
the entry into the houses of the Gods was the crown of the career of 

This interpretation is strikingly confirmed by the reference to 
Olympian wreaths won by Sicilians in 1. 1 7 ' ; and it should be observed 
that the words 

OXv/jlttlixSow (pvWois iXatav xpvcre'ois 

in the 3rd line of the 1st epode are metrically identical with 

w — daktpdv ''llfiav olkoitiv kcu ya.fji.ov 

in the 3rd line of the last epode. The meed foretold for Heracles 
responds to the meed foretold for Chromius. 

If these reasons are cogent — and it seems to me that they cannot be 
eluded, — students of Pindar must henceforward avail themselves of the 

1 Timaeus actually inferred from this taws ^Xa^^els 6 Ti/j.aios 'OXv/xwikov tov 
line that the Ode was not a Nemean but iirlviKov ta-qdr) dvai (ed. Abel p. 2 7). 
an Olympian, Schol. on 1. 17: eureudev 


signals which the poet himself has placed to guide us. It may be 
urged against Mezger, it may be urged against me, that it is difficult to 
believe that Pindar alone of the Greek poets adopted such a system of 
connecting the trains of his thought. But in the first place, of the lyric 
poets complete compositions have not been preserved except Pindar's 
Epinicians ; so that it is impossible to say what they did or did not. 
And in the second place it may be pointed out that the artifice of 
verbal signals was not unknown to Aeschylus. Pindar's elaborate 
systems of echoes may be illustrated by a familiar choral ode in the 

The second stasimon in that play (11. 367 — 474), whose theme is 
suggested by the fall of Troy, falls into four parts. The first part 
(367 — 398) deals generally with the impossibility of hiding injustice, and 
asserts that the gods regard it. In the second part, this doctrine is 
applied to Paris ; the flight of Helen is briefly described ; and the Sofioyv 
TrpofyrjTat lament the case of Menelaus (399 — 426). In the third part 
the poet passes to the woes brought upon Greece by the Trojan war and 
the feelings of discontent which prevailed against the Atridae (427 — 
455). In the fourth part gloomy presentiments are expressed in the 
form of general moral remarks on the results of excessive prosperity and 
indifference to human life. — Now it is to be observed that although the 
import of the first section is apparently and professedly a comment on 
the crime of Paris (olos ko! IIu/hs iXOwv 1. 399), yet the poet dismisses 
this crime in a line or two and hurries on to Menelaus, as though he 
were the real theme of the Ode. It is quite clear that the preliminary 
moral reflexions are intended to apply to the Atridae as much as to 
Paris, and indeed they have a close resemblance to the moral reflexions 
at the close, which refer undisguisedly to the house of Atreus. The 
irony of the situation is that a very similar cause to that which overthrew 
the house of Priam is now about to bring low the house of the victors. 
It was an irony which gained by being covertly suggested rather than 
overtly expressed. And thus Aeschylus, while he directly identifies 
Paris with the dvrjp who ' kicked the altar of Justice ', does not state in 
so many words that Agamemnon or Menelaus might be considered 
examples of the same type. But he has conveyed this meaning 
indirectly by a number of artful echoes. (1) Phrases in the first part 
are taken up in the second — in the passage where the So/awv 7rpocp7Jrat 
describe Menelaus after the departure of Helen. (2) The grief of 
Menelaus, as painted in that passage, for his lost wife is contrasted with 
the grief of the Greeks at home for their kinsfolk who fell in the war, by 
means of answering words. The details are as follows : 


(i) (a) The elders state at the beginning of the Ode that they 
intend to ' search out the traces ' of the great stroke which Zeus has 
dealt to Troy (Aios 7rAayaV). Their words are 

TrapecTTi tovto y e^c^i/evcrai. 

The metaphor does not recur, and we forget that we are so to speak 
on a scent, until a strange phrase let fall by the &6fAMv 7rpo<prjrai reminds 
us that we are seeking traces. o-ti'/Joi cpiXdvopes {prints or traces of a 
•wife's embrace) is one of the most noticeable expressions in the whole 
hymn; and it was chosen, I believe, to suggest that the o-ti/Soi, conceived 
as arousing the regrets of Menelaus and determining him to the fatal 
expedition, were in a deeper sense 'traces' in the course of the tragedy, 
— the Aios TrXayd, which is here traced out. 

The elders begin their investigation by asserting that the gods do 
not disregard those 

371 ocrots d9iKTo>v x^P LS 
The man who kicks the altar of justice has no defence against 


ov yap eo-Tiv £7raA^ts 

382 TrXoVTOV 7T/D05 Kopov dv8p! 

AaKTtcravTt p.eyav AiKa9 

/3(Dfx6v ets a^avetav. 

It is clear that the Ai*as /3oj/xos is the dOiKTotv x^'pt? under another 
aspect. Now by using the same metre and by introducing a responsion, 
the poet suggests that the son of Atreus is an example of such an dvtjp. 
At the end of strophe 2 we find 

evpdp<pm> Se koXo<t<t<Zv 
417 ex^ercu X^P IS cwSpi. 

ofXfxdrwv 8' iv dxqviais 
Ippu 7rd(T 'A<ppo$iTa. 

Here is an avr/p who also scorns a certain yap 1 ?- I n both cases the 
cause of this scorn is assigned ; and the two causes are parallel. The 
typical wicked 'man' is constrained by importunate Persuasion: • 

385 /3iaTai 8' a TaXana imGci. 

The man in the special case is the victim of persuasive dreams, which 
will not allow him to forget the treacherous wife: 

420 6i>€ip6<pavTOL 8e imGijixoves' 
TrdpeiaL 8o£cu. 

1 Mr Housman's correction of irev 8r)/xoves. 


In both cases the vanity of hope is dwelt on. The fancy of the 
typical scorner that he may escape is vain ; the fancy of Menelaus in 
his dream that he may clasp Helen is vain. 

387 a/cos Se Tro.v fxaraiov. 

421 — oo£ai (pepovaat \aptv | JLaTa ^ a v. 

p.aTav yap — 

fiefiaKcv o\]/i<s. 

But the parallel is carried further still. It has often struck me, and 
it may have struck others, that (in the first antistrophos of this Ode) it 
was somewhat strange to introduce the figure of a boy chasing a bird in 
the middle of another totally different metaphor taken from ill-mixed 

We are now in a position to explain the motive of this. The boy 
chasing the bird is there for the purpose of the covert parallel. The 
unjust man attempting to hide, and Menelaus seeking to embrace the 
dream forms, are like men chasing winged things : 

394 8uoKfi 7rats iroTavov opvLV, 

426 irrtpois 07raSots vttvov KtkevOois. 

Another point which strikes the reader in the first strophe is the 
expression o.0lktwv x a P ts (already mentioned) — surely a somewhat 
strange one. It is highly probable that this phrase was echoed in 
words regarding Menelaus. and although a corruption in the mss. had 
long concealed the echo, the ingenuity of Mr Housman has brought it 
to light. In 1. 420 we have, if this restoration is correct 

— cpepovcrai \ C 4 HV fw-Taiav. 
/xdrav yap evr av es Oi/yds 8okolv opa 
— jSefiaKtv 01/as k.t.A. 

Menelaus seeks to touch the charming visions ; but they cannot be 
touched. The case of the transgressor was somewhat different ; but the 
word dOiKTos is ambiguous. The transgressor laid an impious touch on 
the charm of things which must not be touched. And this is more than 
a mere sport with words. The charm of the dream forms (it is 
implied) is the cause of the transgression of the Atridae. The 
apparitions of Helen in sleep are a poetical symbol for the brooding 
and longing regret of Menelaus, ultimately driving him to undertake the 
fatal expedition. Thus the dream forms, from this aspect, are literally 

1 Though I have printed Mr I Iousman's read Oopy. It would be quite in the 
bp$ (provisionally accepted by ^T|■^\'^•al]), manner of Aeschylus to picture Menelaus 

I <|iicMi(>n ii. I should In- inclined to leaping up in his bed to clasp the vision. 


the aOiKra, whose x a P ts or spe\\, thrown over the man, tempts and 
compels him to transgression. He should have seen that Helen was 
<x8lkto<;, like the dreams, and that it was vain (fidraios too has a double 
sense) to seek to touch her. 

(b) But there are some passages in the first part of this Ode to 
which a more distant echo answers, (i) The declaration in 1. 370 
that the theory which imputes to the gods disregard of transgressors is 
impious, is repeated in 1. 461, with a definition however of the 
particular form of transgression meant : t<Zv 7to\vkt6v<dv yap ovk oVoo-ko- 
7roi OcoL (2) Again to 8' vn-tpKortos k\v€iv ev fiapv 1. 469 repeats, in a 
special form, what was said about excessive prosperity in 377 sqq. 
(pkeovTwv SwfxaTuv vire'p<j>€v v-rrep to (iiXnarov. What was before ap- 
plied to the house of Priam is now repeated of the house of Atreus. 
(3) In both passages, with this denunciation of the 'excess' is closely 
connected a reference to moderate prosperity. 379 eorw 8' dirrip.avTov 
(sc. to (3c\tl<ttov), wot' dirapKfxv ev 7rpa7rioW Aa^o'vTa, 471 Kph'w 8 
d<f>6ovov 6\/3ov • p,7]T elrjv TTToX.nr6p97]<; prjT ovv euros aXovs vtt dWow (3lov 
Kcrn'Soi/xi 1 . (4) When the curse comes on the transgressor, there is no 
defence or aid: 381 ov yap eoriv giraMjts k.t.A., 466 iv 8' aiorois Te\e6ovTo<; 
ovtls aX.Kd. (5) In both cases similar expressions are used for the 
destruction which awaits the transgressor, 384 €ts a<£aVeiav, 465 eu 8' 
aurrois. (6) The remarkable metaphor from the rubbing of bad 
bronze in the first antistrophos is echoed in the last antistrophos. 
390 kukov 8e xoAkou rpoTrov 

Tpipw T€ kol irpocrPoX.ais 

p.eXap.Trayrj'i TreXet 

8iKcua>0eis — 

7roXet 7rpoo-Tpip.|Aa #eis acpeprov. 

This metaphor is not repeated, but another metaphor to the same 
intent is so expressed as to echo some of the words : 
461 KeXatvai 8' 'Epinks XP° vl i? 

rvxr]pov ovt avev StVas 7ra\ivTux € ^ 
xpipa Biov TiOela ap.avpov. 
It has not been definitely made out, what is the metaphor of 
iraXLvrvx^ Tpi/3a, but rpifia echoes Tptfi(i> and TrpoarpipLpa, both in sense 
and language, while the words dpavpov and /ceAaivat (of those who make 
dpavpov) recall /xeXa/x7rayr/s. The Erinyes are said to make the man 
dim, and this idea is carried on in words which follow 
pdXXtxai yap ooxrois AwOev Kepavvos. 
1 Of the last two words one is probably, both possibly, corrupt. 


The lightning of Zeus is hurled upon their eyes. This fiokrj of Zeus 
is an element in the fatal progress of their doom, and was to the 
transgressors of 1. 461 what 7rpoo-(3o\aU was to the SiKaiwfeis of 1. 393 ; 
/?aA.A.€Tat echoes 7rpocr/ 

(2) Another parallel is instituted between the grief of Menelaus 
for the loss of Helen, caused by the crime of Paris, and the grief of the 
Greeks at home for the loss of their fighting kinsfolk who fell at Troy 
through the crime of the Atridae. The parallel is worked out by 
echoing in the second description remarkable words which had been 
used in the first. As the length of this digression has already exceeded 
bounds, I will not enter into the details of comparison between these 
companion pictures. But one striking echo may be pointed out. The 
charm of the/air statues of Helen disappears as it were in the hatred of 
Menelaus for their blank gaze : 

416 €V|x6p<j>wv Se KoXocrawv 

Even so the fair bodies of the Greek warriors are lost in a land 
which hates them : 

453 6t]Ka<; 'IAiaSos yas 

£v'|xop<f>oi KaTe^ovaLV • €\- 

0pd 8' e^ovras eKpvij/ev. 

It appears then that the artifice of suggesting meanings by echoes 
was not confined to Pindar, although he practised it more systematically 
and more constantly than any other poet of whose work we have 
materials to judge. There is no reason to suppose that he originated 
the idea, but he may have been the first to develope it into a system. 
If we had the works of the early Greek lyric poets, we should doubtless 
be able to trace the evolution of this remarkable feature of Pindar's 
poetry. It might be conjectured that the 'responsion' is simply a 
subtle modification of the ' refrain ', a feature of the most primitive 
poetry. The refrain is reduced to a catchword ; and as poetry becomes 
more subtle and elaborate the catchwords and catch-phrases are varied, 
multiplied, refined ; the iteration becomes more than a mere iteration, 
and of itself adds an idea. Such a development is intelligible, but we 
have not the data for tracing it. 

Before leaving the subject, it is worth pointing out that Pindar 
sometimes takes a physical substance, bronze or gold, and rings signifi- 
cant changes throughout a poem. In the Tenth Nemean and in the 
Sixth Isthmian x«Ako?, in some form, occurs in each metrical system. 
In the Third Pythian, in the Fifth Nemean, in the Sixth and Seventh 


Olympians, the parts of the argument are connected by golden links. 
Silver has a special significance in the Ninth Olympian. Other sorts of 
words are effectively repeated in the same way ; for example, £cu/os and 
its cognates in the Seventh Nemean. ' Works ' are the keynote of the 
Eighth Olympian, and accordingly in the first epode we find epyu, in the 
second epyao-icus, in the third and in the fourth Ipya. Now it is worth 
noticing that Sophocles adopts the same artifice. In the first choral 
ode of the Oedipus Rex (beginning <S Atos dSve-rrh ^dn) a remarkable 
effect is won by this device. The bright abode of the Pythian Apollo is 
almost physically borne in upon us by the gold ringing through the hymn, 
(i) Ta9 TroXvxpva-ov Ylv6wvo<; 1. 151, (2) <5 XP 1 ' ' 6 ' 01 ? tckvov eA.7rtSos 1. 157, 
(3) <*> XP v<r€a Ovyarep Atos 1. 187, (4) xP va " o<TT / 3o/< / >C0V °"r' dyKvXav 1. 203, 
(5) ™" xpvo-o/ALTpav Te KLKXrjaKo} (Dionysus) 1. 209. We observe also the 
presence of Aglaia; (i) a'yAaa's 1. 152, (2) aiyXa? 1. 207, (3) ayAaa;7rt 
1. 213. By such a recurrence of physical symbols Sophocles has deter- 
mined the bright, hopeful atmosphere of this appeal to gracious deities. 

Thus Pindar, like most great poets, was highly artificial. But he 
hid his art so effectually that we are only now beginning to 
apprehend how thoroughly self-conscious his poetry really was. His 
utterances seem spontaneous ; his sentences flow without constraint ; 
and yet every word was weighed. It is not within my scope to enter 
here upon an aesthetic disquisition, but I may point out one significant 
fact. It may appear to many modern minds that the dominant note 
of the Odes of Victory is 'unregenerate' indeed; Pindar might be de- 
scribed as the poet of the 'pride of life '. He consorted continually with 
the great of the earth, he moved among the strong and the beautiful, 
where none was ' sick or sorry ', he derived his inspiration from success, 
being himself too intellectually successful in realising his desire of per- 
fection. Kingdom and victory, nobility and wealth, strength and 
comely limbs, dyXaia and evcppoawr), inherit his palaces of music. The 
impression left on the mind, after reading the Odes of Victory, is that 
'lo, the kings of the earth are gathered and gone by together'. Now it 
is a significant fact (for the Philosophy of History or the Philosophy of 
Aesthetic) that this Pride of Life, in its untroubled phase, found expres- 
sion in a spiritual art, which was flawless in the minutest details of order 
and diction, and yet moved in lofty places. It is thus suggested that 
where there has been no rending of the soul, art can be scrupulously 
accurate and achieve finite greatness; l avee Part chretien nous eprouvons 
le trouble et le dkhiremenf 1 . Euripides, in the Helena, describes the 

1 E. Scherer, Etudes critiques de litterature, vol. 1. p. 57. 
B. C 


life of Ganymede in the Olympian abode as xaWiydXrjvos, and no 
single word perhaps describes more properly the art in which the 
Greek spirit revealed its rhythm. The calmness of the atmosphere, 
in which that art lived, was untroubled, for 'the wind which bloweth 
where it listeth ' had not yet been loosed. 

'Un rhythme secret' M. Cherbuliez writes of the Greeks 'reglait 
leurs mouvements les plus vifs, et il se faisait, au fond de ces cceurs si 
bien gouvernes, comme le doux bruit d'une fete, dont une divinite, 
couronnee de fleurs, etait la supreme ordonnatrice '. A divinity crowned 
with flowers is a happy image for the spirit which presided over ' the 
delightful things in Hellas ' and illuminated Pindar's imagination. By 
the shores of the midland sea, not yet ' dolorous ', were raised, under 
a really benignant breath, palaces of music, shining afar, and statues 
of ivory and gold. Haggard forlorn faces, wizened forms did not 
haunt the soul, nor were there any yearnings to heavenward, Grace, 
which maketh the ways of men soft 1 , being arbitress then with undivided 
right and ' crowned with flowers ' in those bright pagan borders. The 
spirit of man, bland but without effeminacy, dwelling, as it were, in a 
strong and beautiful body, had no thought of the faintness of old age, 
no foreboding of a day when it should leave the broken shell, naked, 
stark, pallid — as the Roman Emperor conceived the soul sundered from 
the body, — and be swept along dreary ways into wild places and 
'devious coverts of dismay', which are known, at least partly, to those 
who live now, the experienced of the children of men. Pindar may 
well interest us as the most characteristic poet of that fortunate spirit. 

1 xapts 5' oi7rep a7ravTa rei'^et rd /xe[Xi%a op. cit. p. 16: 'Die Olympischen Gotter 

Ovarols (First Olympian, 1. 30), which werden durch menschliches Leid und 

means that men owe all their aesthetic Elend, welches in das Bild der einigen 

pleasures to Charis ; in other language, Schonheit der Welt nicht passen wild, 

Charis is the divinity of art and of the beleidigt; der Anblick von Leichen 

fairest things of nature. For Charis in verunreinigt sie '. 
Pindar see Appendix B. — Cf. Lubbert, 

2. The Construction of the Pindaric Ode. 

The question how the metrical divisions are related to the divisions 
of argument in Pindar's Odes, seems at first sight to present considerable 
difficulties. Does each ode, when we regard its matter, fall into divisions 
which do not coincide with the terminations of the strophic systems, or 
are the two sets of divisions coincident ? With this question I propose 
to deal. Before dealing with it, however, I must clear the ground by 
considering the ingenious but, as I hope to show, groundless theory of 
Westphal and Mezger concerning the construction of the Pindaric 

Westphal has sought to prove, that the hymn of Pindar is built on 
the same lines as the nome of Terpander 1 , and can be analysed into the 
parts of which the Terpandrian nome is said to have consisted 2 . Each 
hymn falls into three major divisions, (i) the dpxd, (2) the d/x^aXo? and 
(3) the (T(jypayi<;. The transition from the dpxd to the 6[x<paX6<; is 
called the KararpoTrd, that from the o'/A^aAos to the cr<£payi's is the /xera- 
KaraTpoTra.. In some hymns a Trpooifuov goes before the dpxd, and 
sometimes, though rarely, there is an i-n-apxa or transition from the 
Trpooipuov to the apx a ' 3, I n some hymns too there is an e£o'Siov ox finale, 
succeeding the <j<ppayi<;. 

Of these parts, the 6p,(f>a\6<;, as its name betokens, is the centre and 
kernel of the composition, and it contains the chief thought {Hauptge- 
danke) of the poem. Thus the nome of Terpander and, according to 
Mezger, the ode of Pindar resembled in structure the pediment of a 

1 Prolegomena zu Aese/iy/os' Tragb- in the Introduction to his edition of the 

dien, 1869. The theory, as worked out Olympian and Pythian Odes. 

by Mezger, was briefly criticised by Mr 2 Pollux, iv. 66. 

Mahaffy in the Preface to his History of 3 For example in the Thirteenth Olym- 

Greek Literature, vol. I. and ed. 1883; pian Ode, which has also an i^odiov, 

and afterwards by Professor Gildersleeve according to Mezger's analysis. 



temple. There is a central group, with antiphonic groups on either side 
which might be represented thus : 

KaTdTpOTra jxiTaKaraTpoTra. 

&PX<£ ccbp&pc 

7rpoo£[uovJ s'£68iov 

Mezger claims to have shown that these divisions underlie all Pindar's 
odes, except six, of which the compass is too short to admit of such 
elaboration, and the Eleventh ' Nemean ' which is not an ode of victory ; 
but even in these a triplicity, which suggests ap^a, o/xc/xxAo's and o-<£payis, 
can be traced. 

This idea sounds extremely plausible, but will not stand examina- 
tion. It must however be distinctly understood that his discovery of 
the verbal responsions in Pindar is really quite independent of West- 
phal's attempt to detect the Terpandrian nome lurking in the Odes of 
Victory. We can reject WestphaPs Terpandrian divisions, while we accept 
the new light thrown by Mezger on the lirluv 0«ris ; just as we might 
accept Fick's theory of the original language of the Odyssey, though 
we reject the special analysis of Kirchhoff on which Fick has worked. 

The considerations, which, in my judgment, are fatal to YVestphal's 
theory as worked out by Mezger, may be stated as follows : 

i. It implies that Pindar constructed his strophic system and his 
trains of thought quite independently ; it implies that the matter and 
form of each poem were totally unconnected 1 . For when the odes are 
analysed on the principle of the Terpandrian nome we find that the 
strophes are sometimes cut up, sometimes not, at haphazard, by the 
divisions of Mezger. Now this independence of matter and form is, a 
priori, highly unlikely; it is certainly not consonant with the spirit of 
Greek art. It devolved upon Westphal and Mezger to show cause for 
such a strange proceeding, and they have not done so. We know very 
little about Terpander's nome, but it certainly seems extremely probable 
that the corresponding parts corresponded in metre. As the dp-^d 
answered to the <r<£payis, we may conjecture that dpxd and o-^payt's were 
similar in metre. The KararpoTrd was taken up by the p.^raKaraTpoird, as 
the nomenclature indicates ; is it not probable that they were metrically 
the same? No such metrical correspondence can be found in Pindar; 

1 This obvious objection has of course Mr Gildersleeve's Pindar, Introductory 
been noticed by every critic who has Essay, p. lii. 
dealt with the question. Sec, fur example, 


and thus Mezger's theory implies that the Terpandrian divisions were 
transferred into a new metrical system for which they were not intended, 
without any attempt to compass a harmony between the old and the 
new. That such a consummate artist as Pindar would have been 
satisfied with this patchwork it is impossible to believe. 

2. Waiving the question of the metre, we find that Mezger's 
analysis of the Odes does not always conform to the structure of the 
Terpandrian nome. They do not all resemble a pediment, of which the 
6fx<fia\6<; forms the central group. For of some hymns the apx<* occupies 
the larger portion; in some the o-^payis begins before the middle. Thus 
the 6fjL<f>a\6<; is sometimes in the first half of the hymn and sometimes in 
the second 1 ; it is not always in the middle. Such flagrant inequalities 
in proportion, as well as the absence of correspondence in metre, throw 
discredit on the theory. 

3. If then neither fixed relations of metre nor fixed length are 
marks of the Terpandrian divisions in Pindar, it remains that they should 
be at least distinguished by some definite character in point of matter. 
Here certainly the champions of the nome seem to have something to 
urge for their cause. It is pointed out as the mark of the o'/x,<£aAo's that 
it contains the myth. But even this mark is not certain, and Mezger 
has to confess that there are six odes 2 in which the o/i^aAo's does not 
contain the myth. Allowing the exceptions to pass, we ask whether, 
after all, this observation proves anything. Supposing that there had 
never been any such thing as a Terpandrian nome, should not we expect 
to find, as a general rule, the illustrative legend placed somewhere in 
the middle of the poem? The natural conditions of such a work 
evidently demand that the poet should begin with his proper theme, 
that he should pass from it to the mythical tale which illustrates it, and 
that he should then return to his theme again. In certain cases some 
artistic effect may be gained by not returning again, as in the First and 
Tenth Nemean Odes. Now if Pindar's hymns conform to this obvious 
law of art, how can such a conformity prove any relationship to 
Terpander's nomes ? And the same argument applies to the KaTarpoird 
and jjLeTOLKaTCLTpoird. As a matter of course, there are transitions in 
Pindar's Odes. There must be a transition to the myth ; and the poet, 
as a rule, passes back again to the personal theme of the poem. But 

1 This doubtless is what Wilamowitz- welche Pindar auf das kreuz des terpan- 

Moellendorff means when he says (Euripi- drischen nomos schlagen '. 

des, Herakles, B. 1. p. 329 note) : 'Dies - Pythian I. and IX., Nemean I. and x., 

gedicht (New. 1.) und N. 10 diirfte man Isthmian II. and VI. 
zun'achst von den herrn erkliirt wiinschen, 


there is no sufficient reason for identifying these transitions with the 
catatropa and metacatatropa of the nome. It is true that there is 
constantly a connexion in idea between these parts, in the analysis of 
Mezger. But this does not amount to a proof, and, if it did, it would 
prove too much, for in every hymn there are parallelisms of idea in 
many places. Mezger also points out that in certain cases, where the 
KaraTpoTrd and fxeTaKaraTpoTrd happen to correspond partially in metre, 
there are verbal responsions. But this observation likewise proves too 
much ; for verbal responsions occur in all the parts, indifferently, and 
are not peculiar to these two divisions. 

It appears then that Mezger has produced no sufficient reason for 
identifying the divisions into which he has broken up the Odes of 
Pindar with the divisions of the Terpandrian nome, recorded by Pollux. 
It appears also that in point of form there is much to be said against 
this theory ; for it involves divisions which are neither symmetrical in 
length nor confederate with the metre. 

4, If Pindar really did adopt the structure of the Terpandrian nome 
as his refyios, it is very strange that he makes no allusion to it. For 
such an allusion would have been quite in his manner. It seems 
almost certain that he would have sometimes hinted at those charac- 
teristic names, the seal and the navel. As no such an allusion is to be 
found in the Odes, there is, to my mind, a presumption that these 
names were not the keywords of his t€#/x.os. 

We may then set aside as groundless the doctrine that Pindar built 
his odes by the canon of the Terpandrian nome. We must also set aside 
the misleading comparison of a Pindaric Ode to the pediment of a 
temple. If there had been any real analogy between the Theban and 
the Corinthian eagles, Pindar would not have failed to remark it 1 . He 
would have eagerly grasped the opportunity of likening his hymns to 
pediments, just as he likens them occasionally to statues and often to 

Of one fact at least as to the construction of Pindar's hymns we are 
assured. We know that those hymns, which were to be sung by a 
chorus in procession, consist of a number of repetitions of a strophe ; 
hence they are called monostrophic. We know that the stasima, which 

1 In 01. XIII. 2r Pindar mentions the comparison between the deros and his 

pediment (derds) as an invention of the own odes. It seems to me that too much 

Corinthians, along with the curb and the is made of this passage in the admirable 

dithyramb, (tIs...6€u>v vao'taiv oiiovQv /3cun- essay on 'Pindar's Odes of Victory' in 

X<?a 5l8v/xov iirid-qK ;) but he suggests no the Quarterly Review (Jan. 1886) p. 171. 


were sung by a standing chorus, consist of a number of repetitions of a 
system. By system I mean the metrical group which consists of strophe, 
antistrophos and epode. These are the obvious elementary facts about 
the form of Pindar's Odes. The problem is to determine how the 
matter is related to the form. It would be inconsistent with the first 
principles of all Greek literary art to suppose that no such relation 
existed. It would be absurd to imagine that Pindar constructed his 
odes on two discordant systems without any attempt to harmonise 
them, or that he adopted a form which had no relation to the matter. 
This problem chiefly concerns the stasima. The monostrophic hymns, 
which are comparatively few in number, present little difficulty. 

If all the hymns were like the Eleventh 'Nemean', the problem 
would be easily solved. That composition consists of three systems, 
and each system is an unity in itself. The divisions of matter and form 
in this case absolutely coincide. The whole poem is an unity ; but it is 
built up of three subordinate unities of equal length. This hymn 
however is exceptional ; it is not the Pindaric type. In the first place, 
all the odes are not formally threefold. Of the extant odes, nine 
(including ' Nemean ' xi.) consist of three systems, eleven consist of 
four systems, and eleven consist of five systems. In the long Fourth 
Pythian there are thirteen repetitions of the metrical unit. Thus odes 
consisting of three systems are in the minority. In the second place 
we cannot in the other odes distinguish subordinate unities punctually 
coinciding with the metrical unities, as in the Eleventh ' Nemean '. 
In most cases the train of thought and the grammar run on from one 
system into another. 

The inference which we are entitled to draw is clear. The Eleventh 
' Nemean ' represents an older type, against which Pindar's other odes 
are a reaction. It is a misfortune that no complete ode remains from 
the workshop of Stesichorus, who had the glory of inventing the system 
of strophe, antistrophos and epode. But we may consider it probable 
that the Eleventh ' Nemean ' represents the Stesichorean type. I have 
little doubt that in the hymn of Stesichorus each system was a 
subordinate unity, shut up in itself. My contention is supported by 
the circumstance that the Eleventh ' Nemean' is just the work which we 
might expect to represent an older form. For it is the only one of 
Pindar's extant odes which is not an ode of victory. It was composed 
for the eisitcria of a prytanis of Tenedos, and in a hymn for such an 
occasion Pindar was more likely to be conservative. 

We are now much nearer to a solution of our problem. In 
proposing that problem we have a certain standard in our minds. Our 


standard is a hymn in which the divisions of matter and the divisions of 
form should punctually coincide ; and as we see at the first glance that 
Pindar does not conform to such a standard, we ask, why? Had he 
some other canon ? But now we have advanced to another point of 
view, and we have at least reason for suspecting that Pindar was 
purposely avoiding the very standard, which we might have expected 
him to adopt. 

The type of the Eleventh ' Nemean ' is directly opposed to the 
divisions which Mezger has sought to establish in the epinician hymns. 
In the former case there is absolute coincidence in the partitions of 
matter and form ; in the latter case there is no coincidence at all ; or, if 
there is occasionally, it is purely accidental. Now a careful examination 
of all the odes shows that Pindar followed neither of these plans. The 
principle assumed by Mezger would indeed never have occurred to him ; 
for it is thoroughly inartistic. But the other principle was doubtless the 
established canon of the Stesichorean hymn, and Pindar must have had 
a definite design in abandoning it. 

It is not difficult to see Pindar's motive here. The sheer divisions 
between the parts of the hymn produce a stiff and unpleasing effect. 
The full stops interrupt the flow ; and the unity of the whole is to some 
extent sacrificed to the integrity of the parts. The want of transitions 
is felt. We can appreciate this stiffness of effect in the Eleventh 
' Nemean ', and we can understand how much was gained by abandoning 
that type, when we compare with it one of the epinicians. 

What Pindar had to do then was to break down the wall of partition 
between the metrical systems. While he preserved the general corre- 
spondence between divisions of thought and divisions of metre, it was 
his aim to make the whole ode as far as possible continuous. Wherever 
the sense is obviously continuous, it makes little difference whether the 
systems are syntactically connected or not. Such is the case, for 
example, in the narration of a story. It is when a new system introduces 
a new division of the composition that Pindar is careful to avoid a 
break or a full stop. He tries, as it were, to disguise the division by an 
intentional overlapping. Sometimes indeed, though rarely, we find an 
absolute break,- — a survival of the old method ; but in such cases some 
special effect is aimed at. In many cases the continuity is formally 
preserved by a relative pronoun or a relative adverb, at the beginning of 
the new system. But most often there is an overlapping ; the last words 
of an cpode belong to the following strophe or the first words of a 
strophe belong to the foregoing epode. Occasionally the overlapping is 
considerable, but in these cases there was generally a special motive. 


There is some reason for conjecturing that in his later years Pindar 
handled his transitions with much greater freedom than in his early 

The comparison which Pindar institutes between his odes and works 
of architecture 1 throws light on his procedure. He likens his works not 
to pediments but to palaces. Holding to this metaphor, we may regard 
the metrical systems as the rooms of the palace ; the first for example 
being the Tr P 68v P ov, as ' the mason ' himself suggests in the opening lines 
of the Sixth Olympian. According to the old type, the systems were like 
unconnected compartments, each shut into itself. Pindar's improvement 
was to open the doors of connexion ; in his odes, each chamber com- 
municates with that which follows, so that the Muse can sweep on 
unhindered from ingress to egress. 

In order to establish this it will be necessary to consider briefly each 
ode separately. For our present purpose we may divide the odes, 
according to the number of systems, into four classes: Odes (i) of 3 
systems, (2) of 4 systems, (3) of 5 systems; (4) the Fourth Pythian, 
consisting of 13 systems. It is worthy of observation that there are no 
odes of two systems 2 . 

I. All the odes of three systems are tripartite in matter as well 
as in metre. The mythical part is generally in the centre, but not 

(1) I begin with the Sixth Nemean because it contains a survival 
of the want of continuity which characterised the old type. The third 
system begins abruptly, without any attempt at a transition ; and this 
is certainly unlike the usual procedure of Pindar. The connexion 
between the first and second systems is smoothed by the relative «re£ 
In this hymn the myth is in the third part. 

(2) In the Eighth Nemean (a) the first line of strophe 2 (beginning 
with o(TTT€p) is closely connected with the last line of epode 1. The 
second division of the ode properly begins in the second line of the 
strophe. (/>) The other transition is smoothed by tolovtov at the 
beginning of the 3rd system, referring to the last words of the 2nd 
epode. The myth is in the centre. 

(3) The second transition (from the second to the third system) 
in the Fifth Nemean is very skilfully managed. The myth, which 

1 Furtwangler (in die Siegesgesange des 2 Thus Bergk's conjecture that the 

Pindaros) has worked out curiously a 3rd 'Isthmian' (ace. to his numbering) 

parallel between the Pindaric Ode and originally consisted of two triads, of which 

the Greek temple. one has been lost, was not happy. 


occupies the second division of the hymn, leads, quite naturally, up to 
Poseidon, and in Poseidon's company we pass from legend to the 
Isthmus and athletic victories won there. The third strophe begins 

yafxfipov noeraSawva 7r£iVais, 6s Alya$ev k.t.X. 

This is one of Pindar's most strikingly successful transitions. 

On the other hand the first and second systems of this hymn are 
not connected; but the want of connexion is intentional. Pindar 
notifies this by calling a halt, as it were, at the end of the first epode : 


and the second strophe begins abruptly a new subject, with the 
usual 81 

(4) The Third Olympian affords another example of a very 
successful transition, (a) The myth of Heracles visiting the Hyper- 
boreans and obtaining there the olive tree to plant at Olympia occupies 
the central system. It is thus introduced 

epode 1 

. . .y\avKO)(poa Kocrfiov eXatas, rav Trore 
"l(TTpov diro (TKiapdv 7rayav eveiKev ' AfAcpLTpvoividSas 
[xvafxa. twv OvXvfJLiria. kolXXlcttov aeOXwv, 

strophe 2 
Sdfxov 'YTrep/3op£<»v 7r£i<rais k.t.X. 

We thus pass to a new part, without a break in the continuity, (b) 
The conclusion of the legend extends a short way into the third 
system ; but only such a part of it as closely bears on the Olympian 
festival to which the poet then returns. 

(5) The Second Isthmian is marked by the absence of the mythical 
element. In both the transitions there is an overlapping, (a) The 
Isthmian victory of Xenocrates leads us from the first system to the 
second, in which past victories at other festivals are recorded, (b) 
The first two lines of the third system are connected not with what 
follows but with what precedes. 

(6) In the Fifth Isthmian (Bergk's numbering) the myth is in the 
centre, (a) The last sentence of epode 1 overflows into strophe 
2 — Tai/S' es evvo/xov ttoXiv, and in this position these words become 
very emphatic. (b) The third system is connected with the second 
by the relative touxiv, referring to heroes mentioned in epode 2. 

(7) The legend of Telamon occupies the middle system of the 
Sixth Isthmian (Bergk's numbering), (a) It is introduced thus : 


ovS" ecrTLV ovto) /Sctp/Ju-pos ovt€ TraXiyyXcucnros 7roXis 
an? ov n^Xeos...KX£o<j... 

strophe 2 

ouS' arts Ai'ai/Tos TeXa/xwvtaSa 


kcu 7raTpos* tov k.t 

(£) The legend runs on into the 3rd strophe, occupying no less than 
five lines. This excessive overlapping requires an explanation ; and the 
explanation clearly is that the poet wished to make the words of the 
prophet, contained in these lines, particularly emphatic, and to point 
their application to the matter in hand. 

(8) In the Seventh Isthmian (Bergk's numbering) the mythical 
matter is in the first part, (a) The transition from the first to the 
second system is divided between them both : 

...dfxvd[xov€S Se j3poTOi, 
strophe 2 

6,Tl [AT] (TCN^iaS K.T.X. 

(I)) The second and third system also overlap : 

a7T£7rv€was akiniav 

strophe 3 
irpo[J.d\oiV dv ofjaXov, 'ivv k.t.X. 

at which point Pindar leaves Strepsiades prrpw?. 

In regard, then, to the odes of three systems we see that each 
consists of three parts, coincident in form and matter. Eight such 
epinician odes are extant, and in these eight there are consequently 
16 cases of transition from system to system. In only two of the 
16 cases is there an absolute break; and one of these two breaks is 

II. Odes of four systems are of three kinds, bipartite, tripartite, 
and quadripartite. They are bipartite when there is a close connexion 
between systems 1 and 2, and between systems 3 and 4. They are 
tripartite when systems 2 and 3 form an unity. They are quadripartite 
when each system stands by itself. Of the eleven odes of this structure, 
three are bipartite {Nemean I., Pythian v., and Isthmian iv.), five 
tripartite {Pythian x., Nemean in., Olympians 1., vin., IX.) and three 
quadripartite {Isthmian 1., Pythian 11. and xi.). 

(1) The First Nemean is bipartite, the myth occupying the second 
half. The introduction to the myth begins in the second epode, where 
the birth of Heracles is related ; but the main tale of the battle with 


the serpents does not begin till the third strophe. Pindar signifies this 

by the resumption of ws, 

epode 2 

t j \ 
(OS C7T61 

strophe 3 

to? ov Xa6<av k.t.A. 

The second o5? is as much as to say : ' the last two lines of the epode 
were an anticipation ; we are now really entering on the second part of 

the hymn'. 

In the two subordinate transitions there is no loss of continuity. 
eVc^av (last line of epode 1) and iarav 8' (first line of strophe 2) have 
the same subject. The fourth system continues the tale of Heracles. 

(2) The Fifth Pythian falls into two parts, and the myth occupies 
part of the second. The transition is made by the relative o at the 
beginning of strophe 3. The subordinate transitions are cases of 

overlapping 1 . 

(3) The Fourth Isthmian (according to Bergk's numbering) is 
bipartite ; the first part is concerned rather with the family of the victor 
Melissus, the second part with himself. The transition is managed 
cleverly. Ajax at the end of the 2nd epode suggests Homer who 
honoured him, and thus leads to the power of poetry. The two 
subordinate transitions in this ode are marked by grammatical con- 

(4) The Tenth Pythian, Pindar's earliest extant hymn, is tripartite, 
the myth coming in the central division, (a) The first words of strophe 
2 and the last of epode 1 form one idea, 

'Ittolto {JLolpa KO.I V(TT€pat(TlV 
iv a/xepais dydvopa ttXovtov avOuv o-cfuaw 

strophe 2 

TtoV 8' €V 'EAAaSl T€p7TVC0V 


The central part consists of general reflexions and the Hyperborean 
myth. (t>) There is a break between systems 3 and 4, but Pindar 
prepares for a new subject by the last words of epode 3, 

€yKco/>uW yap awTos vpvwv 

iir aXXor' aAAov one /u.eA.icr(ra dvvti Xo'yov. 

1 It might be thought that the return connected with Cyrene that such a divi- 
from the myth to Aicesilaus in the end sion was unnecessary, and Pindar clearly 
of the 4th strophe ought to mark a new intended to emphasize the intimate con- 
division. But the myth is so intimately nexion formally. 

INTR OD UCTION. xl i i i 

(5) The mythical narratives in Nemean m. fill the second and 
third systems, and thus it is tripartite, (a) The transition is skilful. 
The proverbial pillars of Heracles introduce the myth of Heracles in the 
western sea. 

ovkItl — 

Kiovw v7T€p 'HpaKXeos nepdv euwapes, 

strophe 2 

^pws #cos as K.T.X. 

(If) The first line of strophe 4 belongs in sense to the preceding 

epode : 

•n/Xairyes apape </>e'yyos Ata»a8aV avroOev. 

But at the same time it lights us forward as well as backward. 

In the subordinate division between systems 2 and 3 there is a 

(6) The First Olympian is tripartite, (a) The first and second 
systems overlap. Preparations for the myth begin in epode 1. (b) 
The myth runs over into the fourth strophe, but so as to bring us back 
to the Alpheus. 

(7) The Eighth Olympian is also tripartite, (a) The transition 
from system 1 to system 2 is thus managed : 

d(TK€LTai ®e/ 
strophe 2 

€$0\ dv6p<J)7riDV. 

(If) The third part is begun at the end of the 3rd epode 
vvv pikv avTu! ye'pas 'AXxipebiov k.t.X. 

(8) The Ninth Olympian falls into three parts, (a) The myth is 

thus introduced : 

epode 1 

aya0oi Se kclI ao<f>ol Kara Sat/xov' avSpes 

strophe 2 

eyevovT . €7ret k.t.A. 

(if) Part 3 begins in the penultimate line of the 3rd epode 

TTpo£cvia 8' upera t r]\0ov k.t.X. 

(9) The First Isthmian naturally resolves itself into four parts, 
corresponding to the four systems, (a) The myth, which is placed in 
the second system, begins in the last line of the 1 st epode : 

KiLl'OL yap Tjpwixfl' K.T.A.. 


(b) The theme of the third system is introduced in the last lines of the 
2nd epode, and there is grammatical continuity : — tclv Ao-wTroSwpov 7rarpos atcrav 

strophe 3 
'Op^o/xevolo Te TraTpitiav apovpav, k.t.X. 

(c) Between the 3rd and 4th systems there is a break, strophe 4 
beginning thus : 

a.p.p.1 8 eotK€ Kpovou (tci(tl\6ov vlov k.t.X. 

But the abruptness is much lessened by the circumstance that he is 
proceeding to carry out what he said in the 2nd epode: 

eyco 8e IlocretSawvi T 'Icx#/ac3 TC...7repiCTTe'XXwv aoiSai', 

cyw is taken up by, and IlocreiSaojn by aeio-L^Oov vlov. 

(10) The Second Pythian consists of four parts, (a) The myth 
of Ixion is introduced in epode 1. (b) There is a sharp break between 
systems 2 and 3, but there was a special intention here. Pindar wished 
to emphasize 0eos, the opposition of 610L and fipoToi being an important 
element in the ode. The 3rd strophe begins 

#eos cnrav cVi FeA/TrtSecrcri T€K/x,ap avverai, 

#€09, O KCU K.T.X. 

Thus the word is emphasized in two ways, by its abrupt introduction 
and by its repetition, (c) The fourth part begins in the last line of 
epode 3, and there is grammatical continuity. 

(n) The Eleventh Pythian is peculiar. It falls into four parts, 
but Pindar suggests that it was very nearly becoming a poem of three 
parts, (a) The relative tov St/ connects the second system, which is 
occupied with the myth of Orestes, and the first, (b) The myth runs 
on into the third system, so that we expect it to occupy two systems. 
But at the beginning of the 3rd antistrophos Pindar pulls himself up 
with these remarkable words 

r/ p, w <pi\oi, kclt apavaiTTOpov Tpiohov iStvdd-qv, 
opOav KeXevOov iwv Tonptv' rj p.i Tts ave/x.os e£u> ttXoov 
epaAcv cos or aKCLTov eivaAtav; 

This is a sort of apology for not concluding the myth at the end of the 
second epode. Of course the apology is ironical ; iSivdOrjv and e^w 
ttXoov are also ironical; for it was with a design that Pindar let the myth 
overflow. Nevertheless his words indicate that he was doing an 
unusual thing. The result is that the third division of the hymn 
consists partly of matter that might seem to belong to the second 


division, partly of matter that might seem appropriate to the fourth 

division and partly of an explanation of the irregularity. (c) The 

fourth part begins with 

dtoOev ipaifxr]v kclXujv 

n the second line of strophe 4. 

In the eleven Odes, which have four systems, we have met two 
cases of an abrupt transition (in the First Isthmian and the Second 
Pythian), and in both these cases we have seen that there are reasons 
which mitigate or explain the abruptness. 

III. Eleven of the remaining Pindaric odes have five metrical 
systems, and these systems are combined in various ways, (a) The 
favourite type is that in which systems 2, 3 and 4 are closely connected; 
thus — 

1 = 2 + 3+4 = 5. 

To this type belong Olympians 11., vi., vn., x. and Nemean vn. (/>) 
Another symmetrical form is 

1 + 2 = 3 = 4 + 5. 

The First and Eighth Pythians are thus constructed. (<r) The Third 
and Ninth Pythians are bipartite, a continuous narration running 
through the first three systems : 

1 + 2+3 = 4 + 5. 

(d) The Thirteenth Olympian and (e) the Tenth Nemean have each 
four parts, but not distributed exactly in the same way : 

(d) 1 = 2 = 3 + 4 = 5 

(e) 1 = 2 = 3 = 4 + 5. 

We may consider the Odes in this order. 

(1) In the Second Olympian (a) the last sentence of epode 1 runs 
into strophe 2 and {b) the myth is concluded in the beginning of 
strophe 5. 

(2) In the Sixth Olympian (a) there is a pause between the first 
and second systems. Strophe 2 begins thus : 

'12 4>tvTi9, ctAAa &v£ov 17877 //.oi aOevos -q^iov^v. 

The abruptness is happy, for it gives the effect of making haste to reach 
Olympia. (/>) The transition from system 4 to system 5 is veiled by 
grammatical continuity. 

(3) The transitions in the Seventh Olympian are managed by 


relatives ; (a) toIo-lv connects system 2 with system 1 and (b) t60i 
connects system 5 with system 4. 

(4) In the Tenth Olympian, (a) a general remark in the last two 
lines of epode 1, followed by a general reflexion in the first two lines of 
strophe 2, forms the transition to the myth, (b) The third part begins 
in the last line of the 4th epode. 

(5) The three central systems of the Seventh Nemean belong 
closely together, although the mythical part ends in the third strophe. 
By this means Pindar has indicated that the myths are intimately 
connected with the words which he addresses to Thearion in the 3rd 
epode and with what he says to Sogenes in the 4th strophe and anti- 
strophos. (a) The transition to the myths is a criticism of Homer 
which begins in the last lines of epode 1. (b) The third part of the 
ode begins at the end of the 4th epode — XiyovTi yap Alaxov k.t.X. 

(6) Of the First Pythian (a) the second part, which occupies the 
third system, begins in the second line of strophe 3 : dvSpa 8' e'yw 
neivov k.t.X. (b) The fourth system is connected with the third by the 
relative to. 


(7) In the Eighth Pythian (a) the transition from the second to the 
third system is skilful : 

epode 2 

Aoyov ^epeis 
tov ovirep ttot OikAcos 7tgus ev e7rra777;Aois ISojv 
®r){3<xi<; vlovs alvL$a.TO Trapp-ivovTas cu^pa, 

strophe 3 

07TOT' G7J-' "ApyCOS 7)\v6oV K.T.X. 

It will be observed that while the narration is continuous we do not 
know that we are to have the myth until the third strophe begins, (b) 
Between the third and fourth systems there is an apparent break. 
Strophe 4 begins with an address to Apollo : 

TV 8 , €KttTa/3oAe, 7TuVSoK01' 

vaov cvKXta Siave'pwi/ 
IIu#covos ev yvdXois k.t.X. 

But as Delphi is directly suggested in the last lines of epode 3, 

(v7rai'Tao"£V Iovtl ya<; Sp-cpaXov nap' aot'8tpoi' 
p.avTevp.a.Tit)v t i<pd\f/aTo crvyyovoLcri re^vats) 

the passage to the last part of the hymn is not really abrupt. In fact 
this case might be quoted to illustrate Pindar's care in smoothing 


(8) The myth occupies the first three systems of the Third Pythian. 
The 3rd epode leads gradually up to the An-vouos &V09, 

6s %vpa.KO(T<Taia-i ve/xei ($acri\zv<s — Strophe 4. 

(9) Between the two parts of the Ninth Pythian there is, super- 
ficially, a sharper division than usual. The myth ends in the middle of 
epode 3, the rest of which is occupied by a declaration of the victory 
achieved by Telesicrates : 

/cat vvu kv UvOwvl vtv [KupaVav] dyaOea KapvciaSa 

■uios eti^aXc? crvv€fu£e tu^cx, 

h'9a j't/cacrais dvecpave K-vpdvav a vtv evcppwv Se^toi 

KaWiyvvaiKi TTOLTpa 

86£av [pieprav dyayovr aVo AeAc/xov. 

strophe 4 
aptTcu 8' atet /xeyaAai TroXvpvBoi ' 
/?ata 8' iv p.a.Kpol(Ti 7roi/a'A\eiv 
aKoa (robots' 6 Se Kaipos 0/i.otws 
7ravTos c^ci KOpv<pdv. 

The last lines of the epode in the strictest sense belong to the first part 
of the hymn. The myth is both preceded and followed by notifications 
of Telesicrates' victory ; and these lines express in a new way the idea 
which the first lines of the hymn had already stated. Thus we come to 
a full stop at the word AcAc/Wv, and if the hymn had ended here we 
might have thought it a complete composition, dperal 8' ahl //.eya'Acu 
seems to begin anew, and although we apprehend on reflexion that the 
general expression is suggested by the particular dperd of Telesicrates, just 
mentioned, still it cannot be denied that there is as rough a break here 
between the systems, as either of the breaks in the Eleventh Nemean. 
It may be that by this break Pindar wished to introduce with solemn 
emphasis his thoughts about Opportunity ; for this idea is the feature of 
the ode, called by Mezger ' Das Hohelied von Kcupo's '. 

(10) In the Thirteenth Olympian (a) there is a sufficient break 
between systems 1 and 2 to invest the prayer to Zeus with a due 
solemnity. The first system eulogizes Corinth and strophe 2 begins 

vrrar tvpvavdo-cruiv 

kol rov8e Xaov d{$\a(3rj vep.wv k.t.A. 
There is no stiffness in a transition like this. (/;) There is sufficient 



connexion of thought between the end of epode 2 and the first lines of 
strophe 3 to obviate the unpleasant effect of a complete break. 

cos p-av craves 
ovk av eiSei^v Xiyeiv ttovtio.v \j/dcj><j)v dpLVfAOV. 

strophe 3 


f^erpov vomeral 8e Ktupos apicrro?. 
(<:) There is a greater break between systems 4 and 5. 

epode 4 

S(.acrto7racTO/i.tu en /xopov iyu>, 

rov 8' ev OiAv/x7rco <j)a.Tvai Ztjvos dp^alat StKovrat. 

strophe 5 
tji.1 8' ev0w a/covTcov 
Icvra pofifiov irapd (tkottov ov xpr) k.t.X. 

Here the emphatic repetition of the first personal pronoun helps to 
bridge across a passage to the new system. 

(n) In the Tenth Nemean (a) the first line of strophe 2 refers 
directly to the theme of system 1. (b) There is a slight break between 
systems 2 and 3, but the subject of the verb (e/xoXev) in the last line of 
epode 2 is directly addressed in the first line of strophe 3. (c) The 
third epode leads up to the myth. The direct continuity is superficially 
broken by the interposed reflexion (nal fxdv 9e<Zv ttio-tov -yevos) at the end 
of epode 3. 

From this analysis it appears that in the eleven odes consisting of 
five metrical systems, there is only one case of an abrupt division, 
without an apparent motive, namely in the Ninth Pythian. 

IV. The Fourth Pythian stands by itself as the only surviving 
specimen of an ode exceeding in length the measure of five systems. 
It falls naturally into three parts, the myth extending from strophe 4 to 
epode n. Thus: 

1 + 2 + 3 = 4+. .. + 11 = 12 + 1 3. 

(a) The first transition is on this wise : 

a7ro 8' auToi> eyco Mouraitri 8ajcrto 
Kai to Trayxpvcrov volkos Kpiov" fxera yap 

Keivo TrXtvauvTtDV Mtvvdv, c9eoVop.7roi crtpicriv rifxal tpvTcvOev. 

strophe 4 

Tts yap apx 7 } 'k&c^olto vavTiAias ; k.t.X.. 



(/>) We are prepared for the end of the myth and the approach of 
the third part by the first words of the i ith epode (fxaKpd p.01 veio-Oai kolt 
dfxa^LTov k.t.X.). The end of the legend, rapidly told, runs over into the 
1 2 th strophe, where it loses itself in the early history of Cyrene. 

The result of this investigation is that the avoidance of abrupt 
transitions is a distinct feature of Pindar's art, and that this feature tends 
to disguise the agreement which really exists between the metre-groups 
and the subject-groups (if I may be permitted to use these expressions) 
of his odes. There are a few cases in which the clefts of metre are 
not bridged over by a close connexion of grammar or sense ; but they 
are few, and mostly designed to produce a special effect. There are 
only two cases where no cause for the abruptness is apparent, in (i) the 
Sixth Nemean and (2) the Ninth Pythian; and even of these the 
second possibly admits of explanation. 

The strange expression which Pindar uses of his own improvements 
in art, vcocriyaXov cvpovn rpo-xov (O/. in. 4), may allude partly to his 
smooth transitions. In any case it is a metaphor from the craft of the 
mason or the carpenter, not from the craft of the sculptor ; for words in 
the context show that the construction of the hymn is compared to the 
building of a house. 

©77'ptovos 'OXv/x7rLOVLKav vjxvov opGwcrais, aKa^avT07roSa)i/ 


e7rci . . . crri(pavoL 
7rpa<T(TovTL pa tovto #eo8[AaTov xpeos, 
fpopfityya re 7roi/«Aoyapw koi {3odv avXwv £7reW T€ 0€<riv (laying of words) 

(TVfJifU^ai 7Tp€7TO J'TO)5. 

The adjective o-tya\o'ets is used in Homer of vVepana as well as of 
seats (#poVos), reins, linen garments &c. ; and vcoo-tyaXos suggests the 
high polish, obtained by new methods, of the chambers of Pindar's 

In conclusion I must briefly notice the monostrophic Odes, intended 
to be sung in procession. They are built on the same principles as the 
stasima. The strophe takes the place of the system. Thus the Twelfth 
Pythian, consisting of 4 strophes, is constructed in the same way as the 
Tenth Pythian which consists of 4 systems. The 2nd and 3rd strophes 
containing the myth hang closely together. A relative pronoun 
connects the 2nd strophe with the 1st, while there is grammatical 
continuity between the 3rd and 4th. The Eighth Isthmian (to Clean- 

d 2 


dros of Aegina), consisting of seven strophes, is similarly constructed 
(1 + 2 = 3 + 4+5 + 6 = 7), and the transitions are equally smooth. The 

formula of the Second Nemean (5 strophes) is 1 + 2 = 3=4 + 5; the 
central strophe being mythical. The Fourth Nemean has twelve 
strophes, of which the central six contain the mythical element ; (a) the 
first transition is skilful and (b) the return from myth-land is formally 
announced in the end of the 9th strophe. The transitions in the 

Sixth Pythian (1 + 2 = 3 + 4 + 5 = 6) are also smooth. The Ninth 
Nemean falls into two parts, a mythical and a non-mythical, which 
meet in the 6th or central strophe. But this poem suggests more than 
anything else a series of scenes, passing into each other, on a running 
frieze, like that of the Parthenon cella. And this comparison illus- 
trates the feature of Pindar's art, which it has been the object of this 
essay to illustrate and emphasize. The metrical systems of the older 
Odes, typified by the Eleventh Nemean, might be compared to a series 
of metopes, kept apart by the intervening triglyphs; whereas the 
Pindaric hymn resembled rather a continuous frieze, without blanks. 
But it should be remembered that the truest analogy for the Pindaric 
Ode, and that sanctioned by the artist himself, is the analogy of a house 
or palace 1 . 

As to the construction of the strophe itself, it is not my intention to 
say much. I determined to exclude from this edition the abstruse and 
repulsive subject of 'colometry', for I could not find that it contributed 
to the comprehension of Pindar's meaning or that it gave much assist- 
ance towards the enjoyment of his rhythms. But I have taken 
advantage of Dr M. Schmidt's studies on the Stropheiibau of the 
Pindaric Ode (which indeed involve the rejection of colometry) and 
I have incorporated his results in the metrical analysis of each hymn. 
It seemed quite unnecessary to give any account of the new methods 
of treating Greek metres, of which J. H. H. Schmidt has been the chief 
exponent. The mysteries of irrational syllables, cyclic dactyls, synco- 
pation, fxoLKpal TpLo-rj/jLoi &c. have been familiar to English students 

1 It is unnecessary to introduce into of three systems, as I have been unable 

this discussion the four short Odes of one to satisfy myself that it is the work of 

system (Olymp. IV., x., XII. and Pytli. Pindar. As for the Third 'Isthmian', 

vii.) or the Fourteenth Olympian which see my paper in IIer»iathena, vol. XVI., 

consists of two strophes. I have omitted 1890. 
the Fifth Olympian from my list of hymns 


since the publication of Professor Jebb's Oedipus Rex. The subject 
has also been treated, in special reference to Pindar, in Mr Gilder- 
sleeve's edition of the Olympian and Pythian Odes. 

The symmetrical arrangements of p-tycOy, or groups of feet, which 
M. Schmidt has discovered in the strophes and epodes, seem to me 
superior to the analyses of J. H. H. Schmidt and Westphal. Occasionally 
these constructions compass or conduce to an aesthetic effect ; as for 
example in the first epode of the Eleventh Nemean 

(A) dvSpa. 8' eyw piaKapii^w p,\v Trarep Ap/cecriAai/, 
Kal to OarjTuv Se/xas drpefxiav T€ ^vyyovov. 

(A') €t 8e tis 6'AySov e^wi' /xoptjia tx e pa p.ev<T€T at ak\wv, 
ev r aiOXotcnv aptcrreucoi/ e7reSet^ev (ilaV 

(B) Ovarii p.ep,va(r8io irepLCTTeXXaiv p.eXrj 

Kal TtXtvTav airavTiav -yav e7n,e<xo"o/xei/os. 

Here the structure is epodic. Upon the two parts A and A' (corre- 
sponding in the number and character of their feet), which describe the 
advantages of the man who is deemed happy, supervenes an epode (B), 
metrically dissimilar, with the suggestion of death supervening on the 
fair things of life. Thus the metrical structure deepens the effect of 
the words, — they have almost the sound of a knell. That the effect 
might have been deepened still more by the accompanying music, we 
can well imagine. 

3. The Text. 

The most important mss. for the text of the Nemean and Isthmian 
Odes are the Vatican B (of the 1 2th century) and the Medicean D (B). 
Unfortunately the Ambrosian (A), which has preserved some important 
variants, contains only the first twelve Olympian hymns. All the mss. ' 
of Pindar are derived from a single archetype ; and there are con- 
siderations which show that this archetype was of late date. The 
principles adopted by its author in arranging the verses set at defiance 
the metrical doctrines of the Alexandrine grammarians, and betray 
complete ignorance of the studies of Aristophanes in the field of lyric 
poetry. Hence Christ deduces that this lost ms. was written long after 
the days of Alexandrine learning. 

It is a matter of importance for the purposes of textual criticism to 

reach some conclusion as to the comparative values of the fountain 

of our mss. and the Pindaric scholia. It is generally confessed that 

some German scholars have gone to unwarranted extremes in eliciting 

emendations from the scholia ; but even judicious editors have, in 

my opinion, given them undue weight. These scholia are founded 

on a Pindaric commentary composed by Didymus, who lived about the 

Christian aera ; but citations from the grammarian Herodian prove 

that they were compiled at a time subsequent to the middle of the 


1 Of less importance are B (Augusta- ' emendations ' of these students of the 

nus C) and B (Augustanus E"). Besides 15th century, and have little value; some- 

these, mss. contain Nem. 1., II., III. and times however they have a reading which 

iv. 11. 1 — 68 : namely V (Parisinus A), deviates from the old MSS. and rests per- 

X Estensis B, X (Estensis A), these two haps on some lost scholium. Thus in 

also containing Nem. VI. 34 — 44 ; also 01. vi. 83, <x /x' iQ&Xovra wpocrt'XKa is 

X (Par. U), Y (Venetus D). Moreover found in the libri Tricliniani, while the 

Z (Vindobon. D 1 ) has Nem. I. — ill., T best MSS. have wpoaepwei. (Two MSS. 

(Vat. C) and U (Vindob. A) have Nem. I., have irpocre'XKOi, and the scholium on 142 

II. and Z (Aug. D-') has Nem. 1. 1—40. has the explanation : irpo<rayei, irapotyvei. 

The Byzantine mss. of Moschopulos ko.1 clvtov fie O^Xovra, while in that on 1 44 

and Triclinius are spoiled by the bad we find e'XKtral /xe 77 'SUrwtnj.) 


second century a.d. It is likely enough that they are considerably 
earlier than the archetype of our mss. ; but there is no definite proof 
of this. I certainly cannot attribute much value to the argument of 
Christ, based on Pythian xi. 42. In this passage all the mss. except 
one have 

Mdiaa, to S' €TeoV, el picrOu avviOev irapi^iv 
42 (pojvav virdpyvpov dWor aAAa fflr) Tapacrcre/xev k.t.X. 

(P, a Heidelberg ms., has to Se tcoV). The metre in 1. 42 requires the 
omission of xpV ( an d the restoration of aAAa or aAAa. for aAAa), and this 
correction is confirmed by the scholion : dvrl tov rdpaa-ae /cat /xeTa^epe- 
Xeiiret ™ 6<f>etk€K. Thus the scholiast used a text, which had not been 
corrupted by the insertion of xpi and Christ infers that our archetype 
is more recent than the scholia. Possibly; but, on the other hand, 
it may be shown that our mss. are sometimes free from corruptions 
which beset the text of the scholiast. There is a remarkable example 
in Olympian vi. 97, which has hitherto escaped notice. The mss. 


aSuAoyoi Se viv 

XvpOLl jU.oA.7rai T€ yiVCOO-KOVTl. 

On this the scholiast has the following comment : Xiyovrai at aVo twv 
opydvwv irvoai- 6 Se Xo'yos' ai Se ^SuAoyot auToV 7rvoat twv opydvuv Kai 
ioSal yviapiCpvcriv. 

It is perfectly clear that this is not an explanation of \vpai, which 
required no explanation. Bergk recognised this, but he was wrong 
in his conclusion that the scholiast read irvoai, and he was not judicious 
in expelling Xvpac from the text in favour of irvoai. It is manifestly an 
instance of the confusion of A and A. The scholiast found in his text 
AY PA I and naturally interpreted it by irvoai, whereas our archetype 
preserved the genuine reading AY PA I. This is a case in which the 
mss. have the best of it. 

In most cases however there is little or nothing to choose between 
the mss. and the scholia. The archetype and the text of the scholiast 
seem to have been very much alike ; indeed, we might conjecture that 
both were derived from a common original, exhibiting all the most 
serious corruptions which disfigure our mss. I am unable, for example, 
to ascribe any value to the note preserved in the Medicean on Nemean 
x. 74, a note on which Mommsen bases an emendation. (See note on 
that passage.) 

Although the text of Pindar, compared with that of his contemporary 


Aeschylus, has been well preserved, there are many passages which 
obviously demand correction. In dealing with such passages my first 
principle has been that no conjecture is of the slightest critical value 
unless it explains the origin of the corruption, which it claims to heal. 
And a mere vague resemblance in the ductus litterarum of two words is 
not enough to show that one could have taken the place of the other. 
If we adhere strictly to this principle, there is some chance of setting 
textual criticism on a scientific basis ; but far the larger number of the 
' emendations ' proposed every day in philological journals and new 
editions are condemned at once, when tried by this standard. 

In the Nemean Odes we find instances of most of the well-known 
causes of corruption. For example, in vn. 68 there is an instance of a 
false division of words ; a.v ipel has taken the place of dvepei. Similarity 
of adjacent syllables has led to errors in many places. Thus in iv. 91 
av tis I0-17 became av tis r/, and was afterwards emended to av tis tvxq. 
But perhaps the most fertile source of corruption is the occurrence of 
strange words and unusual forms. That frit, restored by Mr Ellis in 
the Mostellaria, should have suffered corruption may be regarded as 
inevitable. Such a word as ropyos, occurring in a tragedian, was a trap 
for the ignorance of a late scribe. The forms cto'v, irdv, which Bergk 
has brilliantly restored in some passages of Pindar 1 , could not fail to 
become toV and toV. Sometimes rare words were explained by a 
marginal gloss, and in these cases the gloss often insinuated itself into 
the text. Thus in Nem. vi. 52 and Nem. x. 60 aVa was ousted by its 
explanation alxp-a at the expense of the metre. In Pyth. v. 31 we read 
vhan (Kao-TaXtas) where the metre rather demands- — or — ^ (whence 
vypa and Kpdvu have been proposed). It seems probable that {JSa-ri was 
a gloss on v8ei, a form found in Hesiod, which Pindar may well have 
used. In many cases the change of a letter transformed a rare into a 
familiar word, and of such ' emendations ' on the part of copyists there 
are, if I am right, three instances in the First Nemean (1. 45 xpovos for 
Xpofxos, 1. 48 /^c'Aos for 7re'Aos, 1. 66 Swo-eiv for ttojctcif). It is often 
impossible to know whether a corruption is due to the usurpation of 
a gloss or to a deliberate alteration; as in Nem. vn. 37, where, 
according to my view, 7rXayeVTes became 7rA.ay^evTes. 

In the case of Pindar, we are in a better position to deal with 
corruptions in the text than in the case of most ancient authors ; for he 
often assists us himself in restoring the genuine reading. I refer to the 
systems of verbal echoes and responsions which render us so much 

1 Sec Nem. VII. 25. - The tribrach however is quite possibly right 


help in following his trains of thought. I may first direct attention to 
an instance in which a responsion confirms the reading of our mss. as 
against a reading found in Plutarch. In Nem. iv. 4, 

ovoe Oep/xov v8oip tooov ye p.a\9aKa Ttv\ti. 

Plutarch (de tranquillitate, 6) read rey£«. But in the corresponding 
line of the nth strophe we find Teu'x" in the same metrical position, 

epyp.aTwv fiaoiXevoiv loo8aip.ova Tevx £l - 

Instances in which this principle has guided me in restorations of the 
text will be found in Nem. iv. 68 (i£v(f>avav), vi. 50 ((pave), vm. 40, 

x. 41, &c. 

There is a remarkable case in the Tenth Pythian which will serve to 
illustrate the principle. We read there of the Hyperboreans (31 sqq.): 

Trap' ols 7tot€ Ilepcrevs iSaiaaro XayeVas 

8wp.aT eoeXOwv, 

kXcitois ovwv eK.aTop.fias eiriToooais &ew, 

petpvTas' wi' QaXiais ep.ire8ov 

ev<f>ap.iais re p.d\iOT 'AttoXXwv 

^aipet yeXa 0' opwv vfipiv opGtav KvwSaXcov. 

Moio-a 8' ovk airo8ap.el 

TpOTTOlS €7Tl <T<ptT£pOlCn ' TTaVTO. 81 X°P° L """apO^VCDV 

Xvpdv T€ fioal Kava\ai r avXwv Sovcovtcu* 

8dcf>va T€ XP V(r€< J- K0 V as dva.8ijo-a.VTes eikairivd^oiOLV €v<j>povws. 

The difficulty in this passage is -rpoVois which yields no meaning (as 
Hergk says, plane alienum vocabulum). Now when we turn to the last 
system of the hymn, we find a parallel worked out between the festival 
of the Hyperboreans in honour of Apollo, and the festival which 
celebrated the success of the victor Hippocles at Apollo's Pythian 
games. In the first place there is a play on the name Hippocles : the 
3rd line of the 4th strophe 

tov 'IiriroKXeav In kcu jaaA.Xov ovv aotoats 

echoes the 3rd line of the 2nd epode 

kXcitcis ovwv eKa.Top.fias. 

The glory of asses was a feature at the mythical feast; the glory of 
horses is an omen, at least, at the victor's feast. In both celebrations 
the presence of maidens is a feature : cf. 1. 59 

veaiotv re irapOt'vouri p.e\i]pa. 


In 1. 64 the poet proceeds thus : 

iriiroSo. £evia Trpoaavi'i ©ajpaxos ocnrep ifidv ttolttvvwv X^P lv 
to'S' t^cufei/ apfJLa IIi€pC8wv rerpaopov 
<pi\e(DV cpiXeovT , aycov ayovTa irpo^povws. 
67 TrupwvTL Se Kai \pvo-ds ev /?acravu> Trpiiru 
/cat voos op66s. 

There are four echoes here of the revels in the far north. IliepiSwi/ 
corresponds to Moio-a, 7rpo<£p6Vcos recalls cv<jip6vois, xpwos echoes xpvo-e'a, 
and 6p66<s explains the point of opOiav. The golden laurel, with which 
the Hyperboreans bound their hair and with which the victor has 
recently bound his, is an emblem, compared to the most precious of the 
metals; and the victor's horse-name, suggesting the opdia. vfipis KvuSdKwv, 
is an omen of voos o'pflo's. 

It is now an easy matter to restore the genuine word which was 
replaced by TpoVois. This cluster of four verbal responsions was 
originally a cluster of five. I have no doubt that Pindar wrote 

irpOTTOlS £7T(. (TCJi€T€pOL(rL 

and echoed it in lv /3ao-aVw irpfrrei (1. 67). Trpowos is formed from TrpeVw 
as TpoVos from TpeVa) ; the ablaut (to use the technical expression) has 
been preserved in #eo7rpo'7ros, OtoTrpoiriw, and in the gloss anpoTrov • 
a.TpoTrov, aVpe7T£s in Hesychius. We may render at their solemnities 
or at their rites. TrpeVetv 1 means 'to be due'; 7rpe7rdVTcjs = rite ; so 
that 7rpoVoi would mean ritus, 'rites'. I need not add that a strange 
word like TrpoVots was doomed to be corrupted ; and the most natural 
corruption was tpottols. 

This restoration in the Tenth Pythian suggests a discussion of a 
general question, connected with the art or science of textual criticism, 
which has assumed considerable importance within the last ten years. 
Some scholars do not hesitate to introduce into Greek texts words 
which are not to be found in the dictionary. Others condemn such a 
procedure as unjustifiable without qualification. It may occur to an 
impartial observer, who wishes to preserve the due mean between 
excessive caution and rashness, that there is probably some reason on 
both sides. The question, certainly, deserves to be fully argued out. 

Our texts of the Greek poets, as they stand, present us with a 
considerable number of rare words and aVa^ dprj/xiva. No one could 

1 irpiiruv implies the idea of solemnity; x^ ots irpiirovaa, in robes of solemn black 

cf. Agamemnon, 30 ws 6 (ppvicrbs dyytXkwv (cp. Shakespeare's ' customary suit of 

Trpitrei., as the beacon solemnly or duly solemn black'). 
announces ; Chocphori \ \ (f>ape<xiv fxekay- 


fairly object to an editor making use of one of these to correct a 
corrupt passage. 

Let us go a step further. In the great body of lyric poetry and in 
the numerous tragedies which have perished, many words occurred 
which do not happen to occur in the extant remains of the contemporary 
literature. But all these words are not lost. Some have been preserved 
by the Alexandrine writers, especially by Lycophron ; others by the 
compilers of glossaries, like Hesychius. Lycophron is a great store- 
house of strange words, which he culled from older literature — from the 
dramatists, and from the lyric poets. We meet in the Alexandra many 
a word, which is found isolated in one passage in tragedy. A student 
of the Greek tragedies is thoroughly justified in regarding Lycophron's 
vocabulary as available for purposes of emendation. 

The use of the lexicons of Hesychius, Suidas, &c, takes us a step 
further still. These compilers preserve many words of whose existence 
we should otherwise be ignorant. Suppose a corrupt passage in which 
one of these words would restore perfect sense and satisfy the conditions 
of the critical problem, would it be reasonable to reject the restoration 
because it so happens that the word does not occur in our extant 
literature? There are many who would not scruple to restore in 
Euripides a word which our mss. have only once preserved in tragedy, 
and yet would hesitate to admit a word vouched for by Callimachus 
or Lycophron. There are others who would swallow Lycophron 
but strain at Hesychius. The reason for this distinction is that the 
Alexandrine writers are nearer in time to the older classical writers; 
whereas the glossaries are late and it cannot be proved, in the large 
majority of instances, that any given gloss actually occurred in an early 
Greek poet. The distinction is certainly valid, but it would be a false 
inference that would lead us to discard the assistance of the glossaries. 
It is a question of a degree of probability. Let us suppose two corrupt 
passages. Let us suppose that in one of these the demands of the sense 
are perfectly satisfied by the restoration of a word whose existence is 
vouched for by Hesychius ; and that the other can be perfectly healed, 
as far as the meaning is concerned, by the restoration of a word whose 
literary use is proved by its occurring in Callimachus or Lycophron. 
If we were told nothing more of the two cases, we should be justified 
in saying that the second restoration had a higher degree of probability 
than the first. But if we learned then that critical considerations 
founded on the indications of the mss. pointed with much more cogency 
to the Hesychian word than similar considerations, in the second case, 
pointed to the Alexandrine word, we should be compelled to acknow- 


ledge that the comparative probabilities were equalised or perhaps that 
the first emendation was even more convincing than the second. 

The next step is the restoration of a word, which is of irreproachable 
form, but does not happen to have been preserved in our extant 
literature, as transmitted to us through a period of twenty centuries. 
Many scholars demur to such conjectures without any reservation, 
and consider them in all cases unjustifiable. But these objectors will 
nevertheless admit that numerous words were used by Greek men of 
letters (especially by poets), which have not been preserved. Even as 
it is, there are many atra^ dprjfxiva, that is, rare words ; and it would be 
absurd to suppose that there were not many others. They will also 
have to admit that some of these words may have been used in passages 
which have become corrupted in the course of transmission. And this 
possibility forces itself seriously upon the attention, when we consider 
that unusual words were the words, of all others, most exposed to 
corruption, whether through conscious correction, unconscious mis- 
copying, or the intrusion of a gloss. 

Now it is important to draw a distinction between two kinds of 
strange words, (i) words whose existence at some time or other is 
presupposed by actually existent forms ; (2) words whose existence is 
not thus presupposed, but which, being formed on correct analogy, may 
have been in use. It is clear that these two classes do not stand on 
the same level. Let us take them in order. 

(1) Suppose two passages, a and b, which require correction. In 
a a strange word is introduced which harmonises with the context 
admirably and is palaeographically a sound emendation. This strange 
word is found in Hesychius. In b a strange word is also introduced, equally 
sound from a critical point of view, and equally suitable in meaning. 
This word is not found in Hesychius or elsewhere, but not only is it of 
unimpeachable formation but its existence is presupposed by cognate 
words in actual use. It is clear that ceteris paribus the emendation of a 
is more probable than the emendation of b. We know that both words 
existed ; but the occurrence of the first in the glossary of Hesychius 
certifies us that it was a word which probably was used in literature, 
whereas it might be urged that the second may have fallen out of use at 
such an ancient date that it was unknown in the age of the earliest 
Greek literature. Nevertheless it is obvious that cases are conceivable 
in which the immediate data would point so strongly to the restoration 
of a word of this kind that there could be little doubt as to its 
correctness. Perhaps an illustration from English literature will put 
this in a clearer light. Let us suppose that Tennyson's locksley Hall is 


transmitted to distant posterity in two MSS. In one of these (A) the 
following line occurs : 

In the spring a livelier rainbow changes on the burnish'd dove, 
while in the other (B) there is an obvious corruption, 

In the spring a livelier is changes on the burnish'd dove. 

It is clear that the first reading, though it scans and is intelligible, does 
not account for the corruption in the second. Let us suppose that the 
critic has at his disposal only a comparatively small part of the entire 
body of English literature ; and let us further suppose that in that extant 
part the word iridescent happens to occur, but not iris. Iridescent conse- 
quently is recognised in his English lexicon ; and he has sufficient 
philological knowledge to know that iris is presupposed by iridescent. 
Would he not, then, be amply justified in reading 

In the spring a livelier iris changes on the burnish'd dove — ? 

The variants are thus completely accounted for. Rainbow was merely 
a gloss on iris ; while the corruption in B arose from the omission of 
one of two similar syllables 


But we cannot expect many cases so clear as this. In most cases of 
this kind we must admit that the emendation would gain in probability 
if the word had more than an etymological certification. In other 
words, such emendations must be for the most part labelled ' possible ' 
and await accident to verify or condemn them. But at the same time 
they are thoroughly justifiable, and may often pass into the region of 
high probability, b becoming as probable as a under favourable circum- 

As an example of a word, certified by etymology, I may refer to a 
passage in the Choephori, 61 sqq. 


Ta^cta tois ju,ev iv <pdiu 
Ta 8' iv yuxTaix/Aia) ctkotov 
64 p-tvei ~xpovi£,ovT a^r] fipvei 
tous 8 axparos e^et vv£. 

axq and j3pi€L cannot stand together in 1. 64 for the metre demands 
words equivalent in quantity to 

It seems clear that a^*? is a gloss on ra 8' and that fipvei is a corruption 
of a substantive in the dative case agreeing with pLeraix^io). I believe 


that the word whose place has been usurped was pp^xi. fipv£ is 
presupposed by (3pvxto<;, virofipvxios, as surely as x@ tJiV is presupposed by 
xOovios, iTTixOovios. In fact, i>7ro/3pi>xios is simply inrd fSpv^i affected with 
an adjectival termination. The picture is a twilit sea between the coasts 
of darkness and light. The slight change of fipvxt to (ipvu was 
facilitated by the actual occurrence of (3pvei a few lines below. 

This conjecture can only lay claim to possibility. But if there had 
chanced to be an explanatory gloss, dXi, or /3uo-o-<3, or something of the 
kind, then it might fairly be regarded as highly probable. 

(2) The case is different when etymology does not demand the 
assumption of a lost word, but only acquiesces in a legitimate formation. 
Here it must be admitted that the word may not have existed, and if 
the only sign of its existence is an inference from a corrupt passage, the 
emendation which assumes it must be regarded as extremely doubtful, 
though no one can deny that it is possible. 

But it is conceivable that other considerations might intervene which 

might raise this possibility into a probability ; and such considerations 

would of course apply to (1) as well as to (2). There might be a 

confirmation of a strange word as cogent as a gloss in Suidas if not more 

cogent. I may illustrate this from a passage in the First Nemean. In 

1. 48 we read 

€K o ap arAarov oeos T 

7rXa^€ ywaucas, 
where the mss. vary between Se'os and /3c'Xos. In the note on this 
passage I have shown that neither of these variants can be right and I 
have ventured to restore irikos, a word of unexceptionable formation, 
whose existence is recognised by Hesychius. I need hardly say that it 
was the conditions of the problem, not a knowledge of the Hesychian 
gloss, that suggested this emendation. Now if I had not found this 
word in Hesychius or anywhere else, I should not have been able to 
consider the correction highly probable ; I should only have been 
entitled to regard it as possible. The circumstance that Theocritus uses 
the word 71-cAco/na in his description of the battle with the snakes might 
be adduced to bring the conjecture a degree nearer probability. But let 
us suppose, now, that in some other strophe of the ode we found a 
series of verbal echoes, answering to the passage under consideration, 
in accordance with Pindar's method, and let us suppose that among 
these echoes the word TreXup or TreXwpiov occurred ; in that case we 
should have a confirmation of the conjecture 77-t'A.os, rendering it not 
only quite as probable as if the word were found in Hesychius (as ex 
hypothesi it is not), but even more probable. An Hesychian gloss 


proves the existence of a word, but not its use in a particular passage ; 
in the hypothetical case the use of ttcXos in the particular passage is 
indicated. — These are the principles on which I would defend the 
emendation 7rpo7roi9 in the Tenth Pythian. 

I have attempted to deal with this vexed question as generally as 
possible, but it is obvious that general conclusions will require modifica- 
tion in any particular instance. Special groups of hypothetical words, 
such as strange compounds (like Mr Tucker's Xivoarivzi in the Supplices 
of Aeschylus) or strange parts of verbs in ordinary use, demand special 
consideration ; and it is clear that different minds will always estimate 
differently the amount of evidence required to render probable a 
conjecture of the kind here discussed. 





The ideal of successful labour on a grand scale is continually kept before 
us in the poems of Pindar. The mythical type of this ideal was the son of 
a god — Heracles, the deliverer of the Greek world, who, having lived laborious 
days and gratified the lusts of the flesh, was in the end elevated to heaven, 
to crown a splendid life by a marriage with immortal Youth. Pindar cer- 
tainly clave unto Heracles. He often praises the qualities of his patrons by 
suggesting points of comparison with the hero of the twelve, and other, 
labours, whose Theban birth supplied a special ground of interest to a Theban 
poet ; and the legend that this son of Zeus instituted the Olympic games 1 
rendered frequent mention of him in odes of victory a matter of course. 

For such a comparison with Heracles was selected a Sicilian noble, a 
friend of king Hiero and conspicuous at the Syracusan court. On the 
occasion of a victory won in a chariot race at Nemea, Chromius 2 employed 

1 The tale of the early institution of 
these games by Heracles and by Iphitus 
was invented when in comparatively later 
days the Olympic festival had won a 
Panhellenic repute. In Homeric days the 
Olympic games, if they existed, must have 
been insignificant and local. The games 
described in the 23rd Book of the Iliad are 
quite unlike the Olympic, as Mr Mahaffy 

W> B. 

observed in his paper on the Olympic 
register in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 
vol. I. 

2 He belonged to the tribe of the 
Hylleis. He is also celebrated in the 
Ninth 'Nemean', which Boeckh and 
Dissen are certainly right in assigning to 
a later date than the present Ode. As 
the epithet veoKTltrrav is applied to Aetna 



Pindar to write an epinician hymn, and invited the poet to his house at 
Syracuse, where an unusually rich hospitality was dispensed. Chromius had 
been always a fighter. He had played a prominent part in the vicissitudes 
which attended the rise and continuance of Gelon's power; he had fought 
bravely in battles by land and sea 1 . He was certainly one of those who 
had laboured on a distinguished scale, and might without absurdity be 
likened, in the exaggerating language of art, to Heracles. 

But the incident in the life of Heracles, which Pindar has chosen to 
portray at length, in this Nemean Ode, — the infant throttling the serpents, 
— seems a somewhat strange parable to speak to a Nemean victor, and it 
puzzled the curiosity of ancient readers. To attempt to resolve this enigma, 
we must analyse the hymn 2 . 

At Syracuse, in the place where the fountain of Ortygia reminds the 
visitor of that 'lovely' nymph and of her lover the river Alpheus and of 
Olympia overseas, the hymn first sets our thoughts, as in a divine retreat ; 
and then proceeds to comply with the usual formalities of an epinician song. 
The god, at whose games the victory was won, the kind and the place of the 
contest, the name of the victor, are indicated in the lofty, somewhat indirect 
language, which Pindar wields with a peculiar grace and never discards. 

This is the foundation of the building, secured with divine names 3 . 
Then reflecting that great contests are a grateful theme for poets, Pindar 
goes on to praise the victor's country, and tells how long ago Zeus promised 
to Persephone that he would exalt the cities of Sicily, and how he fulfilled 
this promise, and blessed the island with a nation of horsemen and warriors, 
and granted them the boast of winning not a few Olympic crowns. 

It is evident that this shower of grace (ayXata), which is flung over Sicily, 
is intended for Chromius, one of her typical children, a wooer of brazen war, 
and one whose horses had won a conspicuous, though not an Olympic, 
victory. And the reference to the 'golden leaves of Olympic olives' 
supplies us with a clue to the meaning of the whole hymn. As long as 
those golden leaves had never shone on his brow, Chromius had not won 
the highest attainable glory in his brilliant world, he was not quite the ideal 
Sicilian lord. Well, Pindar holds out to him the prospect of this glory, 

in the Ninth 'Nemean', and as Aetna was <r<ppayls. 

founded in 475, we can hardly assign a The acppayis has such a disproportion- 
later date to Nemean 1. than 472 B.C., ate length that one is forced to suspect 
in which year Nemean games were cele- the whole arrangement. An 6p.<pa\6s, 
brated. As Pindar probably went to extending from 1. 13 to 1. 20 in a poem 
Sicily in 473, an earlier date is also of 72 lines, is not an 6/jL<pa\6s in any 
excluded. legitimate sense. 

1 Especially at Ilclorus; see Nemean :! Zeus is named Aetnean (1. 6), as in 
IX. and Introduction to that Ode. 01. VI. 96; but this does not give the 

2 Mezger, applying the nomenclature of least support to the extraordinary notion 
the Terpandric nomos, divides as follows : of Wclcker that the poem is a glorifi- 
I — 7 &PX& > 8 — 12 KararpoTra; 13 — 20 cation of Aetna, that newly-founded city 
6p.<pa\6s; 31 — 33 /xeTaKaTaTpoira.; 33 — 72 being compared to the infant Heracles. 


not directly, but, as we shall see hereafter, covertly. And this motive too, 
prompted the artist at the outset to place our thoughts in a spot where the 
reputed waters of the Alphcus should remind us of Olympia. 

We enter the hospitable home of Chromius, filled with strangers ; and the 
poet stands at the door of the great hall, 'singing a beautiful strain' — 

ecrrav 8' eV avAa'ais dvpats 
dvbpos (j)i\o£eii>ov KaXa /^eAn-o/xevoy. 

The house in Ortygia is accustomed to the faces of strangers ; and this 
note of Chromius' liberality surprises the poet into remarking that envy has 
been thwarted or crushed, and that arts or artifices have been foiled by the 
straightforwardness of nature. Chromius has good friends to support him 
against detractors, friends ready to whelm the smoke as with water; for 
smoke, insinuating and noxious, seemed to the Greeks a fitting symbol 
of envy. 

The connexion of ideas in this strophe, and the significance for Chromius 
of the persons mentioned— Pindar himself, the strangers (nX^ocWwz/), and the 
detractors— is not made clear to us (though doubtless Chromius and his 
friends readily apprehended it) until we read the passage in the light of a 
later portion of the hymn 1 . The last line of the strophe contrasts the arts 
of his enemies with the 'plainness and clearness' of Chromius, who opposes 
the virtue of nature, (pva, to the tricks of art. 'Arts vary; but it is meet, 
walking in straight paths, to oppose the in by the quality of nature? 

The opposition of art and genius is a favourite theme ; Pindar was no 
friend of rhetoric reduced to rules. And in the present passage, too, he is 
thinking of his own rivals, as well as of the adversaries of Chromius ; and he 
reveals this thought in the following antistrophos ; 

26 irpacrcrei yap epyco p.ev adevos 

27 /3ouAaI(ri Se <f>prjv iaaopavov npoibt'iv 

28 avyyevts ois enercu. 

In these words (see note on 1. 26) Chromius (1. 26) and Pindar (27, 28) are 
designated, as endowed with two forms of (pva, respectively, practical and 
intellectual ; and it is noteworthy that the intellectual faculty is specialised as 
the power of foreseeing future events. We shall learn hereafter the signifi- 
cance of these words 2 . 

The circumstance that Chromius conducted his house at Syracuse with 
lavish expenditure, not hoarding his wealth, but using it with unwithdrawing 
hand for the joyance of life and the solace of his friends, seems to have given 
occasion to illwishers to say unkind things about him. At least Pindar here 
makes an emphatic apology for the uses to which 'the son of Agesidamus' 
put the gifts of fortune, and justifies the indulgence of oneself and one's 
friends in the pleasant things of life by a reflection on the vicissitudes 
incident to mortal frailty ; 'for to all alike come the hopes and fears which 
beset toiling men '. 

1 See below, p. 5. 2 See below, p. 6. 

I — 2 


'Toiling men,' ttoXvttovwv dvhp&v — that is the key-note, here sounding 
loudly at the beginning of the epode. It closes the first part of the hymn 
which treats directly of Chromius, and introduces the second, somewhat 
longer, half, in which the tale of Heracles, the great toiler of legend, is told 1 . 

The lines which introduce the myth have two indications that it is directly 
applicable to Chromius. 

e'-yco 8' 'HpafcAeoj avTiyppai npocppovcos 
iv Kopv(f>at? dptrav peyaXais dp\aiov orpvvav \oyov, 

' In the world of great towering excellencies, I am fain to cleave fast to 

Heracles, stirring an ancient story] hoiu &c. Two words here, Kopvcpcus and 

orpvvav, are echoes, recalling the 'towering' cities wherewith Zeus promised 

to enrich Sicily, 

(1. 15 KopvCpali 7ToKiwv dcpveais), 

and the 'stirring' of Pindar to sing the praises of Chromius, 

(1. 7 dppa 8" orpvvei Xpop,iov k.t.X.). 

The birth of Heracles is described in significant words; he came forth 
into a marvellous brilliant light, Oa-qTav is u'ly\av, this son of Zeus. These 
words remind us that Chromius was born in a land already brilliant, the 
gift of Zeus to Persephone, whereof it was said before 

crirelpi vvv dyXaiav Tiva vdcros (1. 1 3). 

The mission of the serpents by Here, their coming through an open gate 
to the bower of Alcmene, their approach to the children, and the strangling 
in the hands of Heracles, are set forth in a series of brief and vivid pictures. 
Then we see the women stricken with horror, and the mother leaping from 
her bed to protect her infants. Presently arrive Cadmean nobles in bronze 
armour, and Amphitryon himself, brandishing a naked sword, in deep 
distress, as the messengers had brought tidings that the serpents had slain 
the children. He stands at the door of his wife's chamber, in 'a notable 
passion of wonder,' seeing the proof of the miraculous strength of his 
reputed son and the tale of the messengers reversed. Then he sends for the 
seer Tiresias, who prophesies the future prowess and the apotheosis of the 
wonderful child. 

As to the import of this story 2 , Pindar supplies us with clues, and 

1 In the scholia on 1. 33 various ancient 
theories as to the application of the myth 
are mentioned. Of these I need only 
call attention to that of Didymus, who 
supposes that as Heracles' first achieve- 
ment was an emblem <>f future exploits, 
so this Nemean victory of Chromius is 
designated by Pindar as the first of a 
long series to come — wpoixavTeierai 8ti 
kclI tQiv \oiirwv oreipavwv Tev^erai. 

2 This is a suitable place to state 

Mezger's view of the Ode. 'Der Mythus 
von Herakles soil also zeigen, dass alle 
Menschen mit Miihen zu k'ampfen haben 
...und wie man iiber diese Herr wird. 
Die Ausfiihrung schliesst sich eng an den 
Gedankengang des 6p.<pa\6s an.' In the 
6p.<pa\6s there are three ideas: (1) the 
promise of Zeus to give Sicily a victorious 
people; (2) repulse of calumniators; (3) 
p.a.pvaaOa.1 (pvq.. To these correspond in 
the a<ppayls three pictures, in chiastic 


especially sets two unmistakable sign-posts, shewing the connexion between 
the first and second parts of the ode. 
The fifth line of the fourth strophe 

dyy€ka>v pr}criv 6io~av 

responds to the fifth line of the first strophe 

vfivos op/jLarai. 6(p.ev. 

This means that even as the immortals established the prowess of Heracles by 
reversing the tale of the messengers, so the hymn of victory establishes the 
prowess of Chromius by reversing (we may read between the lines) the 
dark prophecies of illwishers. 

Again the first line of the fourth strophe, 

ecrra 8e 6dp.(3ei 8vo-(popa>, 

responds to the first line of the second strophe, 

earav 8' in avXeiais dvpais, 

indicating that the part played by Pindar in the drama in Sicily corresponds 
to the part played by Amphitryon in the drama at Thebes 1 . Pindar was 
moved with concern for his friend Chromius, and with delight at his 
achievements, as Amphitryon was moved for his 'son' Heracles. And 
this gives a clue to the meaning of the second strophe, which puzzled us. 
Amphitryon, yet ignorant of the event, is sorely distressed : 

to yap oltelov nu^ei irav6'' 
evBvs 8' dnr/pav Kpa8ia *a8os dp.(f>' dWorpiov. 

Now vve see the position of the strangers d\\o8aira>v, in the hall of 
Chromius. As strangers, they are external and indifferent to the weal or woe 
of Chromius, and thus are contrasted with Pindar himself, who, like 
Amphitryon, feels the fortunes of his friend as something olice'wv or pertaining 
to himself. 

That the dragons represent enemies who attempted to injure Chromius 
and were worsted by him, there can be no doubt ; else the myth would have 
no point. And the emphatic prominence given to the dual number of the 
beasts in 1. 44 

8io~aaio-i 8oiovs av^eVcot' 

renders it probable that the foes crushed by Chromius were also a pair. 
Assuming the correctness of the reading which I have printed in the text, 
with some confidence, in 1. 46 

dy\op.evois 8e xpo/nor, 

order; (a) the infant Heracles, answering prophesying the future victories and re- 

to (1), cf. vv. 25 and 43; (/>) Amphi- wards of Heracles (cf. v. 14 with v. 61); 

tryon, beholding his expectations re- this answers to the promise of Zeus, 
versed, cf. v. 19 lorav and v. 55 tara. ; ' This responsion was noticed by Mez- 

this corresponds to (2); and (<) Tiresias ger, see last note. 


we have a special note of the application of the story to the personal history 

of the victor. 

That rivals of Pindar took part in disparaging Chromius is perhaps 
indicated by the words Tva\iyy\a>a(rov prjcriv ayyeka>v 6e<rav. The rare 
adjective TraMyyXcoa-a-ov may be an allusion to certain pedantic words or 
■yXwo-o-at which those rivals affected ; just as rexvai in 1. 25 may be an 
allusion to their studied rules of art. And perhaps we should not be far 
astray in interpreting the two snakes as Simonides and his nephew 
Bacchylides. There is reason to suppose that about the year 474 some 
intrigue was carried on against Pindar by these two poets, and it may well 
have been that Chromius, zealously espousing the interests of his friend, 
foiled their schemes 1 . 

But Pindar is more to Chromius even than Amphitryon was to Heracles ; 
he is a true prophet as well as a friend, and thus it becomes necessary 
to supplement Amphitryon by the 'true prophet' Tiresias. And now we 
understand the reference to the prophetic gift in 11. 27, 28. 

The utterance of Tiresias enables us to see still further. He foretells 
that Heracles is destined to slay many workers of iniquity both on the dry 
land and on the ' monstrous deep ', and declares that he will give a draught 
of death for drink to those who walk in the ways of crooked envy ; he 
foretells moreover the battle with the giants on the plain of Phlegra. The 
language in this prophecy is clearly meant to be an answering echo to 
the words in which Chromius' victory over the envious was described. 
' The man who walketh with crooked envy ' (64, 65) 

avv nXayim — «>p<p orei^oira 
characterises those cunning detractors, who are opposed 2 (1. 25) to 'the man 
who walketh in straight paths ', 

ev evddais o8o7s (TTeixovra. 
And as smoke is quenched by water, so the envious are borne down by 
a draught of death. And again as the Gods 'affront' the Giants, so 
the good friends of Chromius 'affront' his disparagers— this echo being 
metrically punctual : 

25, cLvt'iov — beginning the last line of second strophe 

68, avTia&vLv— beginning the last line of fourth antistrophos. 

1 Prof. Jebb in his essay on Pindar is difficult to resist the impression that, 

(Journal of Hellenic Studies, m. p. 16.5) at this time, Pindar had been the object 

suggests such an allusion in the First of some hostile intrigue at Hiero's court, 

Pythian (474 B.C.). Referring to 1. 45 which he associated with the desire of 

ZXiro/jLai— d|liv<xaa^ , cLvtLous, and 1. 85 Simonides to advance the fortunes of a 

Kpta<rui> yap oiKTipp.od <p96vos he writes : young kinsman more distinguished by 

'The tone of this and other passages is diligence than by originality', 
(to my mind) not that of a jealous man, 2 So Mezger, p. 106, but he does not 

but of one who is maintaining an atti- notice the responsion avrlov— avriafaaiv. 
tude of defence against calumny; and it 


Moreover the reference to Heracles' victories on 'the dryland' and 'on the 
sea' might remind Chromius of his own land and sea battles, not indeed 
expressly referred to in this hymn, but mentioned in another ode written 
by Pindar in his honour, the Ninth ' Nemean' : 1. 43, 

rroXXa ptv iv Koviq ^e'po-<», ra 8e yeirovi nowa. 

But the vision of Tiresias looks forward still further to the apotheosis of 
the hero and his marriage with Hebe; and the hymn ends with this vision of 
a state which we call bliss, and the Greeks called Garros 'dXftos. ' Moreover 
he declared that Heracles should win a meed passing rich for his great 
labours, even an everlasting rest and unbroken peace, in a fortunate habita- 
tion; and that having received Hebe, ever-fair, for a bedmate, and having 
held high nuptial feast, he would be well content with a holy abode in 
the home of Zeus.' 

Here, and again, as we shall see, in the Tenth 'Nemean', Pindar makes 
the marriage of Heracles and Hebe the type of supreme happiness ; and in 
both cases the supreme happiness typified is that which an Olympic victory 
confers. For this is the meaning of the prophecy 1 . As Tiresias foretells 
the winning of an Olympian bride by Heracles, so Pindar foretells the 
winning of an Olympic wreath by Chromius. Of this signification there are 
proofs. We find in 1. 70 (second line of fourth epode) 

aavx'i-av Kapdrcov peydXcov noivdv, 
corresponding to 

iv KopvCpalv dpcrdv peydXats, 

in 1. 34 (second line of second epode) 2 . In Pindar's view, the xopvcpm peydXai 
for men like Chromius were victories at Olympia ; and this is suggested 
by the occurrence of Kopvcpah in the lines on Sicily, whose people had often 
felt the touch of ' the golden Olympic olive leaves '. 

An artful reminiscence of the first lines of the ode establishes the truth of 
this interpretation. The note of rest, lightly struck in the suggested picture 
of Alpheus in the arms of the 'lovely' nymph Ortygia, 

apirvevpa crepvov 'AX(peoi> 

KkfLPav SvpciKoaaav 6dXos 'Oprvyia, 

1 Mezger refers it to ' die schliessliche 
Aufnahme auf die Inseln der Seligen'. 
Leopold Schmidt thinks that a reference 
to a possible marriage of Chromius is 
intended, which might seem to be con- 
firmed by the circumstance that the gift 
of Sicily to Persephone, mentioned in an 
earlier part of the ode, was supposed to 
be els avaKaXvirrripia. Dissen finds the 
foretold 'rest' in a placida vita: 'Fruitur 
Chromius ut Hercules post labores ex- 

antlatos placida vita ludicrorum certa- 
minum summis coronis ornatus '. I 
submit that my interpretation alone 
explains satisfactorily the connexion of 
the opening and the closing lines of the 

2 Mezger notices this (p. iii). lie 
also observes that the hymn, beginning 
with apirvevpa aepvov closes with crepi>6i> 


is reiterated in the full, sounding description of the rest of Heracles in 
heaven, in the arms of the 'lovely' Hebe — 

oKfilois (V doifiacri, Sf^d/ifvov Bakcpav H/3af anoiriv ical yap-ov 
Saicravra, nap At Kpoi/i'Sa tre/xi/ov aii/ijaau araOp-ov. 

Thus the rest of Heracles, recalling the repose of Alpheus, bears our thoughts 
to Olympia, where Chromius hoped to win a wreath of olive leaves, the 
highest honour in the Greek world of those days, and which Pindar often 
compares to gold. It is suggested that Chromius too, like Heracles, may 
perhaps set up an 'everlasting rest'. 


W. I — 5- " v — v - / — ^ \j w v — \j \j — A~>-'^ — \j \j 

— \j v-> v^ — w \y — A — w w— A (2l) 

w. 6 — 7" ~ <-»' ^ — <->>-/ — \^ \j '- ^1 \j — A • — v^ ^ <j — <*/ ^> — • I 

-v w v_< u— A (21) 

Thus the strophe falls into two fieyiOr) of equal length, each of which is 
made up of three smaller fieytdr], in mesodic symmetry : thus, 

9—3—9 = 21 
8-5-8 = 21. 


v. 1. A. CD kj <-» \j <w> — ^> \j — • — \j — A (9) 

v. 2. B. a. -i-ww — v^^-w^ -w w-. (8)] 

v-3. ft?""' - , <2) 

(.a. — \j \j — \j kj — \j \j \j w — — (8) / 

V. 4. A'. — ^ w ^ w w - A (9) 

This is an example of the tripartite mesodos. Like the epode itself, the 
mesode of the epode is divided mesodically. 

As I accept the reading of the MSS. iv crx f P<? 1- 69, I have to deviate 
slightly from the arrangement of M. Schmidt (which practically coincides 
with that of Rossbach-Westphal and J. H. Schmidt) by making AA' consist 
of 9 instead of 8 feet. 

The rhythm of this ode is 'dactylo-epitritic'; the mood was Dorian. 




"Afiirvevfxa crefjbvov 'AA,</>eot), 

icXeivav Xvpaicocraav Oakos ^Oprwyia, 



I. ajAirv€vna <r€(tvov 'AX<j>£oii] The 

choice of afxirvevixa is a Pindaric felicity. 
.The word expresses the mythical identity 
of the fountain Arethusa with a ' spout ' 
of the river Alpheus, and at the same 
time conveys the poetical application that 
Alpheus ' rested ' in Ortygia after the toil 
of his journey under seas. dvaTrvev/ia, 
which is not the same as dvairvoy, must 
mean, according to the analogy of words of 
like formation, 'that which is exhaled, ex- 
halation, breath respired ' ; the fountain 
in Ortygia, with which Ortygia is almost 
identified, is literally the breath exhaled 
by Alpheus. We may translate Breath 
of the holy rest of Alpheus. Perhaps ae/xvov 
suggested the adjective in Milton's 
Divine Alpheus, who by secret sluice 
Stole under seas to meet his Arethuse. 
The legend which connected Alpheus 
and Arethusa may be a younger form of 
the legend which connected Alpheus and 
Artemis. See Roscher's Lexikon der 
griechischen und romischen Mythologie, 
article Alpheios by H. W. Stoll. 

The huntress nymph Arethusa was 
loved by the hunter Alpheus, and to 
avoid his wooing she fled to Ortygia 
and became a spring. Alpheus, through 
a sort of sympathetic charm, was trans- 
formed into a river, which flowed beneath 
the sea and united its waters with the 
spring. Pausanias V. 7, 2. A somewhat 

different form is given to the myth 
in Ovid, Metam. V. 752 sqq., where 
Artemis is introduced as protecting her 
nymph Arethusa. Under the legendary 
connexion of Ortygia with Elis lies the 
fact that Eleans from the neighbourhood 
of Olympia took part in the colonization 
of Syracuse and brought with them the 
cult of Artemis Potamia, who was so 
widely woi-shipped in the Peloponnesus 
(in the neighbourhood of the river Al- 
pheus under the special name of Artemis 
'A\0eia£a, ' A\<peiovaa or 'A\<peiwvia). 

2. OaXos] There were five parts of 
Syracuse (Ortygia, Achradina, Neapolis, 
Epipolae, and Tyche) and 0d\os expresses 
the fact that Ortygia is one of them. But it 
expresses much more, and is not synony- 
mous with 2pvos, just as it is not synony- 
mous with pl£a. The notion of bloom 
is uppermost, and ' branch ' is conse- 
quently an inadequate rendering ; trans- 
late fair branch of glorious Syracuse. In 
the last lines of the ode Pindar will come 
back to the note which he strikes in the 
opening verses, peace and beauty after 
labour ; even as aenvbv araOixov (1. 72) 
recalls d^irvevixa crefivov, so 6a\epai> "Ilpav 
(1. 71) fair Hebe recalls 0d\os 'Oprvyla 
(1. 2). It is worth noticing that when 
the poet speaks of Libya (Pyth. ix. 8) as 
pifav direipov Tphav he adds the epithet 



he/juviov 'ApTe/itSo?, 

AdXov Kaai<yv?]Ta, criOev aSveiDj'i 

vfivo<; opfxarat Oifxev 5 

alvov deWoiroScov fieyav '(trrrcov, Ztjvos KiTvaiov yapW 

ap/xa 8' oTpvvet, Xpoplov Nep-e'o. 6' epyp,ao~iv vi/ca<f)6poi<; iyKcofiiov 

3. Slpviov 'ApTcjiiSos] Couch of Ar- 
temis. In the second Pythian Ode (1. 7) 
Pindar uses the words Trorafiias ?5os 'A/>- 
rt/judos, habitation of Artemis queen of 
rivers, of Ortygia. Here he chooses 8ifi- 
vlov bed, to harmonize with the note of 
rest struck in the first line. Ortygia is a 
resting-place for Alpheus, for Artemis, — 
and for Chromius. It is usual to com- 
pare fi 615 where the nymphs are said to 
have their beds, euvai, in Sipylus. 

The worship of Artemis as a goddess 
of rivers, lakes, springs and marshes [iro- 
tcl/aIo., \i/j.i>aia, i\eia) was widely spread 
in the Peloponnese, especially in Arcadia ; 
she was a ' Naturgottin von ahnlichem, 
nur allgemeinerem Wesen als die Nym- 
phen der Berge, Fliisse und Bache ' 
(Article Artemis, in Roscher's Lexiko7i, 
p. 560). In Elis she was brought into 
relation with the river god Alpheus and 
called after his name. ' At Letrinoi 
where the Alpheios flows into the sea 
Artemis Alpheiaia had a temple, and the 
inhabitants related as cause of its building 
that Alpheios inflamed with love for 
Artemis, and unable to attain to his 
wishes by persuasion or entreaties, re- 
solved to resort to violence ; but Artemis 
smeared the faces of herself and her 
nymphs with mud at Letrinoi (where she 
celebrated with them a nocturnal feast) 
so that Alpheios retired unable to re- 
cognise her' (see Pausanias VI. 22, 5). 
' According to another legend Alpheios 
pursued Artemis to the island of Ortygia, 
where she had a temple as Alpheiaia.' 
(II. W. Stoll, article Alpheios, in Ros- 
cher's Lcxikon, p. 257.) 

4. Ad\ov Kao-i-yvrJTa] Sister of Delos, 

not literally, but spiritually, as sharing 
with Delos the favour of Artemis. 

o-€'96v] From thee, the second syllable 
-0ev having its full ablative force. bp- 
fiaadai. could hardly be constructed with 
the simple genitive. 

dSveirTJs] Used of persons ; e.g. r/5u- 
^7retcu MoGdat, Hes. Th. 965 ; ISicTup 
•^5i'e7r^s, A 248 ; aSuewrj "Ofjirjpov, Pind. 
Nem. viii. 21 ; and of things personified, 
as here ; e.g. Olymp. X. 93 aSveir-f)^ re 
\vpa, Sophocles 0. T. 151 ddveirh (pari 
(of the oracle of Apollo). aSveTrrjs v/j.vos 
is the hymn that speaketh sweetly (with 
the special sense of speaking in verse ; 
iw-r) — verses). 

5, 6. 0€|X€v k.t.X.] To render high 
praise to the storm- swift steeds, and to 
pleasure Aetnean Zeus. Both Zeus of 
Aetna (the city afterwards governed by 
Chromius) and the victorious steeds are 
honoured by the hymn. x°-P LV r a grattfnl 
service, is in apposition with alvov and is 
not to be confounded with its quasi- 
prepositional use in Pyth. in. 95 (Atos 
Xapw, by grace of Zens) and other places. 

Q&ixev means to set or establish ; but 
see below note on 1. 59. Aetnean Zeus 
is mentioned in Olymp. VI. 96. 

7 . But the car of Chromius and Nemea 
impel me to harness a song of praise for 
deeds of victory. The exploits of Chromius 
are the car to which the song, as a steed, 
is yoked. In Pyth. X. 65 t<58' £jeu£ei> 
apfxa Hiepidwv rerpdopov, the metaphor is 
different ; the ode is compared to the car 
of the Muses. It is a characteristic usage 
of Pindar to apply to the work of the 
poet expressions appropriate to the ex- 
ploits which he is celebrating, tpynaaiv 



iceivov avv dvSpos Saifxoviaci aperals. 

avT. a 

(B ?pfxa<n) is stronger than Ipyois, and is, 
as Dissen remarks, ' sollemne apud Pinda- 
rum de certaminum labore'. vacacphpois 
has a literal signification ; Victory rides 
in the chariot. 

8. dp\al 8« Pe'pXn.vTai 9«<3v] The 
difficulty, which has always been found 
in these words, is due to the blending of 
a metaphor with a somewhat uncommon 
construction. Pindar often conceived his 
hymns as works of visible art, plastic or 
architectural, statues or temples ; thus in 
Pyth. vii. 4 he speaks of laying the 
corner-stone of songs, Kp-qirtd' aoiddv j3a- 
Xiadai, and in the opening lines of Olymp. 
VI. he works out the metaphor of a 
palace with some elaboration. Here he 
only suggests the metaphor by the use of 
pipXrivrai. Why, it may be asked, did 
he abstain from writing Kprjnh 5£ fieflXr)- 
rai (as in Pyth. VII. 4 and IV. 138) and 
choose the weaker word apxa-i? The 
answer to this question involves the ex- 
planation of dpx a ' Oewv. apxo/J-ai is the 
technical word for the opening invocation 
of a hymn, and is regularly used with the 
genitive. Thus in I 97 

eV crol Xrj^u oto 5' ap^oficu, 
and in Nem. V. 25 (of the Muses) Aids 
apx^/J-evai. Somewhat boldly (not how- 
ever more boldly than Attic prose writers 
use (pdflos and such words with an ac- 
cusative) Pindar has here transferred to 
dpX a ' the construction of dpxop-ai, and 
dpxai pe(i\T]i>Tai deQiv is equivalent to 
dpxo/J-evos 6eQi> pdXXofJLai Kprjirida docdas. 
Translate, First hymning the gods, and 
withal the heroic excellences of that wan 
(Chromius), I have laid a foundation for 
my song. It is impossible to give the 
sense and at the same time preserve the 
conciseness of the original, as we have 
no word that conveys to an English ear 
all that dpx'n or apxo/J-cu in connexion 
with a hymn suggested to a Greek ear. 

In translating Matthew Arnold's lines 
' First hymn they the Father 

Of all things ; — and then 
The rest of immortals, 
The action of men' 
dpxofJLai would be the word to use. 

It should also be remembered that in 
the Terpandric nomos the word dpxd 
had a special sense ; it was the first chief 
division of the composition, as distin- 
guished from the dfupaXos and <T(ppayis. 

The gods with whose mention Pindar 
has ' begun ', in the first strophe are 
Aetnean Zeus, Artemis and the river 
deity Alpheus. He has united with their 
names the victory of Chromius, and this 
union of ' the action of men ' with the 
praise of the immortals might seem to 
require an explanation. Such an ex- 
planation is contained in the epithet 
8ai(j.oviais, heroic, half divine; the dai- 
fioves being an intermediate class between 
gods and men, as is clearly stated for 
example in the Apology of Plato. 

Other explanations of this passage 
have been put forward, and even emen- 
dations have been proposed. Dissen 
translates ' initia autem horum factorum 
jacta sunt a diis una cum viri illius sin- 
gularibus virtutibus ', interpreting dpxal 
deuv as ' (initia) divina, a diis profecta '. 
We may confidently hold that the words 
could not admit this meaning. Mr Fen- 
nell's view almost coincides with mine in 
sense, but not exactly; he takes "the 
genitive dewv as ' Kara avvecLv ', dpxo-l 
ptfiXi]PTai. being regarded as equivalent 
to ' I have begun ' ". Dawes read 6e$, 
and Mingarelli proposed pepX-qvT' e/c 
0ewf, both of which give an inferior sense 
to the reading of the mss. and are from 
a critical point of view highly improbable, 
as no reason for the assumed corruption 
is apparent. 

The note of a scholiast is worth quoting 



>r C>' ' » ' TO 

e<rri o ev evTV^ia lKJ 

Travho%La<i d/cpov' fieydXcov 8' diOXo&v 
Motca fxefivdcrOai <f>i\ei. 

airelpe vvv arfXatav tlvcL vdaw, tclv 'OXv/attov 8ea-7r6ra<i 
Zeus eSo)K€v <£>€p<re(p6va, Karevevaev re Fot xaira^, dpiaTevovaav 
eincdpirov xdovo? 

in support of the explanation which I 
have adopted and which is practically 
that of von Leutsch and Mezger : 

apx a ' a ' T0V (yKOJ/J-iov. tovto 8e Xiyet 
Sid to dirb deov rrjs 'Apre/xlSos KarrjpxOai 
ware dpxds ra irpool/xia tt}s ip8rjs avrov 
Xiyeiv. 'e"do$ 8e Yliv8dpw deols dvdwreiv ra 
birwaovv rols dvdpwwois eKirovovfieva. 

I think however that Bewv may include 
Zeus, if not Alpheus, as well as Artemis. 
10 — 12. In success is the attainment 
7tnto perfect glory; and great contests the 
Muse delighteth to remember. Here ev- 
tux'« refers primarily to victory in games ; 
but as it generally bears a wider meaning 
and as dedXwv may bear a wider meaning, 
we need not, in translation, limit the 
words of Pindar to athletic contests ; 
they would be true, for example, of 
the labours of Heracles, iravSo^la is a 
Pindaric formation and may be compared 
to iravdaiaia, iravSrjfiia ; as ira.v8a.iaia. is a 
banquet at which nothing fails, irav8o£La 
is glory to which nothing is wanting (not 
world-wide glory). A similar coinage of 
Pindar is irayyXwaala (Olymp. II. 87). 
aKpov irav8o£las is the eminence of perfect 
praise, which is won by success celebrated 
in song. 

13. (rireipc vvv] MSS. eyeipe vvv, Beck 
and Hermann restored aireipi vvv, which 
is palaeographically almost identical. 
Compare ereipe with cneipe. It is 
clear that airelpe was read by the scholiast 
who wrote fKirefiire rolvvv, w Movaa, Kal 
airelpe \ap.irp6Tt}Td tivcl t-q vrjaw tt} St- 

The usual interpretation that Pindar 
calls upon the Muse to scatter (spargere) 
praises, <>r shed lustre on the island may 

be right. One might translate perhaps 
Fling then some thing of beauty over the 
island — remembering of course that vdaw 
is the dative of the interested person. 
The idea of spreading 'broad rumour' 
may be implied in airelpe, but it certainly 
is not prominent. Editors always com- 
pare rlv 6' d8veTT7)s re \i'ipa yXvKvs t 
av\6s dvairdaaei. xdpw {01. X. 94), but the 
reading there is very uncertain, as the 
MSS. vary between dvairdaaei, dvairrdaaei 
and dvairXdaaei. A better parallel is Nem. 
VIII. 39 p.o/j.<pdv 8' eiriaireipwv dXiTp<HS. 

A new suggestion as to the meaning 
of airelpe will be found in the Additional 
Note on p. 27 ; but see also note on 1. 18 

d-yXatav tivcx] The indefinite pronoun 
is frequently used to express the writer's 
consciousness that his words are unusual 
or metaphorical, — that he is taking a 
liberty with language. Brightness is 
the idea dominant in dyXa'Ca, which re- 
minds us a little of Fame's 'glist'ring 
foil' in Lycidas. 'Song' or 'praise' or 
laus illustris is an inadequate translation. 
14. <i>€po-€<j)6vq.] Zeus gave Acragas 
(Agrigentum) as an 'unveiling gift' (els 
to, dvaKaXvirTTipia) to Persephone, and 
hence that city is called by Pindar in 
the Twelfth Pythian Ode (1. 2) Qepae- 
<p6vas e8os. The donation was afterwards 
extended to the whole island. Pherse- 
phona, with double aspirate, is doubtless 
the original form of the name of the 
maiden of Enna, and attempts to deter- 
mine the etymology should start with it. 
Observe that ol is digammated in 
Pindar, cp. below 1. 16. 

KttTt'vtvo-ev Tt Fol xa^Tcus] And shook 



~i/ce\iav irieipav opOwa-etr icopv<pai<; ttoXiwv d(pveac<i' eir. a . 15 

doTracre 8e Kpovicoi* TroXe/xov p,vaoTr)pd Fot ya\K£vrko<$ 

\abv i7nraixp,0v Oapua Brj teal , 0\vp,7rid8a)v (pvWois iXcuav 

[Xf)(6evTa. ttoWoov iirefiav tcaipov ov yjrevSei fiakaiv. 

his locks in token unto her that he would 
exalt Sicily to be the richest soil on 
the fruitful earth, with cities supreme 
in wealth. Compare A, 524 nerpaXfj 

dpi(TT€uot<rav . . .iritipav] irieipav defines 
the quality in which Sicily excels. %^oi'6s 
depends on the comparative idea implied 
in dpiarevei. 

15. Kopv<j>ais iroXiwv d<j>v«ats] KOpv- 
(pals and a<pveaU stand to each other in 
the same relation as dpiaTevoiaav and 
irieipav ; cities unmatched in wealth. This 
use of KopvQri, head, occurs below 1. 34 and 
in Olymp. I. 13 5peirui> Kopvcpas dperdv dirb 
iraadv : it may be illustrated by our word 
'chief (chef, caput). In Olymp. XIII. 
in, the poet speaks of the cities made 
beautiful with wealth at the base of high- 
peaked Aetna, rai 6' uir' Airvas v\pi\6<pov 
KaWiirXouToi iroXies. But perhaps Kopvcpah 
(especially taken in connexion with 6p- 
Owaeiv) may be intended to suggest also 
the lofty situation of the Sicilian cities; 
so Mezger 'die Stadte Siciliens lagen 
grbsstentheils auf steilen Anhohen'. 

16. Kpovitov] In Homer Kpovlwv, 
Kpoviovos but KpovTwos, KpovTwva; in 
Pindar Kpoviwv and Kpovluv, see Nem. 
ix. 19 and 28; cp. Tyrtaeus, ~Evi>o[iia 
1, 1 (Bergk's numbering) avrbs yap Kpo- 
plwv KaWicrrecpdvov ir6ffis"Hpr)5. 

iroXt'(Aov p.vao-Ti]pa] Enamoured of 
war, war-wooing. In the Twelfth Py- 
thian (1. 24) the Many-headed Mood 
(iro\vKi<pa\os v6p.os) invented by Athene 
is called a glorious lover of games, evKXea 
Xaoaabwv fivatTrrjp' dyuvuv, and in the 
Second Isthmian (1. 5) we read of 'A<f>po- 
diras ev6pouov p.vd(TTeipav dSicrrav dirwpav. 
It is certain that fxvaarrjp and ixvaartipa 

are the same word as fivrjarrip a suitor, 
whether, /xvqcrTrip and p-vqarevu 
be originally connected with ixip-vqaKw, 
p.vr\p.i) Sec. or not. We can hardly 
hesitate to assume however that the 
Greek, whether rightly or wrongly, men- 
tally associated /xv-qcrrrip with p.vr\p.wv, 
especially in such a phrase as iroKip.ov 
pwaar-qp, and we might attempt to re- 
produce this association by rendering a 
people that turns to thoughts of bronze-clad 
war. Such a rendering will be still more 
appropriate in the passage quoted from 
the Second Isthmian: the sweet summer 
season which turns to thoughts of Love. 

\a\K€VTe'os] A Pindaric adjective, oc- 
curring also in Nem. XI. 35. Another 
Pindaric epithet (ridapoxappi-qs is applied 
in the Second Pythian to the steeds and 
warriors of Sicily. 

17. i'lriraixp-ov] of horsemen, lit. light- 
ing on horseback. The cavalry of Sicily 
were famous. i7r7ratXi"°s is also, as far 
as we know, a word framed by Pindar. Si] Kai...|u\6evTa] who full often 
too felt the touch of the golden leaves of 
Olympian olives, that is whose children 
often won victories at Olympia. Some 
MSS. have 6' d/j.a, but dafid is the best 
attested reading and is indubitably right. 
The old idea that 6ap.d might mean ' to- 
gether' as well as 'often' and was in fact 
a collateral form of dp.a, was exploded 
by Dr Ingram, Hermathena, vol. II. p. 
217 — 227. 577 here has its regular em- 
phasizing force. For this use of /xixOivra 
(characteristically Pindaric) compare 
Nem. IV. ?i Kadfieioi viv dvdeci plyvvov, 
crowned him with flowers. 

1 8. iroMuiv eirt'Pav Kaipov ou xJ/evSti 
(JaXwv] These words have caused con- 



earav 8' eV avXeiacs Ovpats 
dvhpb<; (piXo^eivov tca\d /u,e\7r6fievo'i, 
evda fioi dpfioScov 

(XT p. /3'. 

siderable difficulty to editors, who are 
divided as to the construction of Kaipov, 
some (notably Mr Fennell) taking it with 
j3a\wv, while others, including Dissen and 
Mezger, regard it as the object of eve^av. 
Dissen translates multarum rerum tctigi 
commode oblatam copiam noil loquutus 
mendacia; Mezger 'ich habe Gelegenheit 
zu vielem Lobe gefunden, ohne dass ich 
doch mit einem Liigenworte geschleudert 
hatte'; Mr Fennell on the other hand 'I 
have entered upon a copious theme, having 
aimed at moderation with a statement of 
simple truth' (inadvertently rendering 
Katpbv (3a\iov as if it were Kaipov /3a\uip). 

If it were not for the difficulties which 
have been discovered and discussed by 
the commentators, the sentence would 
appear clear and simple enough. We 
should instinctively take Katpbi' with iro\- 
\Qv and therefore with eirtftav, especially 
bearing in mind such passages as wv 
ZparaL Kaipov 5i5ovs (Pyth. I. 57), and 
ioiKora Kaipov 6\[$ov (Nem. VII. 58) ; 
iirij3rjvaL Kaipov to alight on an occasion 
would seem a natural expression (for 
€Trij3alvo}, alight on, with accusative see 
Liddell & Scott) ; and we should take ov 
ij/evdei (3a\div, casting no falsehoods, with- 
out introducing the idea that Pindar 
imagines himself shooting at a mark. 
This is the interpretation adopted by 
Dissen and Mezger, and it is the only 
one that gives pertinent sense. 

Translate : / have found meet matter 
for many praises without flinging one 
false -word. 

Pindar has touched on various dis- 
tinctions of Sicily; she was a gift of 
Zeus to Persephone, her soil is fertile, 
her cities are wealthy, her children are 
warriors, and Olympian victors. There 
is thus much matter for praise, and, he 
adds, all the praise is true. 

I confess that the words ov \pev5ei 
ftaXuv cast doubt on the somewhat bold 
explanation of awelpe (1. 13) offered in 
the Note on p. 27. On the whole I am 
disposed to think that Pindar bids his 
Muse fling gleaming words in praise of 
Sicily, and then, when she has glorified 
the island, assures his hearers that the 
praises which she has flung are not mere 
glittering falsehoods. 

19. ?o-t<xv 8' €ir* avXtCais Gvpais] / 
stood at the door of the courtyard ; that 
is, I approached the vestibule ; compare 
Isthmian VI I. 2 irapa irpoOvpov iuv dve- 
yeipirw Kwpiov, also Pyth. III. 78 Kovpai 
Trap' ifibv wpbdvpov p.i\7rovTai. So Dissen 
'accessi ad aulicas fores, ad vestibulum 
ChromiP, and Mezger 'ich trat an das 
Hofthor'. Harpocration sub voce explains 
av\eia Bvpa as t) curb ttjs bbov irpixsTrj dvpa 
7-77$ o'lKias (Dissen). dvpai, a door is like 
TTiiXai, a gate. 

20. KaXd (i€Xir6p.€V0s] In Pythian 
III. 78, Marpi rav Kovpai Trap' irpoOv- 
pov p.i\Trovrai 6ap.a aep.vav Oeov, we have 
/xiKiropiai with an accusative of the burden 
of the song, like the active p.e\iru). And 
so here it is better to take \-a\ct as a direct 
accusative than as an adverb, — celebrating 
a fair theme in choral song. The genitive 
dvdpbs (piXo^eivov (that is, Chromius) de- 
pends on Ovpais. 

Bergk conjectures, but wisely does not 
read, Kkia. (r) KaXa gives excellent 
sense ; (2) were K\ea the true reading, 
it was too familiar a word to suffer 

21. dp|j.68iov Shttvov] Properly ban- 
quet due, and so equivalent to generous 
banquet, compare the Homeric pievoeiKda 
SatYa. This use of dpp.68ios is illustrated by 
feW appio^ovra, generous entertainment, 
in Pythian iv. 129 ('epulas convenientes 
non parcas' Dissen). 



8ei7rvov KeKoo-firjTdL, 0afjba 8' dWo&cnrwv 

ovk airetpaTOL 86/xot 

ivTL' \e\oyx e ^e fi€fJb(f)OfjLevo{,<; eV\oi)<? vBcop KaizvQ> (pepetu 

Mezger gives us the alternative of ' ein 
geziemendes ' or ' ein fertiges Mahl ', with- 
out deciding which is preferable. He 
suggests the latter rendering (which to 
me seems impossible) because a scholiast 
writes wpox^pos kclI appodios in elucida- 
tion of Ztolixov alvov in Olymp. VI. 18. 
But the fact that eroifws is (rightly) para- 
phrased in that passage by ' at hand and 
due' does not prove that dp/xodios, due, 
fitting, could be equivalent to 'fertig'. 

22. 0a|xa 8' dXX.o8a.irwv] and often 
are his halls visited by out landers. In 
another ode, the Ninth Nemean, composed 
in honour of Chromius, the poet refers to 
his hospitality by mentioning that the 
door was too narrow to admit the multi- 
tude of guests, £ei'ewj> vevlKavrat dvpai 

(1. *)• 

Bergk, in order to connect this sentence 
more closely with the following words in 
lines 24, 25, has proposed 6d/xa 5' e%^o5o- 
ttwv (dd/jLa paroxyton for a,ua; but see 
above, note on 1. 17). Hartung proposed 
KeKoa/J-riTai d' dfxa 8'. 

23. ovk direCpaTOi] Litotes. For ct7rei- 
pdros compare 01. XI. 18 firjd' awdparov 
naXQv ; in active sense, unadventitrons, 
Isth. in. 48 (iv. 30). (In Olymp. VI. 54, 
the MSS. vary between direipdry and 
direipavTip, the words being 

KiKpVTTTO yap crx^V i^arta r' iv direipaTip, 
where the metre requires that the pen- 
ultimate syllable of the verse should be 
short. Boeckh and Dissen take dirdparos 
as equivalent to direlpao-ros, untried, and 
so of a thicket, dense; compare 0a.vp.aTos, 
davnao-Tos. Bergk reads dveiplr^.) 

24. XeXoyx* St |i6|«J>o|iivoiS k.t.X.] 
But he hath won good friends to quell as 
with water the smoke of envious cavillers. 

The following considerations are, it 
seems to me, decisive in favour of the 
meaning elicited by Hermann and Mat- 

thiae, whose interpretations differ only in 
a minor detail. (1) The impersonal con- 
struction of XiXoyxe which underlies other 
explanations is at least doubtful; the 
personal construction is regular and occurs 
in Pindar 01. I. 53 dicip8eia XiXoyxev 
dapuvd KaKayopos (though there the verb 
is used in a somewhat different sense). 
(2) Here especially the context seems to 
require the personal construction, as 
affording a closer and more natural con- 
nexion with the preceding sentences. The 
generous host has won by his hospitality 
good friends. (3) A remark of Plutarch 
{Frag, xxi 1 1. 2) that 'envy is compared 
by some to smoke' (tov tpOovov Zviot ry 
nairvu eiKd£ov<Tiv), whether he had this 
passage in mind or not, strongly confirms 
the opinion that Kawv^i here, occurring in 
close connexion with ixep.<pop.ivois, means 
the smoke of envy. This passage was 
adduced by Hermann in support of his 
explanation. (4) The collocation /j.e/j.<po- 
fiivois iaXovs v8u)p Kairvy strongly suggests 
that the iaXoi are pitched against the 
fiep.<f>6ixevoL as vowp against nawvos ; whence 
we infer (a) that io-Xovs is not governed 
by p.ep.<pop.evoi, (b) that /can-i/o's represents 
the quality or work of the detractors, not 
of the good. 

The general sense then is: Chromius 
has won for himself noble friends, who 
defend him against cavillers and quench 
their envy. In this sense Hermann and 
Matthiae interpreted the passage, but 
their analyses of the sentence are some- 
what different. Hermann, followed by 
Dissen, takes it thus : Nactus est (hospitii 
liberalitate) virosprobos adversus obtrecta- 
tores, ad aquam fumo obviam ferendam. 
Matthiae (Seebode's Archiv fiir Philo- 
logie, v. ii., fasc. 4, p. 681, quoted by 
Dissen) takes /xefupo/xivois, not with Xi- 
Xoyxev io-Xovs, but with dvriov (pipnv, the 



avriov. rkyyai 8' erepiov erepai' XPV & * v £v6elai<i o&ols 
(rreiyovTa fjbdpvacrdai <pva. 2$ 

order being XAo7x c " ecXotfs, fiep.(f>ofj.ivois 
v5wp avriov (ptpeiv (wcnrep) KairvQ. Dissen 
objects to Matthiae's view, on the ground 
that the natural order of the words is 
neglected and that it is intolerable to 
have to supply the comparative conjunc- 
tion uxnrep. I am disposed to agree with 
Bergk that Matthiae comes nearer the 
truth than Hermann. That fj.ep.<po/j.tvot.s 
alone with \iKoyxP 1 could mean against 
cavillers, I cannot believe; the so-called 
dativus incommodi is sufficiently elastic, 
but it would not at its tensest meet a case 
like this. We have only to suppose the 
first three words standing in a clause by 
themselves, and we see that Hermann is 
wrong and that the case of p,en<pop.frois 
is really determined by the subsequent 
words avriov <p4ptiv. So far Matthiae is 
right, but he need not have introduced 
wuirep : Pindar is using a metaphor rather 
than a simile. Without metaphor he might 
have written Xe'Xoyxee eaXovs, /xep-cpo/xevcov 
(pdovcii avnafav. In the metaphor, vdwp 
avriov <pepeiv takes the place of dvridfciv 
and Kawvip of <pBbvt$; and the poet gains 
an elegant verbal antithesis by writing, 
instead of the genitive p.ep.<pop.ivwv , the 
dative ixep.(pop.4voi%, a strict dativus incom- 
modi ('their smoke for cavillers'). 

A totally different interpretation, which 
is at first sight attractive, has been sug- 
gested by von Leutsch and is accepted 
by Mezger. Observing that water poured 
on smoke increases it these scholars con- 
clude that vdwp Kcnrvui <ptpav avriov was a 
Greek proverb corresponding to our 
'pouring oil on the fire', and translate 
thus : ' It is the lot of those who detract 
from the noble to carry water to quench 
smoke', that is to increase the glory which 
they would fain disparage. Strabo, ix. 
443, Oerra\iav Xa%f t" AcvicaXiuvi is quoted 
to support \Aoyx e with the dative, but 
Ilerwerdcn both suspects the reading in 

Strabo, and rightly takes dvqp as the 
subject of Xe\oYx e {Pindarica, p. 24). 
Considerations already adduced tell a- 
gainst Mezger's view, and the only argu- 
ment in its favour falls to the ground 
through the simple reflection that though 
a small quantity of water poured on a 
smoking fire causes the vapour to spread 
about, a sufficiently large quantity will 
extinguish it. 

But Mezger may be judged almost out 
of his own mouth, and here we come to 
another argument which supports the 
explanation adopted by the present editor. 
According to the Pindaric usage, which 
Mezgerhas the credit of having discovered, 
avriov in 1. 25 corresponds to dvridgwcriv 
in 1. 68, both words occupying the same 
position in the same verse of strophe /3' 
and antistrophos 8' respectively. By this 
device Pindar indicates a connexion in 
thought between the two passages, and 
the connexion is patent. The good men 
oppose the cavillers as the gods and 
Heracles oppose the giants. This cir- 
cumstance confirms the view that the 
eVXot are the subject of avriov <pepuv. 

The next note will develop Pindar's 
meaning further. 

25. T«'\vai, 8' cTtpwv A.-.T.X.] Arts are 
. divers ; but it is meet that a man should 
walk in straight paths, and use in strife 
his native vigour. For might of limb 
worketh {manifests itself) by action ; and 
wit — in those to whom it is given by nature 
to foresee the future — by counsels. 

The opposition of born talent, <pvd, to 
art and acquired learning is a favourite 
theme of Pindar. lie touches on it in 
the Second Olympian Ode, where he 
attacks Korax and Teisias ; 1. 86 aocpbs 6 
TToWa. ddws <pv<j.' fiaOdvres d£ \dj3poi iray- 
yXucraia, n6pai<es uis, aKpavra yapverov Aios 
wpbs opvixa Oeiov, Wise is he who hath 
much knowledge through native toil ; but 



irpaaaet yap epyq) fxev aOevos, 
/3ov\at<TL 8e (pp>)p iaaofxevov irpolhelv, 

(IVT. /3'. 

it is through study that they twain clamor- 
ously utter their lean notes, idly, like 
crows against the divine bird of Zeus. 
(Mr Verrall showed, from the dual yapi- 
erov combined with the Pindaric paro- 
nomasia K6pa.Kes, that Korax and Teisias 
the Sicilian rhetors are alluded to. For 
\df3poi, loud, see note on Nan. vin. 46.) 
Again in Olymp. ix. I. 100, we read, 

to 8e (pvq. Kp<xTi<TTOv airav' TroWol de 

avdptlnrwv dperais k\{os 

upovaav aptaOai. 

In the Second Pythian 1. 72 the ac- 
complishments of the ape, which amuse 
children, are contrasted with natural 
ability ; 

fiaduv KaXos toi iriOuv irapa. iraialv 

Ka\6s. 6 Se 'Va8dp.av8vs ev wt-n-payev 
OTi cppepQv 

^\a%e Kapwov dfiujp.i]Tov, k.t.X. 
where the purpose of introducing Rha- 
damanthus, as I have pointed out 
{Hermathena, vol. VI. p. 185), is the 
suggestion that his name means padiws 

Pindar himself provides us with a 
means of elucidating to some extent the 
present passage by the hint (contained in 
dvrlov — dvTid^waiv) that we are to take 
part of the fourth antistrophos in con- 
nexion with it. And it requires no in- 
genuity to see that civ ir\aylip nbpy <TTei- 
Xovra (1. 64) him who walketh with 
crooked envy is opposed to (' findet semen 
Gegensatz in ' Mezger) (TTeixovTa iv ev- 
Oeiais 65o?s him who xvalketli in straight 
paths ; and the /c6pos of 1. 65 corresponds 
to the Kairv6s of 1. 24. Thus the thought 
is : the true and noble man, when he is 
assailed by envious cavillers, who, because 
they are envious, use crooked wiles (t^x- 
vai), will not deviate from the straight 
path but will oppose their adventitious 
arts by his own inborn strength. So it 


was that Heracles subdued those who 
walked with crooked envy, and aided the 
gods to overcome the envious giants. 

In the first instance the poet is aiming 
these shafts at enemies of Chromius ; but 
it would be quite in the manner of Pindar 
to intend a side-blow at his own rivals ; 
and this is suggested by t{x vm 5' zrtpwv 
fe'repat, see above, Introduction, p. 6. It 
is possible that Pindar's rivals, or literary 
foes, may have been actually among the 
detractors of Chromius. 

26. irpdcr<rei] operates by, manifests 
itself in. 'ipyov is the adivos externalised, 
and Trpacraei means the process. For 
7rpa(Tcru} = ago, 'function' Mr Fennell 
compares irpaacrovTcov p.e\ewi> in frag. 131, 

I. 4 (ed. Bergk). 

This verse refers to Chromius, whose 
deeds prove his native strength. 

27. pov\ai<ri 8« <f>pvjv k.t.X.] These 
words, I believe (with Welcker), refer to 
the poet himself, not, as is generally 
assumed, to Chromius. In this ode Pindar 
is a prophet foretelling, under the cover 
of myth, a glorious career for Chromius 
and a fair close thereto. As Heracles 
in the myth corresponds to Chromius, 
Tiresias, who prophesies the greatness 
and final apotheosis of Heracles, corre- 
sponds to Pindar. And in the passage now 
under consideration Pindar indicates this 
by the words those to whom it is given to 
foresee the future. For eirerai in this 
sense — not quite the same as i-veaTL, but 
suggesting continuity in time— compare 
Isthm. III. 4 p.eyd\at 8' dperal dvaroh 

The general connexion of thought in 

II. 24 — 28 may be summed thus. We 
must oppose envy and artifice by straight- 
forwardness and native faculty, <pvd. In 
you, Chromius, this <pvd is crdevos, in me 
(pprjv, whereby I can foresee what is to be, 
and can meet the cavillers by prophesying 
your glorious future. 



avyyeves ot<? eTrerat. 
' A<y rjcnS a /xov wal, creo S' ap,(pl rpoirrp 

rcev re Kal rwv ^py]aie<i. $0 

ovk epaubai tto\vv ev fieydpco ttXovtov KaraKpv^ai^ eyeiv, 
ct\X > eovTcov ev re rraOelv Kal ctKovcrat cpiXois e^apKecov. Koival 
yap €px 0VT> eX.7r/Se9 

29, 33. But in the compass of thy 
character, son of Agesidamus, are 
powers of using {fortune' 's) various gifts. 
For dpcpi (somewhat like German bei) 
compare Olymp. XIII. 37 de\lw dp.<p' evl, 
in the compass of one sim's race ; Pyth. v. 
119 5iW<ni'...e7r' 'tpyoiuiv a/uupi re /3oiAcus 
ix eLV i puissance for the achievement of 
deeds and in the scope of his counsels ; 
Nem. VI. 14 ovk ap.p.opos 0.^101 7rdXa, in 
the field of wrestling. 

to. Kal rd] this and that, is a favourite 
expression of Pindar and always means 
divers things ; according to the context, 
the divers things may all be good, or some 
may be good and others — Odrepa. Ob- 
serve the following passages. Olytnp. II. 
53 6 fJ.av ttXovtos dperais 5e8ai5a\p.e'vos 
<pe"pei tu}v re Kal twv Kaipov, "wealth surely, 
if tricked out with fair qualities (of its 
possessor), giveth occasion (means) for 
divers achievements. Pyth. v. 55 6 Bdr- 
tov 5' eVerai TaAcuds 6\(3os Zp.irav rd 
Kal rd vipwv, irvpyos dVreos, But the 
ancient fortune of Battus" house abideth, 
notwithstanding, allotting various bless- 
ings, a tower of defence to the city. 
(For eVercu compare above, note on 
1. 27.) Pyth. VII. 20 (pavri ye pav 
ovto) Kev dvdpl Trapp.ovlp.av 6&W01- 
aav €v5aip.oviav to. Kal rd <pe"peadai, 
Surely they say (ye italicises (pavri) that 
Happiness , when she thus abideth with a 
man always in the fairness of her youth, 
winneth divers things ; that is good and 
bad, the bad being <p66vos, mentioned in 
the previous line. [Dissen takes (ptpeadai 
here as equivalent to <pipetv (afferre, and 
so Mczger 'mil sich bringe ') ; wrongly; 
evbaip-ovla does not bring <p96vos in her 
train, but wins it (<piperai. in its regular 

middle sense).] Isthm. IV. 52 Zeus rd 
re Kal rd vtpei, Zeus distributes various 
lots (good and bad). 

With these passages in view I cannot 
hesitate to disagree with the majority of 
commentators, who made tuv Kal rHiv 
refer to the epyov and flovXai mentioned 
in the preceding verses. ' In utraque 
virtute uteris', Dissen; 'Rath und That', 
Mezger ; and even Welcker, who rightly 
refers (3ov\ah to Pindar, explains ' tu 
alteram habes, adevos, alteram experiris, 
[3ov\as '. But it is quite gratuitous to 
assign to rd Kal rd here a definite sense 
which the expression bears nowhere else ; 
and especially in the light of the verses 
quoted above from the Second Olympian 
ode. Chromius' character is such that he 
can use well the various gifts of fortune, 
wealth among the rest. The two follow- 
ing lines, I think, make this explanation 

31. ovk epau-cu, k.t.X. ] / love not to 
keep great store of treasure hidden in the 
palace, but of my abundance to make good 
cheer and win a good name, contenting my 
friends. From this defence of Chromius' 
lavish hospitality, we may with some 
probability conclude that one of the 
charges brought against him by the cavil- 
lers was prodigality. Observe that iradeiv 
and aKovaai are aorists : eC 7rd(Tx €LV would 
mean to indulge in continual high living. 
ev is carried on to aKovaai. 

3*2. €ovtwv] Such expressions as to 
give of your abundance or x a /"f /^*' 7 ? 
TrapeovTuv are familiar ; eovruv ev iraOelv 
is the same construction in a passive 
form. Dissen compares Theognis 1. 1009 
tuv avrov Kredvuiv ev waax^P-fv. The 
genitive is akin to the partitive gen.; if 



TToXvirovoiv dvSpuw. eyw £>' 'Hpa/cXeo? dvTe^ 7rpo<ppo- 
vcos, eV. /3 . 

iv Kopvcpai<i dperav pLeyd\ai<; dpycuov orpvvayv \6yov, 

<w<?, iirel crirXdy^yoiv vito puarepo^ aiir'uca darjrnv is alyXav 
irah A to? 35 

(t)8lva (pevytov 8iSvp,(p avv tcaaiyvr/TM poXev, — 

<w<? ov XaOoov xpvaodpovov 

"Hpav KpoKwrov airdpyavov ey/care^a' 

crrp. y 

grammarians seek a name for it, they 
might call it the genitive of Capital. 

Koival -yap k.t.X.] For to all alike 
come the hopes and fears of toiling men ; 
none are exempted from the changes and 
chances of mortal life ; therefore make 
use of the wealth while it is still called 
to-day. Koivai, common (as in Hamlet., 
'ay, madam, it is common'); compare 
New. VII. 30 KOivbv yap epx eTCt ' k ^m' 
'Aida, to all alike comes the wave of 
Death's river. eXirides, hopes ana 7 fears, 
iXwis being neutral, either hope or fear ; 
translated into objective language it 
means changes and chances. woKvirovuv, 
toiling and suffering; compare raXaot 
/3poToi, comfortless mortals, Aristoph. 
Birds, 687, and 6t.£vpods fiporovs, N 569. 

33 — 38. e-yw 8' k. t.X.] But I hold 
fain and fast by Heracles for matchless 
deeds of mighty prozvess, and stir a ii??ie- 
honoured tale, — how no sooner had the son 
of Zeus with his twin brother issued from his 
mother's womb forthright into the won- 
derful dazzling light, fresh from the birth- 
pang, than his swathing in the saffron 
bands -was known to Hera on her golden 

orpijvw is used like kivu, — as if the tale 
lay quiet and Pindar disturbed its rest. 

35. <rirXa"yx vwv viroi] from beneath the 
heart. A passage in the Sixth Olympian, 
telling of the birth of Iamus, is very 
nearly verbally identical : rjXdev 5' virb 
<nr\6.yxvwv vir' wdlvos r e paras "la/xos 
es <paos avrlKa (1. 43). Here avrtKa is 

taken by Dissen with iweL {quum primum, 
the very moment that) ; but Mr Fennell 
rightly observes that it ' indicates the 
normal process of the delivery', as in the 
Sixth Olympian. The point of atirUa 
is that the passage from the womb into 
the light is not graduated, but sudden, 
and this idea is further developed in the 
words darjrap a'iyXav. Oa-qrav for drir/rav, 
wondrous to look upon, suggests the first 
surprise of light dawning on a newborn 
infant's eyes ; and a£y\a.v is felicitously 
chosen to express the dazzle after the 
darkness of the womb. 

36. Kao-iYvrJT<{>] Iphicles, son of Am- 

37. ws] So Boeckh for mss. u>s r. 
Some scholars have wished to change 
eirti in 1. 35, for it is clear that evei and 
u>s t' cannot stand together. [Hermann, 
for example, read tl>s dpa, Rauchenstein 
d$s 7rore, but these and other attempts 
to emend ws eirel set all principles of 
textual criticism at defiance.] The omis- 
sion of t is a simple and certain remedy ; 
a scribe observing ws following u>s in the 
same sentence and unconnected by a 
copula would be tempted to insert a re 
or a Kal. The second u>s is (as Mezger 
says) a repetition or resumption of the 
first us. The object of this resumption is 
to begin the tale proper in the new 

38. KpoKWTov] saffron-dyed ; KpoKior6s 
is generally used as a substantive. The 
colour was worn by kings and heroes ; in 

2 — 2 



aXXa 6ewv /Sacr/Xea 

(nrepxdeiaa 6v/jLg> 7re/x7re Spri/covTas d<pap. 40 

rol [iev olyOeicrdv irvXav 

e? BaXdfiov (ivftov evpvv eftav, reicvoicnv wVeta? <yv/idov<> 
ap,<pe\L,l;acr0ai /tie/xa&vre? - 6 8' op#oj/ yu-e^ dvreivev /cdpa, treiparo 
Be irpcorov p,dya<s, 

Biacralcn Boiovs avyevoav 

IA(ipi\raLS d(f)i>KTOi<; ^epalv eats o<f>ia<i' 

dy%op.evoi<; Be ^p6fio<i 

avr. 7 . 

the Fourth Pythian, Jason flings off a 
saffron-coloured garment, KpoKoev et/xa 
(1. 232). 

fyKaTe'Pa] wa s placed and swathed in, 
stronger than ii/^a just as eyKaraStw is 
stronger than ivdiio. Verbs compounded 
with iyKCLTa- (such as iyKaTaXdwu), ey- 
Ka.Ta£evyi>v/j.i, iyKaTaTi0T)fxL, iyKaTCLKeifiai, 
Sec.) connote a firm insertion or a strict 
inclosure ; here eyKar(4^a) suggests the 

39. d\Xd 9eo3v |3ao-iA.ea] But the 
queen of the gods, in hot wrath, straight- 
way sent serpents. I follow Heyne 
and Bergk in reading pacriXea for MSS. 
(3acrl\ei.o. ; compare tipea for lepeia and 
see Bergk's note. Boeckh's /3a<rtA^a would 
mean palace (j3aai\eia). is 
used of hasty and violent anger; as a 
medical term airepxvbs connotes the 
violence of a fever or sickness. The 
scholiast explains by virep&ovcra. 

42. 8a\d(j.ou] ddXa/xos and 6d\a/u.oi 
have the special sense of a woman's 
chamber or bower. fivxoi> 8a\d/xov = 
chamber far withdrawn, inner. 

T€Kvoio-iv uKtCas k. t.\.] There can 
hardly be any doubt that d/j,<pe\i^aa6ai 
refers to the coiling of the serpents round 
the bodies of the children ; cf. X 95 
i\«rff6/j.evos irepl x f <-V of a serpent. The 
proper meaning of e\Ww is to coil, and 
the middle in active sense is quite right 
here as its object is part of the subject's 
body. The use of yvddovs, where we 

might expect a word denoting the whole 
body, is bold and graphic ; in the swift 
process of coiling, the jaws of the snakes 
and the darting tongues are the most 
prominent feature, — they seem all jaws. 
diKelas refers to the rapid motion of the 
head. Ravening, although as a transla- 
tion, it would be inexact, is the subjec- 
tive aspect of d)Kelas and is expressed by 
/€s. We may translate, Yearning 
to wind round the children their coils and 
darting jaws. 

Dissen's note is ' dicit avidas maxillas 
celeriter se moventium, appropinquan- 
tium bestiarum, ad partem corporis revo- 
cato epitheto, quod proprie toti corpori 
serpentium competit'. 

43. 6p86v avT€tv«v] opdbv dvareiveiv — 
raise in an erect posture. This in itself 
was the mark of a prodigious infant. 

irpoiTov] for the first time. It was his 
first battle. 

8icro-aio-i Soiovs k.t.X.] by seizing in the 
sure grasp of his hands twain the two 
serpents by their necks. d<pvKrois Bergk 
unnecessarily changes to dfiuKTuis. Notice 
the stress laid by Pindar on the dual 
number of the serpents by dicrcrcuai Swot's 
in the emphatic position at the beginning 
of the antistrophos (see next note). 

46. d-yx°H l6 ' v0ls ^ XP^r 105 ! -^ r ^'O' 
were throttled, the breath cf life left their 
unutterable limbs in a gurgling hiss. 

Xp6vos is the reading of the MSS., which 
editors have (vainly 1 think) endeavoured 



yjrv^d'i (iireTTvevaev /u.e\e(ov acfxtToiv. 
e/c o «p atXarov 7reA,09 

to explain. 'Constrictis tempus vitam 
exstinxit', Dissen; 'indem sie gewiirgt 

wurden, blies die Zeit ihre Seelen aus 
den unsagbaren Gliedern = die lange Zeit 
des Win-gens raubte ihnen den Athem ', 
Mezger; 'the time made them breathe 
forth the life from their dread frames', 
Fennell. Von Leutsch says iuso/eus sane 
dicendi genus sed necessarium, and Mr 
Fennell admits that ' it is quite possible 
that there is some corruption but it is 
impossible to establish a correction '. 
Ilartung has adopted ayxbp-evoi 5e XP^V 
i/^Xas dwewvevaap, a reading which may, 
primo conspectu, be rejected as uncritical; 
Bergk suggests 5' drpop-os, which, we may 
safely say, would never have become 
corrupted to 5e xpbfos. 

The obvious objections to XP° V0 * are 
decisive. XP '*' 05 by itself can only mean 
a long time, and thus gives a sense discor- 
dant with the spirit of the narrative. As 
Bergk says, celeriter facinus patravit 
infaiis, his mighty grasp throttled them 
at once, and so it is represented in 
Theocritus' account of the prodigy, xxiv. 
55. But even if we waive this, dweirvevae 
cannot admit an external agent (like 
Xpovos) as its subject. 

I have no hesitation in restoring XP°- 
fios, the conjecture of Schmidt. From a 
critical point of view it is a perfect emen- 
dation; for that the unfamiliar XP°P- 0S 
would have almost inevitably been ' cor- 
rected ' to the familiar and nearly identical 
Xpovos will be admitted by any one who 
has dealt at all with questions of textual 
criticism. It is moreover a fine addition 
to a realistic picture ; we hear the hissing 
death-rattle, in which, literally, the breath 
leaves the serpent's body. (Cp. Nem. X. 
74, where Polydeukes finds the dying 
Castor dcrO/xari (ppicraovTa irvods.) The 
strangling grasp produces the XP'V 05 i' 1 
the throat, and the xpo/ 10 *' as ' l were, 

'expires' their souls. As XP<W* > s merely 
the audible sign of the departing breath 
and is not external to the organisms, the 
phrase XP°M 0S diriirvevae is not exposed 
to the objection which applies to xpbvos 
aTTeirvevae. For xpbp-os see Hesychius. 

But there is a further consideration 
that removes remaining doubts on the 
subject of xpoM°s- The idea of the ode 
is a comparison between the fulfilled 
career of Heracles and the unfulfilled 
career of Chromius, and it would be 
characteristic of Pindar's art to remind 
the hearer or reader of this by indirect 
allusion in the course of the narrative. 
A favourite mode of such allusion was 
paronomasia, and here the strange word 
Xpbp.os (which arrests the attention all 
the more because it is strange) im- 
mediately suggests ~S.pop.ios. This also 
explains the form of the phrase xP°P-°s 
dTrewvevo-ev; the circumstance that XP°P- 0S 
is the subject and as it were the agent 
makes the allusion to some exploit of 
Chromius more precise. What this ex- 
ploit was, to which Pindar compares the 
slaying of the serpents, we have no 
means of knowing; but the emphatic 
prominence given to the number of the 
serpents by 5iao-alo~i doiovs (see last note) 
suggests that two special enemies of 
Chromius are alluded to. See above, 

Herwerden (Pindariea, p. 25) suggests 
X&vos (equivalent to aropa) for xpovos. 

47. (xeXt'wv d<}>dTwv] This use of fie- 
Xewu is a reminiscence of Homeric phrases 
like dvpbs e^eirraTo in p.e\euv (Dissen). 
For dcpdTwv, vast, huge, compare Hero- 
dotus VII. 190 d<para xpVP- aTa > vast sums 
of money (like German 'kolossal'). 

48. €K 8* ap' arXaTOV irtXos irXdle 
■yvvaiKas] The better MSS. have drXarov 
dtos, while \\, X, V, Z and the libri of 
Moschopulos have |S<?\os. Many editors, 



trXd^e yvvaitcas, oaat, rvyov ' ' AXicfirjvas dp^yotaac Xe^ef 
/cal <ydp avrd, iroacrlv a7re7r\o<; opovaaia dirb crrpoi^vd^, op,(t)<i 
dfivvev v ftp iv Kvwhakwv. 5° 

including Dissen and Fennell, adopt /3Aos 
on the intelligible ground that 5^os can 
be explained as an interpretation of the 
difficult /3Aos, whereas peXos cannot be 
accounted for if d4os were the word 
written by Pindar. This argument is 
conclusive against 5eos. They explain 
)3e\os as a pang of fear {repentinus animi 
motus), and support it by Homer's ws 5' 
6t av udivovcrav fxu i^eXos 6£i) yvvaiKa, 
A 269 (compare also Homeric ax" |Se/3o- 
\7]/j.ipos). But this use of /3e'Xos o^v for 
the sharp physical pain of a woman in 
travail — almost a /SeXos of Artemis — does 
not in any way justify or explain the 
absolute use of jSeXos for fear. To me it 
seems incredible that Pindar would have 
used the word in this sense without some 
further definition of its meaning. I hold 
therefore, with Bergk, Hartung and 
others, that both fiiXos and dios are 
corrections, but their suggestions are 
certainly untenable. Neither Bergk's 
dirXarov x/>^ 05 (which assumes a double 
corruption), nor Hartung's /3Xd/3os nor 
even Rauchenstein's rdcpos stood in any 
peril of being changed ; and even if rdcpos 
might have been surmounted with the 
gloss o^os, it could never have produced 
/Je'Xos. In the reading /3Aos we have a 
valuable clue for discovering the lost 
original. /3A05 gives such poor sense 
that no scribe would have thought of 
introducing it into the text unless it were 
very similar in letters to the actual -word 
lie found, that word being itself so un- 
familiar that it puzzled him completely. 
In fact the only circumstance that could 
have determined anyone to read /3Aos was 
its likeness to an unintelligible original. 
This argument appears to me conclusive, 
and I have no hesitation in restoring 
7rAos, a neuter noun related to ■rre'Xwp, 
as vdos (Hesiodic iioti) is related to voup. 

It may be that Hesychius had this very 

passage before him when he noted the 


7re\os ' fxeya, Tepa.CTi.ov. 

(His gloss on iriXwp is f^iya, inrepepves.) 
This rare word was not understood ; and 
while one scribe, who clung to the letter, 
altered it to the nearest word that sug- 
gested anything like sense (/3eXos), another 
who had a keener eye for the meaning 
boldly read dios. While wiXwp was con- 
fined in use to living organisms, ireXos (as 
is indicated by Hesychius' Tepdo~Tioi> and 
as the form of the word suggests) might 
be used of a strange or prodigious event ; 
hence Pindar uses it here. We may 
render; but the terrible prodigy struck 
with dismay the women who were helping 
Alcmena at her bedside. 

50. ko.1 -yap avTol k.t.X.] All the 
mss. read wo<raiv (U ttoct'lv). Dissen's 
note is 'non temere adjecta voce tto<t- 
civ, sed oppositions causa ; consternatae 
feminae, ipsa vero etiam accurrit'; in 
other words iro<j<jiv is added to opovaaicra, 
in order to emphasize the motion of 
Alcmena ; cf. voacri Tpix u " Olymp. X. 65, 
where the footrace is opposed to the 
wrestling match. Cf. also Olymp. XIII. 
72 dvd 5' ^7t<x\t' opOu: irodi. As Mr 
Fennell says, we may translate 'to her 
feet', though the dative is certainly instru- 
mental. Bergk reads iraicriv (to be taken 
with d/xwev) which Mezger accepts. 
Translate : For she too leaped to her feel 
where she lay, robeless, and was fain to help 
in repelling the felon monsters. 

Stephanus' for the mss. 6/j.Qs is 
arbitrary and Mezger is right in rejecting 
it. The choice of v(3pis to designate 
the attack of the beasts is notable, 
and indicates that Pindar is thinking 
of some triumph of Chromius won over 
human KvwdaXa. direirXos, it is perhaps 



rayv 8e Ka8p,ei<ov dyol yaXiceois avv o7rXoL<i eSpapuov adpo- 

oi- «r- y- 

iv yepl 6° WfKpLrpvcov KoXeov <yup,v6v rtvdaooiv cpdcryavov 
Xtcer, o^elaa dvlaiac Tvireis. to -yap oi/ceiov TTie^ei irdvd oyLieoV 
evOv? 5' d'rrrjp.cov Kpahia /cd8o<; dp.<f> dXXoTpiov. 

eara 8e 6dp,/3ei Suacpopa) 

repirvS re pny^Oek. elSe yap eKvopnov 

Xrjfid T€ fcal hvvapav 

vlov' TraXlyyXcoaaov 8i ?oi dddvaroi 

(TTp. cV 55 

unnecessary to observe, does not mean 
naked, but iv x^uvitj), or fxovoxlrwu. 

51. \a\Keois <rvv ottXois] Here 
Pindar (in the 3rd epode) represents the 
countrymen of Heracles as wearing 
bronze arms, just as he represented the 
countrymen of Chromius (in the first 
epode 1. 16) as a people tto\£/j.ov p.i>a<TTrjpa 
Xa\icei>Teos. Hints like this serve the 
purpose of keeping the parallel in the 
reader's mind. 

e'8pa|xov] in arsis, as below 1. 69 xpovov; 
01. VI. 103 TrovTo/xeddv, Pyth. III. 6 
yviapKeos. Note the quantity of ddpboi. 

52. iv ytpi] cf. Pylh. II. 8 iv x e P°"' 
idd/xaaae ttwXovs. Moschopulos is our 
authority for <pdayavoi> which is omitted 
by the MSS. 

53. 6£etcus dviaion tv7T€is] A remi- 
niscence of T 125 tov 5' axos 6£i} rvxj/e. 
In Pindar the t of dvidpos is short, cf. 
01. XII. 11 dfrapcus; that of aula is short 
here (as in Sappho and Theognis), but 
long (as always in Homer) in Pyth. IV. 


to -yap oIksiov me'l^ti irdv9' 6|ia>s] For 

each alike is whelmed by his own trouble 

(the grief that comes home to him), but 

distress for a stranger's sorrow soon 

passelh away from the heart, iriigw, keep 

under, whelm, compare Eurip. Hippol. 

637 triifci Taya0(l) to dvarvxis. 

54. €v0vs 8' dinj|icov] The heart feels 
concern, but straightway — loses it ; the 
feeling is only a passing impression (rasch 

wieder vorubergehender Eindruck, Mez- 

g er )- 

dp.(j)l Kd8os] cf. Islhm. VI. 9 (Ov/xov 
ev<ppavas) dp.^ 'IdXaoc 'nnrop.r]Tiv. 

55. i'o-Ta 8t Ga^et k.t.X.] lie stood 
oppressed with wonder and delight ; for 
he saw the strange spirit and power of his 
son, and the immortals had rendered the 
tidings of the messengers perverse. 

For the responsion of tcra. to 'iarav at 
the beginning of the 2nd strophe, see 
Introduction p. 5. 

(uxfois] touched with. The mental 
state of Amphitryon was 9dfi(3os wonder, 
and this wonder was at once painful and 
pleasurable. Dissen quotes 6Lkt($ avyKe- 
Kpa/xiv-qv, Soph. Aj. 896, and 5ei\aiq. dug., and translates affectus ; 
but I doubt whether the use of avyKepav- 
vvpii can throw much light on the use of 
/xiyvvfu. At the same time I have no 
doubt that he is right in taking it simply 
as affected, and not as in a state of 
mingled &C. Compare v 203 av5pas 
fj.Kryip.ivai KaKOTTjTi. /ecu aXyecri; Islhm. 
III. 5 ev\oyiacs dcrruv p.epux$ a <- > the 
general use of the word is to bring into 
contact with. 

58. vlov] Intended by its position in 
the verse to correspond to ' Ayt](Xi5afj.ov 
7rcu in the corresponding line of the 
second antistrophos, and thereby indi- 
cate that Chromius like Heracles is 
endowed with eKvop.iov Xt?/x<x kcu 5vvap.iv. 

•jraXtYyXcoo-crov] This word may be 



dyyeXcov pfjcnv Oiaav. 

yeirova Brj /caXecrev Aio<? vyjrlarov trpo^x'nav e^oyov, 60 

6p66fxavTiv Teipealav' 6 8e Vol (f>pd%e ical iravrl arpara), 7rotat? 
6fii\.y']cr€L rvyai<i, 

termed a vox Pindarica. It occurs only 
here and in Isthmian V. 24 oi>8' Zutlv 
ovtu) (3apjiapos ovre iraXiyyXuaoos ttoXis, 
arts ov HtjX^os atet kX^os. Commentators 
have been in the habit of assigning 
different meanings to the word in these 
two passages ; ( 1 ) here in contrarium 
verterant j schol. ivavTW(p7]fxov, (2) Is thm. 
v. 24, speaking a foreign language ; schol. 
dXXoKOTos- As to the general sense they 
are of course right, but it is important to 
observe that iraXLyyXwaaos itself has the 
same connotation in both passages, the 
apparent difference being due to the con- 
text. TraXiyyXwcrcros means using wrong 
words, that is, words which do not agree 
with a certain standard. In the passage 
under consideration, the standard is the 
truth or the fact ; as it turned out, the 
speech of the messengers used words 
which did not agree with the fact. In 
the other passage, the standard is the 
Greek language. See App. A, note 1. 
Vol for Amphitryon. 

59. Gicrav] rendered, defieu occupies 
a similar metrical position in 1. 5 ; and 
Pindar intended to intimate that his hymn 
renders praise to Chromius even as the 
gods gave glory to Heracles by rendering 
the tale of the messengers false. When 
we take this in connexion with the word 
iraXiyyXuacof, it would seem that Pindar 
hints at slanders circulated by Chromius' 
enemies, and that among these there may 
have been literary men, who affected the 
use of yXCoaaai, strange dialectic words. 
See Introduction, p. 6. 

60. -ytCTova] Pausanias (ix. 16) men- 
tions that there was a so-called oIuivouko- 
iretov Teipealovin the region of the hlectra 
Gate of Thebes, and the same writer 
(ix. 11) also mentions that Amphitryon 
dwelled by the Klectra Gate. This 

explains yeirova. Near the same gate 
too was the Ismenion (aXadea /lavriuu 
OwKov, Pylh. XI. 6), of which Tiresias 
was probably the n&vrts (Dissen). 

$r\ KtiXea-ev] This reading is due to 
Bergk. The reading of the best mss. is 
5' eKoXeaav ; that of B 2 DV and the Mos- 
chopuleans 5' eKKakeaav is clearly a cor- 
rection for the sake of the metre and 
probably has no independent authority. 
Most editors read with Triclinius 5' €kko.- 
Xe<rev. It is just possible that the plural 
form of the MSS. may be right and that 
Pindar may have represented the same 
persons who had brought the news to 
Amphitryon as having called forth Ti- 

Aids vij/io-TOv k.t.X.] The eminent in- 
terpreter of Zeus most high, the true seer, 

61. dpGdfiavTis] Formed by Pindar as 
the opposite of ipev56/xai>TLs. Compare 
aeixvop-avTis, a coinage of Sophocles, 
0. T. 556. 

6 8e Foi k.t.X.] 6 is Tiresias, ol is 
Amphitryon : but the subject of d/nXr/tret. 
is Heracles. 

Translate : And he declared to him and 
all his host, 'what fortunes shall attend 
the boy, and how many uncouth prowlers 
he shall have slain on the dry land, 
and how many on the sea. 

tvxo-is refers to the destiny of Heracles 
after all his labours have been accom- 
plished, as described in the last lines of 
the ode, and ktclvwv is aorist in reference 
to buiX-qaei. Mr Fennell explains ktolvwv 
as 'the participle of the gnomic aorist 
referring to sundry points of the time 
covered by the principle verb', and 
equates oacrovs ktclvuv with nai ttoXXovs 


oaaou<i fiev eV ykpaM /cravoov, 

oaaovs Be ttovtoj Or} pas di8pooLKa<;' 

Kal riva avv TrXayiat 

dvBpwv Kopw arel^ovTa rbv eydporaTov 

(pdcre vlv irwoeiv p,6pov. 

Kal yap orav deol iv ireBlw ^Xeypas TiyavTeaaiv payav 

<\vt. 8'. 


6,5. aiSpoSiKas] The best comment 
on this word is the Homeric line quoted 
l>y Dissen (t 215)3 avdpa. 01'Ve St/cas eS 
eidoTa ovTe Ocfxiaras. For Orjpas the same 
editor compares Archilochus, frag. 88 
(ed. Bergk) vol 5e dyjpiwu v[3pis re Kal diKri 
/xeXei, but Pindar doubtless chose the 
word to. suggest that the exploit of the 
infant in slaying the KviLdaXa was typical 
of his future achievements. 

64 — 66. Kai nva k.t.X.] And he said 
that lie would give many a one who 
walked with crooked envy a draught of 
direst doom to drink. 

With the reading of the MSS. ouatw 
this sentence has no construction. Most 
of the changes which have been proposed, 
beginning with Boeckh's fiopip, seem un- 
critical. The most ignorant scribe was 
so familiar with the fact that SiSw/xt takes 
a dative, that his tendency would have 
been to substitute a dative for an accusa- 
tive rather than to do the reverse. If 
Pindar wrote fiopy, or (as Kayser would 
have it) iva.vexQpoTa.Ty p-bpy, no reason 
can be assigned for the corruption. 

There can be no doubt, I think, that 
• the error lies in 8J)o~eii> and in Swaeiv 
only. In fact even if the mss. gave fiopy, 
I should feel confident that Pindar did 
not use such a weak expression as diSovai 
p.6pu>. The words in Olymp. II. 82 Y^vkvov 
re davaTU) iropev do not support it ; iropzv 
(connected as it is with Trnrpwo-Kio, TreTrpu- 
/Mai) is a very different word from 8ldup.i. 
I may illustrate what I mean by a similar 
case in English; to give death would be 
an intolerably bald expression for to slay, 
(except there were some special reason 
for representing death as a gift) and it 

could not be supported by such a phrase 
as to deal death. Another difference 
between the present passage and the 
verse in the Second Olympian is that 6d- 
vcltos may be personified, /xopos hardly. 

I conclude therefore that ow<reiv has 
taken the place of some unfamiliar word 
which it closely resembled, and I restore 
Trdiaeiv, Aeolic for iriaeLv, future of Twrlcr- 
ku, just as 7tw, Trui0L are Aeolic for irWi, 
drink! (Alcaeus, 54 A. B. ap. Bergk, 
P. L. G., X al P e Ka -l """ T&vde. oevpo avp.- 
■modi), wuvo} for tt'ivu. Pindar uses the 
future 7ricrw in the 5th Isthmian, 1. 74, 
but this circumstance would not be an 
objection to his using 7rwerw here. In 
that passage Triaoj takes the double ac- 
cusative : viao] a<pe Ai'p/cas ayvbv iidiop. 

This description of Heracles' punish- 
ment of the envious corresponds to the 
lines in the second strophe concerning 
the envious foes of Chromius who are 
thwarted by him and his friends, as has 
been pointed out in the Introduction and 
in the notes on 11. 24 and 25. It may 
be added that vdwp <pipeiv there may 
perhaps be taken up by ivwatLv here. 
Bucketfuls of water quenched the Kairvos 
of the cavillers; Heracles quenches the 
Kopos of the crooked walkers by a draught 
of death. 

66. viv] See Olymp. VI. 62; J'yth. 
iv. 36. 

67. Kal vap k.t.X.] Aye, he told that 
when the gods on the plain of Phlegra 
stand against the giants in battle, their 

foes shall have their bright tresses mingled 
with Earth's dust under the potency of 
that hero's whizzing bolls. Heracles is 
represented as a knight-errant against 



dpi tdtyoo iv ', fieXecov virb pnralai Kelvov §aihip,av <yaia irecpvp- 
creaOai Ko/xav 

eveirev' avrov fxav eu eipava tov airavra %povov ev crj(epa> 
davylav Kapbdrcov p-eydXcov troivdv Xayovr e^acperov 

eV. $'. 

Kopos, and his championship of the gods 
against the giants is one instance ; hence 
teal yap. fxdxo-v avridfaffiv is equivalent 
to fia-xa-v dvrlov /mxecr^cu, to engage in a 
battle against. Dissen compares ttoWovs 
dywvas e^iwv, Soph. Track. 159, but the 
Pindaric expression is hardly so bold. 
Pindar uses irtravTidfrw in Pyth. vm. 11. 

Professor Jebb in his essay on Pindar 
(Journal of Hellenic Studies, III. 179) 
notes that "the Gigantomachia adorned 
the pediment of the Megarian 'Treasury' 
at Olympia ", as an instance of " how 
Pindar and the sculptors were working in 
the same field". 

^Xe'-ypas] on the isthmus of Pallene. 

68. pnraio-i] ptwal is used by Pindar 
of winds and waters Pyth. ix. 48, KvpA- 
tuv piirds dvepwv re Pyth. IV. 195; 6W 
0.7X00. x@&v ttovtov re pnral <pepovcm> fr. 
220, 3; of a lyre's waves of melody, reah 
pnrcucri (addressed to xP va ^ a ^opM'Ys) 
KaTacrxonevos Pyth. 1. 10. In poetical . 
value it answers very nearly to our 
influence, piiral acrrpuv (Sophocles, Elec- 
tra, 106) are the influences of the stars, 
suggesting at the same time the visible 
signs of the influence — the twinklings. 
And so in Pindar fr. 166 dv5poddp.avra 5' 
eVei $rjpes 5dei> piirav /xeXiadeos otvov, 
pnrd connotes the influence of the wine, 
visible as it were in its sparkling. If we 
had to render in Greek Shakspere's 
'skyey influences' or Milton's 
4 With sore of ladies, whose bright eyes 

Kain influence' 
piirai would be a suitable word to use. 

<J>cu8i|j.av ya.Ca Tre<J>\ipo-€o-0cu Kop.av] I 
believe that Me/.ger's novel interpretation 
of these words ' The earth shall have her 
bright hair soiled ' (es iaerde der Erde das 
gldnzende Haar besudelt sein) is highly 

improbable, for, if Pindar had meant to 
say that, he would have almost inevitably 
written 7ot'as...The familiar use of </w/>w 
with the dative as in 8aKpv<n e't/xar' t!<pv- 
pov (ft 162) renders a ' dativus commodi ' 
intolerably ambiguous. Moreover <pal8i.- 
fios, which, as far as we know, was al- 
ways applied to the bodies of gods or 
heroes, would hardly have been used to 
describe the plants and grass of the 
Earth, even though the foliage were 
conceived as her hair. It may be said 
that (pvpeiv yaiq is a strange expression 
for (pvpeiv Kovei (Eur. Hec. 496 /covet 
(pvpovaa /capo), but the choice of 70/0 is 
determined here by the context; the 
Giants are the sons of the Earth and 
when they fall their locks mingle with 
their mother's dust. 

{j>ai8i|jiav] This Homeric word is used 
of the bright visage of a god assuming 
human form in Pyth. IV. 28 (paioip.av 

Tre<j>{ipcrecr0ai.] A perfect future which 
occurs only here. 

69. tov diravTa \povov] dVas is not 
equivalent to irds. Both words connote 
all the parts conceived as one; but 7ras 
emphasises all the parts, dVas makes the 
unity prominent. Cp. Nem. IV. 83; VII. 
56; vm. 20; v. 16. 

Xpovov ev crxepai] The second syllable 
of xp° vov i- s treated as long; compare 
iopap.ov above in 1. 51. ev ax € PV ex- 
presses a line without a break ; each 
moment of happy rest holds to another 
(e'xera<). Compare Nem. xi. 39; and 
Isthin. V. 22 eKaTopiredoi ev cx e PV [con- 
tinuous) niXevdoi. 

70. [wyaXcov] This word takes us 
back, as Mezger has pointed out, to 1. 34 
where the poet introduces the story of 



o\f3iois iv hwfxacri, Se^dfievov Oakepav 'Hftav a/coinv icai ydfiov 
Salaai/ra, irdp At KpoviSa aep,vov alvrjcreiv aradfiov. 

Heracles. fMeyaXcus and /meyaXuv occur 
each in the second line of an epode and 
in the same foot. ('Dass aber der Dichter 
diese so wortreich gepriesene selige Ruhe 
in Causalzusammenhang mit der Be- 
wahrung der angebornen Tiichtigkeit in 
Miihe und Noth gesetzt wissen will, diirfte 
daraus vorgehen, dass er an den betreffen- 


den Puncten v. 34 und 70 /t^as zweimal 
in die gleiche Stelle der Epode setzt ', 
Mezger, p. m.) For the significance of 
the artifice here see Introduction to this 
ode. '' 

iroivav] meed or recompense. Compare 
Pyth. 1. 59 KeXadfjaai ttolvciv {meed of 
praise) Tedpiirirwv. 

71. OaXepdv] This word expresses 
the eternal youth and fairness of the 
immortals, an idea which is personified 
in the Grace Thaleia. Compare note on 
line 2. 

■ydfjiov SatcravTa] a Homeric phrase ; 
see T 299. 

72. AC] The MSS. give Au. I follow 

Heyne and Bergk in writing it as a 
monosyllable, to suit its metrical value. 

alvrjcreiv] For the meaning I may refer 
to the Introduction to this ode, p. 7. 

(TTa6(iov] The best MSS. have 5o/j.oi>, 
others have ydpov. It seems clear that 
neither reading can be right ; ydfiov was 
introduced from the preceding line, and 
86/j.ov is hardly more than a repetition of 
dui/xacri. The choice lies between two 
readings : Pauw's vofxov and Bergk 's 
cttolO/xov. For vop-bv it may be urged that 
a scholiast seems to have read uo/jlov (tt\v 
diavepiecnv Tr\v irapa. deois etraavicreiv); but 
Bergk's proposal is strongly supported 
by Ist/im. vi. 45 

deffwoTav id^Xovr' is ovpavov crad/jLovs 

eXdelv p.ed'' op-dyvpiv BeXXepcxpovTai' 


and Olymp. XI. 92 6Vo»'...etj'At5o (XTad/xov 
dvrip iK-qrai. Moreover ae/j-ubv arad/xov 
is a felicitous suggestion of d/xTrfevixa 
ae/jLvof, the opening words of the ode. 

ADDITIONAL NOTE. Nemean i. 13. 

I am not sure that the usual interpre- 
tation of aireipe in this passage is true. 
'Scatter' is a secondary sense of the verb, 
derived from the meaning 'sow' ; it is not 
the primary meaning from which 'sow' is 
derived. The original meaning, I believe, 
was ' to set in a certain order, range ' ; but 
in order to establish this, I must ask the 
reader to consider for a moment the 
Latin sero ' I sow '. It is generally sup- 
posed that this present form belongs to 
the same family as sevi, satum, semen, 
and etymologists attempt to explain it as 
a reduplicated present. If such, the re- 
duplication must be internal or 'broken'; 

for if it were regular, the word would 
necessarily be *siso, *siro, and *siro could 
not become sero, all the more as there 
already existed a sero of different meaning. 
A 'broken reduplication' in the present 
tense is an extremely doubtful assump- 
tion. I submit that sero ' I sow, plant ' 
is the same word as sero ' I twine' (ei'pw), 
the original meaning being arrange, set 
in a row ; seed is sown along furrows, as 
cords or flowers or leaves are plaited in 
a chain. Now when we compare <nreTpa, 
a coil or twisted cable, and airdprov, a 
rope, with awetpw, o-iraprbs, the idea 
suggests itself strongly that here too we 



have the same development of meanings ; 
and the two cases mutually confirm each 
other. The original signification of crirelpu 
I suppose to have been ' to arrange or 
draw in a line ', and like sero it might be 
developed in the sense of sowing or in 
the sense of twining. It is perhaps 
hardly necessary to remark that Latin 
spira does not invalidate the connexion 
of o-n-etpa with awdpw, as spira is clearly 

If these etymological considerations 
are correct, is it not possible that in 
airdpe, in this passage, we have the link 
between a-irdpu sow and aireipa coil? If 
so, we might render, Twine a bright 
wreath of song for the island &.c. Com- 
pare Nem. VII. 77 e'cpeiu <rTt<pai>ovs £\a- 
(ppbv k.t.X., a passage indeed which 
once suggested to me that the true 
reading here might be dpe. 




The second Nemean Ode 1 , composed to be sung in a procession, 
celebrated a victory in the pancration, won by Timodemus, the son of 
Timonous, an Athenian. The Timodemids were a family belonging to the 
deme of Acharnae ; but Timonous lived in Salamis, the island associated 
with Telamon and Ajax, and there Timodemus was reared. 

Athletic prowess was hereditary in this family, and there were many 
victories to boast of, including four Pythian, eight Isthmian, and seven 
Nemean crowns, besides successes passing number at the Athenian festival 
of Olympian Zeus. These victories might be taken as an indication that 
Timodemus, who had now gained his first great distinction in the really 
trying strain of the pancration contest, would win a Pythian and an Isthmian 
to set beside his Nemean wreath, thus walking in the way of his fore-fathers 
{waTjuav naff oS6i>). Pindar suggests this hereditary obligation, as we may call 
it, by making his prophecy of the future career of Timodemus respond, in 
part, to his commemoration of the past achievements of the Timodemids. 
Thus : 

1. 9, 6dpa peu y la6fndBcou dpeneadai KaWiarov awrov iv UvdiOMrl re vikciv 
1. 19, napa p.(U v^np(8ovri liapvaaa reaaapas f'£ dcdXwv viicas eKoputjav. 

And the very name of the family, borne also by the victor himself, might be 
regarded as an omen of honourable distinction ; this omen moreover, ripd, 
being discoverable in the father's name, Timonous, as well as in Timodemus. 

1 There is no indication of the date. ayopav of 1. 5 as a proof that both poems 

Boeckh's connexion of this ode with frag. were composed soon after the battle of 

75 (a dithyramb) is a mere guess ; and Plataea, when the Athenians restored 

even if the connexion had some foundation their city, 
we could hardly take wai>5<xi5a\6v r £\>k\€ 


This thought, — that Timodemus' success is what might be looked for from a 
Timodemid and a son of Timonous, — is expressed indirectly by a mythical 

// is meet that the Mountaineer (Orion) should rise at no long distance 
from the Mountain Maids, the Peleiads. 

■v JO > t 

ecTTi o eoiKos 
opeiav ye TLe\eia8a>v 
fj.r) rrfkodev 'Qapitov' dvcladai. 
The fitness of the proximity of the constellations depends on the mountain- 
name of Orion and the mountain-associations — whereof indeed little 
information has survived — of the Pleiads, here conceived as Dove-maidens. 

Prior commentators had perceived the play upon words, but Mezger first 
apprehended its significance in the context of the Ode. Timodemus follows 
as naturally in the wake of the Timodemids, as the mountain-hunter follows 
the mountain Doves. But a question still occurs, and Mezger has not 
answered it. There was surely some special fitness in this comparison, 
some motive for it ; why is Timodemus compared to Orion, or rather, 
should we ask, to a star ? 

The solution of this question lies, I think, in the circumstance that 
Timodemids had already won seven victories at Nemea : fVra 8' iv Nf/zea. 
This number suggested to Pindar the conceit of the seven Pleiads, followed 
by Orion, a kindred constellation, to symbolize the group of seven Nemean 
victories, followed by the kindred achievement of Timodemus ; and this 
conceit has been worked out with the utmost adroitness. 

It must be observed that there is a double force in the word aveio-dai 1 (for 
avavfiadai), which, besides its usual meaning to rise, of a heavenly body, could 
signify to return. Thus it might suggest the return of Timodemus from the 
scene of his victory, as well as the ascent of Orion ; and this is confirmed by 
a-vv evKki'i voa-Tco, in 1. 24, v6(ttos being connected in Pindar's mind with 

And moreover the Pleiads, who were daughters of Atlas, might seem not 
unsuitable emblems of a flock of pancratiasts, men of ' Atlantean shoulders ' ; 
inasmuch as endurance was the prime virtue of such athletes, and endurance 
was the proverbial quality of Atlas, supposed to be signified by his name. 
Remembering that Alcyone was one of the seven daughters, we find an 
allusion of this kind in the words 

co Tifj,o8i]fie, (re 8' a'X((fl 
TrayKpariov rXa dvfios de£ei. 

It should be observed that ne£ei pleads for such an allusion; for the subject 
of the verb in this sense of increasing or glorifying, should be not a 
quality, but a person. The expression is explained, if we apprehend 
a suggestion that Alcyone, daughter of Atlas, — Might, daughter of Endu- 
rance, in abstract language — exerts a 'stellar virtue' on Timodemus, or, at 
least, that her faculty consents with his. 

1 Sec note on 1. n. 


An education in Salamis too might be interpreted as a fortunate augury 
for a pancratiast. Boxing and wrestling are the games which partake of the 
nature of war, and 'Salamis, certainly, is able to rear a warrior', such as 
Ajax for example, whose weighty strength was felt by Hector at Troy. 

'Praise Zeus and withal the glorious return of Timodcmus? These 
words at the end of the hymn, which begins and ends with Zeus, are a brief 
abstract of its theme,— the distinguished nostos or Coming Home of the victor 
from Nemea, where he was brought into a certain connexion with the 
highest of the gods. He came home to Salamis ; but he also rose to a new 
home in a firmament named of honour, to move among a starry train. 



vv. 1—3. 

A, \j\j — ^j — A — • — ^-"~> — v./ — <-> I — c; — v-»^ — C7 — \j — v-<w — • — A (10) 

vv. 4, 5 . 

Thus each strophe falls into two parts of an equal number of beats, provided 

we recognise that the end of the fourth line is a tetrapody, not a tripody — 

thus : 

-Krai 7rpc5 I tov Ne/xe | at • | ov A | 

and that, in the same way, the last two syllables of the 3rd and corresponding 
lines are equivalent to two feet. The rhythm is logaoedic. 




"OOevirep /ecu 'Ofxrjpihai arp. a. 

penrrcuv eirkwv tclttoXK! doiSol 

(ipyovTCLi, Ato? i/c TrpootfXLOv' Kal 'IK avrjp 

Kcuafiokav lepoov dycovcov vifcct(f)opia<i BeSe/crat irpwTov Ne/ieatou 

i. o0€vir€p k.t.X] Even as Homerid 
minstrels most often begin their linked 
verses ivit/i a prelude in honour of Zeus; 
so likewise hath this man laid the first 
foundation for a tale of achievements in 
the sacred games, by receiving a crozvn in 
the song-fan? d grove of Nemean Zeus. 

In this strophe, without any detriment 
to the lucidity of his thought, Pindar has 
gracefully mixed two constructions. The 
Homerids mostly begin their epopees by 
hymning Zeus ; with Zeus, similarly, this 
young man begins his career of victory. 
This comparison might have been ex- 
pressed either oOev — (Atds being the ante- 
cedent of oOev) apxovTai, Atds ev dXcrei /cat 
65' dvr\p k.t.X. or ixxnrep — dpxovTai Aids e/c 
irpootfilou, (oiirco) /cat o<5' dvr/p k.t.X. Pin- 
dar begins with oOev and then goes on as 
if he had written wo-n-ep, this change 
being necessitated by the words Aids e/c 
TTpooi/j-lov, which supply odev with an 
antecedent inapplicable to the second 

Mr Tyrrell maybe right in suggesting 

that 'O/jLTjpidai here simply means poets 
(successors of the Poet) and not specially 
the Homerid school of Chios. For 
pawTuv eVeW cf. Hesiod (frag. 227) 
ev ArjXqj tot€ irpQiTov iyw Kai "Opnjpos 

fi£Xirop.ev ev veapo?s vjjlvois pdxpavTes 

Qdifiov ' AttoXXcovo. xp VIT dopov ov reVe 

2. TO/rrdXX'] Schol. fret ovk del diro 
Aids tJpxovto, dXXd /cat a7rd ^ilovauiv. 

3. apxovTcu] compare note on Nem. 
I. 8, above. 

dvi]p] note the quantity, as in cWpes. 

4. KaraPoXav] See above Nem. 1. 
1. 8, note. The scholiast compares Calli- 
machus fr. 196, 'Apffivb-qs, c3 $e?ve, yd/nov 
KaTa^dXXo/x' deideiv. It may be that 
Ka.Ta.poXd was a technical term for the 
proem of an ode or nomc. 

Uptov] mss. lepdv. I am not sure that 
editors have been right in restoring UpQiv, 
though it was the reading of the scholiast ; 
the cause of the corruption is not ex- 

iv 7ro\vvfivy')T(p Ato? aXaei. 



arp. /3'. 

o(f)e[\ei 8' eVi, trarplav 
eltrep /cad' bhov viv ev6virofX7r6<i 
alwv rats fxeydXais SeScorce Koa\xov AOavais, 

dafid fiev ^AcrQixidhwv hpeireaOai kciWuttov cicotov iv Tlvdlouri 
re vikciv 

plained. I am almost inclined to read 
lepdv (with naTa(3o\dv). Timodemus' 
victory is compared to a proem in honour 
of Zeus, and thus its religious side is 
rendered prominent, it is iepa. 

viKa4>opias] a career of success. 

8e'8eKTai irpaJTov] has begun by winning. 
Compare Pyth. I. 8o v/mvov rbv ibi^avr'' 
d/i(f> dpera, and ibid, too ariQavov v\j/ 
tov SiSfKTcu, Olynip. II. 48 'OXv/xTria /xiv 

yap avTos yepas 


VI. 27 aretpd- 

vovs d^avro. Commentators generally 
take oedeKTai here in the sense of 
winning a victory as we say, but all the 
examples cited from Pindar fail to prove 
this use. 5^x°M a ' can only be employed 
of receiving the rewards of victory (whether 
crowns or poems), and so here the idea 
of Ka.To.$o\hv viKaipopias is (not the first of 
a series of victories, but) the first of a 
series of victory-odes. The meaning of 
Kara/3o\d, and the choice of the adjective 
7ro\ vvixvtjtu in 1. 5, confirm this view. 

5. ■jroX.vv[j,vi]Ta>] A Pindaric word 
equivalent to iro\vv/xvos, theme of many 

6. 6(j>6i\ei 8' '{t\. k.t.X.] // needs must 
be that the son of Timonoos shall cull yet 
the bloom and breath, most fair, of Isth- 
mian glories and Pythian victories, since 
time wafting him straight along the way 
which his fathers went hath given him as an 
ornament to great Athens. It is meet that 
the rising of the Mountain hunter should 
not be far from the Mountain Peleiads. 

d<fxi\€i] Impersonal ; it is due. Schol. 
' Aplarapxos ovk eirl tov dvbpbs rb '0</>«Xei 
aXX' eirt tov TrpaytMarbs (pijcrtv, u>s dv ris 
eiTToi • 6<pei\6fj.€voi> 8' 2ti (OTIV. 


iraTpCav] That is, of the Timodemi- 

8. cuiov] aldv is not synonymous with 
p.o?pa and it is a mistake to render it fate 
(fatum Dissen), although the ideas are 
intimately connected. It is the time of 
life. The Greeks connected it with dyfii, 
and here this connexion is prominent, for 
evdwofiTrbs implies a breeze. The cogency 
(6(pd\ei) depends partly on this etymo- 
logy. See Appendix A, note i. Compare 
Isthm. in. 18 

alwv Oe Kv\iv8o/j.evais d/xepats aXX' aXXor' 

the wind of time causeth divers changes 
to the rolling days (of life's sea). 

9. 'Io-8p.ia8a>v] agrees with vmav. 
8p€7T£o-0cu d'wrov] ctwTos, a favourite 

word of Pindar, which he uses in many 
ways ; but in all the passages, where it 
occurs, it preserves its proper force, some- 
what obscured by the hackneyed trans- 
lation ' flower '. dwros means the fine 
nap of a cloth, which might be described 
as bloom; and this explains the usurpa- 
tion of the floral metaphor. The follow- 
ing passages will elucidate the force of 
dwTos, but I must also refer to Appendix 
A, notes 2 and 3. Isth. I. 51 evayo- 
pyjdels (the victor) tcepdos v\J/l<ttov blxeTai, 
TroXiaTav Kal ^evwv yKwcraas durov, the 
fine praise breathed from the tongues of 
citizens and strangers. 
Isth. VI. 18 dfivdfioves 5e fiporoi 

6 ti [xt] acxplas dwrov dtcpov 
KXvrdis tirtwv poals e^iKrjrai 
whatsoever unlinked with sounding 
streams of verses attains not to the height 


1 ijxovoov Traio . eari o eoitcos 


opeiav ye TIe\ecd8cov 

arp. y 

of exquisite poetry, passeth out of the 
minds of men. 

Here and in some other cases exquisite 
is perhaps the fittest rendering of this gloss 
of perfection. For example in Isth. vi 1. 18 
XPV 8' — Alyiva Xapircov dwrov rrpovifxeiv, 
it is meet that Art {the Graees) should pay 
Aegina an exquisite tribute. Again in 
Pyth. X. 51 eyKcofxluv yap dcoros vfivuv 
eV aXXor' dXkov aire p.i\io~aa duvei \byov 
(here flower would be ludicrously incon- 
gruous), the fine art of hymns of praise 
darteth like a bee, from tale to tale (but 
see App. A, note 2). And in 01. I. 14, 
dyXail'srai 5e /cat fiovaiKas iv aairw, we 
may render he courts grace too in exqui- 
site kinds of music. 

If we had to translate into Greek 
Shakspere's "culling the principal of all 
the deer" {Henry VI., Part 11. Act 3, 
sc. 1, 1. 4), or ' the flower of the flock ', 
duros would be the very word ; cf. vaurdv 
duros Pyth. iv. 188, and see Nem. VIII. 
9. Or again acuros would be suitable 
for rendering Tennyson's "the roof and 
crown of things": compare 01. II. 8 
where Theron is called euuvufxwv iraripwv 
duirov, the qualities of his ancestor, as it 
were, achieving their ultimate and crown- 
ing bloom in him. The phrase ' plumage of 
fire ', by which Flaubert suggests an ideal 
prose style, might be done into Greek by 
Trvpbs duros. Pindar calls the finest 
bloom which the flower of life reveals 
fwas duros [Isth. IV. 12; cf. Pyth. IV. 
131 dpawLov lepbv ei'iuas duirov). Now we 
are in a position to see the exact meaning 
of such phrases as v/xvov dKa/xavroir65wv 
duirov lttttuiv (01. III. 4), x (l puv duirov 
iwlvixov (01. vim. 75), the highest excel- 
lence which feet (or hands) can realise 
(cf. 01. v. 1). duirov oTttpdvwv in Isth. v. 4 
might be rendered crown of crowns. In 
the present passage HpiircaOai determines 

the meaning bloom. But see App. A, 
note 2. 

ro. Ti(iov6ou iraiS'] A misapprehen- 
sion of the impersonal construction of 
6<pei\u led to the insertion of a full stop 
after vikolv (1. 9) and the connexion of 
Ti/jlopoov 7rcu6" with the following sentence 
(with the reading opeiav re). 

11. opeiav] The home of the Pleiad 
sisters, daughters of Atlas and Pleione, 
was Mt Cyllene in Arcadia. Fleeing 
from the pursuit of Orion they were 
changed into doves and finally became a 

The ancient interpreters found con- 
siderable difficulty in explaining opetdv, 
as will be seen from the following extracts 
from the scholia. 

?7 ruiv opeiuiv inciSr/ 6 "ArXas 6 ruv 
IlXeidScoi' irarr/p bfiuivv/uia 'ioxw oprj ' 7) on 
opOL etffl rod dp.7jT0V ?) Xirbrepov rwv 6pi2v 
teal ruv rbiruiv iv oh eiaiv 01 aaripes. 

ol oi ovrui' Kadb IieXeidSas auras tine 
Kai opelas ' ai yap Trepiarepal ftpeial elaiv ■ 
e'iuide 5£ 6 Hivdapos reus 0fj.u1vvp.iaLS inava- 
TtaveaQai 'idn lohp. 

Hvioi 8i, did to iwl rrjs ovpds rod Tavpov 
KelaOai, Kara lepeaiv rod v Xiyeadai K.r.X. 

r) dirb rrjs Ki'XX^?;? iv 77 irpacfnjaav. 

Crates wrote Oepetav He\eid8wv, but (as 
a scholiast observes) they rise in winter as 
well as in summer. From one of the 
scholia we learn that Simonides called 
the Pleiad Maia oupela; two lines are 
given, one imperfectly, 

McudSos ovpdas i\iKo(3\e<pdpov 

KvWrjvris tv bpecci Beuiv KrjpvKa rix' 
'Epfxyjv. • 
(Tzetzes read i\iKoj3\e<pdpoio yivedXov, in 
his note on Lycophron, 219.) 

The names of the Pleiads are given in 
the following lines, whose authorship is 
uncertain (some ascribing them to Ile- 
siod, fr. 10 /', ed. Flach) : 



fjit) jrfKodev 'Q.apiwv dvetaOac. 
koX finv a 2aA.a/u'<? <ye Opeyjfai fora [xaxarav 
Swaros. ev Tpota fiev "Etcrcop Aiavros aKovaeV u> Ti/jb6Sr)fi€, 
ere bT d\fcd 

Trfvy^rrf r ep6e<r<ra /cat 'HX^Krpij kvclvoj- 


'A\kv6i>t] re Kai 'AcrrepoTri] oirj re KeXai- 

~Naia re ko.1 ~Siepbirrj, rds yeivaro (paioi- 
fj.os "ArXas. 

The name Trivy^rr/ combined with the 
fact that they were the daughters of 
Atlas seems enough to explain the epithet 

ye] The particle shows that the stress 
of the argument rests on opeidv ; because 
they are mountain nymphs, opetai, the 
hunter of the mountain 'ftaplwv moves 
near them. For this force of 76 compare 
Eurip. Bacchae, 926 r) rr\v ' kya\jr\<i eard- 
vai, p.7]Tp6s y efJ-rjs (seeing that she is my 
mother). So in Isth. v. 4 Pauw's resto- 
ration riv 7' for riv is certainly right. 

12. dveierGcu] This is the reading of 
B, B, D ; and in a scholium on Nein. 1. 3, 
where the line is quoted, B, Brfsw 
have wapiwv aveiadai. The other MSS. 
have 'Qapiuva vetffdai, which is explained 
in the scholium by vopeveadai. Editors 
before Bergk adopted veladai, but Bergk 
showed that dvelodai is for dvaveiaOai, 
oriri ; compare K 192 ou5' otttj t^Xios 
(paecrififipoTos ela virb youav ovd' #71-77 
dvvelrai. It is obvious that it is much 
more likely that the difficult aveladcu 
should have become vetaOai than that the 
easier velcdai should have been altered to 
dvelodai, and therefore I cannot hesitate 
to accept the reading of B, B, D. It has 
been pointed out in the Introduction that 
the verb has a secondary import, in regard 
to Timodemus, who is compared to Orion. 

13. iced jidv d £aXa| ye] Aye and 
Salamis is potent to rear a fighting man. 
I have attempted, by rendering is potent 
instead of is able, to arrest the attention 
in somewhat the same way as Pindar does 
by Swaro^ for feminine dvvard. 

14. "Ekt«p A'iavTos aKOvo-tv] At 
Troy Hector heard Ajax like a rushing 
wind. Aias, like aiihv in 1. 8, is conceived 
as a wind (dveixuif drd\avTos deWy). 
Schol. rjtxOero rrj ireipa, uis kclI "O/xr/pos [A 
532]' rol Se ir\rjyfjs d'i'ovres, dvr\ too 
a'urdbfxevoi. foine be 6 UivSapoi rb vap' 
AiavTOS prjdev Trp6s"E\\rii>as virovevorjKe'vai 
eiprjadai 7rpos "E/cTopa - (prfol yap [H 19S] 
eirei ovo' ifie vrjl'dd y' ovrws 

£\ ev "ZaXapiivi yevicdai re rpa- 
<pi/j.ev re. 

el fXT] dpa. ris rrj ireipa fj.efj.a9r/Keuai 
viroorrjaerai rov "E/cropa, ws iwirridelus r\ 
1,a\afj.U ^x eL """pos rr\v ruiv rjpwiov yeveaiv. 

Editors have failed in their attempts to 
explain aKovaev. The meaning supposed 
to be required is expressed in the scholium 
ffadero rri ireipa 'learned by experience', 
but such a sense cannot possibly be elicited 
from aKOvaev, which would rather mean 
the reverse ('knew by hearing only'). 
The Homeric irXriyrjs diovres proves no- 
thing for aKovw, nor will it avail to adduce 
vwaKove'/j.ev airya?s deXiov, Olyvip. III. 24, 
to show that a/cotfw could mean to feel tin- 
might of. Nor will the wind bear the 
interpretation which Mezger proposes as 
an alternative : he hearkened to him, that 
is, listened for his battle-cry, in order to 
bring succour to the point of danger. 
But when we apprehend that Ai'as by 
virtue of his name is conceived as a blast 
(dr/fxi), we see that aKovcre bears its ordi- 
nary meaning heard (of a sound). Pindar 
chose the word in order to bring out the 
play on Ai'as. I lis object was to suggest 
a connexion between the Timodemids 
and Aeacids. 

Though I believe the text to be sound, 
I suggest as possible 

"Ekto>p Ai'ac-ros eKovaev • 
eKovaey being an aorist from Kof- (ko<!u) 
like e\ovca from \of- (\ouui). The form 


7rayKpaTL0v T\d0vp,o<; defjei. 

'A^apvai Be 7ra\aL(f)aT0v 
evdvopes' ocrcra S' d/x^> deOXois, 
TifioSrjfjLiSai e^o^d)TaTOL TrpoXeyovrat. 
irapd fiev v^iixihovn Tlapvacrw reacrapa^ 

dWd K.Opiv6lCi)P V7T0 (f)(OT00V 


<rrp. 8'. 

ef dedXtov viica<; 


iv iaXov ITeXo7ro? irTV-)(al<; arp. e . 

6/ctco aT€<pdvoi<; e/xi^dev rjStj' 

eirrd 8' eV Neyaea, rd £' oikoi p,daaov dpi6p,ov, 

Ato9 dycovc. top, a> troXlrai, Kfopbd^are TipoB/]p.(o crvv ev/cXei 


iKb-que occurs in Callimachus frag. 53. 
That /cow was used not only in the sense 
of vow but also in the sense of aladdvo/xac 
is proved by glosses of Hesychius : kow' 
aiaddvofiai, Koet' aladdveTai, eKO/xeV 180- 
jxev, evpofiev, rjado/JLeda. (Compare k(o)wV 
eldws, eKoddrf e-nevor)drj, ecpwpddi], and ' r/Koi'0-a/j.ev, eirvdbixeda.) Bergk 
reads eTrdl'ir' and points out that it was 
probably the reading of the scholiast. 
Hecker proposed eyevaar'. 

15. T\a0v(Aos] Staunch Might in the 
pancration maketh thee great, Timode 
nuts. rXdOvfios expresses the endurance 
necessary for the feats of the pancration. 
I have explained in the Introduction the 
probable significance of this sentence. 
A comparison of the passages in which 
d^w, aii£w, av^dvui occur in Pindar shows 
that dX/cd at di^ei would be an awkward 
expression, if dX/cd did not imply some 
personal influence. I therefore conclude 
that dX/cd alludes to Alcyone, the Pleiad, 
and that Tkddvfxos, as it were 'rXddv/xos, 
suggests "ArXct?. 

16. 'Axapvai] I.ongof yoreis Achar- 
nae famous for brave men. Pindar uses 
the adjective eudvwp of places ; in the 
Homeric poems it is applied to wine and 
to arms. In 01. I. 24 we read of the 

colony of Lydian Pelops blessed with a 
fine race of men (eV evdvopi HeXorros 
dirotidq.) ; in 01. VI. 80 Arcadia is called 
evdvopa ; in Nem. X. 36 the Argives are 
evdvopa \abv. 

17. 80-0-a] But in all that apper- 
tained unto games the TimoJemids are 
preferred for highest excellence. 

18. irpoXe'YOVTai] Compare N 689 
'Adrjvalwv Trpo\e\ty/j.evoi, quoted by the 
scholiast. Prae caeteris notninantur, 
Dissen ; TrpoKftcpivrat, schol. 

19. vx|/ijj.£'8ovti] By the lordly height 
of Parnassus. The adjective is gene- 
rally applied to Zeus, as by Hesiod, 
Theog. 529. 

20. Kopiv8Cwv] The judges of the 
Isthmian games. 

21. €v...irmxeus] In dells of Pel- 
ops. Compare Isthm. III. 11 ev fida- 
o-aio-LV 'lad/Aou, il>. VII. 63 "lad/xiov dv 
vdiros. Bergk's proposal irvXais is un- 
fortunate. TTTVxeus is a touch of local 
colouring, like viptfie'dovTi Tlapvao-Q>. 

23. eirrd] And with seven crowns at 

tcI 8' olkoi| But their achievements 
at home, at the games of Zeus, are 
beyond the compass of number. Him 
(Zeus), citizens, Timodemus biddeth you 


a8fyu.eA.6t 8' e^ap^ere <f)a>va. 


hymn, and withal his own glorious home- 
coming. Begin the sweet vocal music. 

oikol] at Athens. The festival of Zeus, 
at which the Timodemids won so many 
victories, was the Athenian Olympia (so 
schol., Boeckh, Dissen &c). Mezger 
thinks that these games must have been 
Diasia at either Salamis or Acharnae, of 
which we have no record. Reference to 
the Olympia he thinks is impossible, 
"weil es sich dann nicht erklaren liesse, 
warum sich die Timodemiden von den 
iibrigen athenischen Festspielen fern 
gehalten haben sollten ". But Tindar's 
silence does not prove that Timodemids 
did not win prizes at other less important 
Athenian games. Observe too that ra 5' 
oikoi in 23 responds to /j.eyd\ais ' A9dvais 
in 8. 

24. tov] There can be no question 
that the MSS. reading is right and that tov 
is Zeus. The honour of Zeus and the 

praise of Timodemus' victory are to be 
the joint subject of the hymn. As in 
Nemean I. 8, 9, we have OeQv Keivov avv 
dvdpos dperah, so here we have tov...<jvv 
evK\i'C voo-tw. Tip-odr]^ is the dative of 
the person interested. For /cw/xafw with 
accusative, compare Nem. x. 34. The a 
form of the aorist occurs in Nem. XI. 28 
KU/J.d<rais, IX. 1 Kw/mdaofitv . So Pindar 
uses also ko/jli^clls and ko/xktov, ivapfxo^ai 
and apixoaav, &c. He has eSo/CTjo-ev (Pyt/i. 
VI. 40) as well as ZSol-a. 

Bergk punctuates at dpid/xov, and joins 
Aids dywvi with the following words, 
referring it to the recent victory at 
Nemea ; instead of tov he reads t65\ that 
is, To5e iyKibfiiov. 

25. d8up.€X.€i] Compare Isthm. VI. 
20 Acw/txai"' eweiTev ddv/j.e\e1 avv v/xvip. For 
e^apx^Te compare 2 51 G^ns 5' e^ijpxe 
yooio, Hesiod, Scut. Her. 205, e^pxov 





The modern theory of the hereditary transmission of qualities, which in 
this century is being worked out in so many directions, would have found a 
warm advocate in Pindar. For it is clear that this doctrine might be 
perverted by an upholder of aristocracies and monarchies in support of his 
political prejudices. And Pindar in his sympathies was thoroughly aristo- 
cratic, belonging himself to a distinguished family and associated in friend- 
ship with men of high position and with families of ancient name. He 
believed in the derivation of excellences, physical and moral, from the 
ancient heroes, to whom such families traced their descent ; and he 
disdained the doctrine that excellences might be acquired. People of low 
position are outside his world ; and those whose natural faculties do not 
reach a certain high level, he regards as doomed, in spite of all teaching, 
to abide for ever 'in the dark'. The world of men is divided, for him, into 
eagles and daws. 

This principle dominated his mind, when he composed a hymn on a 
victory in the pancration at Nemea 1 , won by an Aeginetan, Aristoclides, son 
of Aristophanes, whose remarkable achievements — at Megara and Epidaurus 
as well as at Nemea — in that trying contest beseemed the comeliness of his 
strong limbs. His name Aristoclides, too, might strike his friends as a fair 
augury, to Pindar at least suggesting that the man was under the special 
patronage of Clio, the Muse whose name is of glory ; and, with this thought, 
he associates her intimately with his hymn. Aristoclides had already 
reached the years of later manhood, and might seem to his contemporaries 
one of those few men who at every age realise an appropriate excellence. 

The hymn opens with a picture of young men standing in Aegina on the 
banks of the Asopus stream, on the anniversary of the Nemean festival, 
ready to lift up their voices and waiting only for the arrival of the Muse; 
for it appears that Pindar had been tardy in executing the commission of 
Aristoclides 2 . Victory thirsts for a draught of song ; and in the latter end 
of the ode we shall sec how Pindar describes the ingredients of the potion, 

1 As to the date of this ode we only independence. 
know that it must have been composed a Compare fiaiofievoi, 1. ?, and ofiirep 

hefore 457 B.C., when Aegina lost her 1. 80. 


'with many murmurs mix'd', which he offers to the lips of the victor. But 
here, with a characteristic change of metaphor (suggested by an etymology), 
he proceeds 1 : 'song, a most propitious minister of crowns and brave deeds, 
— whereof do thou, O Muse, minister abundance, drawing from the store of 
my craft '. 

This is the prelude ; and now, under the auspices of Zeus, the hymn 
begins; a hymn in praise of one who is fair like a statue, and touched 
with the grace of art, — really recalling, perhaps, as he stood in the agora of 
Aegina, a statue of Onatas. And the exploits of Aristoclides are like unto 
his comely form, equally worthy of the time-honoured agora, associated 
with the Myrmidons of Achilles. For through the favour of Clio, whose 
virtue as it were passed into his name, Aristoclides behaved with dauntless 
hardihood at Nemea, and the blows which wounded him are salved by the 
hymn of triumph. And thus in marine metaphor, — addressed to the ears 
of the seafaring Aeginetans, — ' the son of Aristophanes ' has embarked in 
pinnaces of splendid prowess ; but with the Greek instinct to moderation, 
the poet straightway marks the limit of the triumphant voyage by the 
pillars of Heracles, figuring probably the goal of an Olympic victory. 

Here the first system of the Ode ends, and the next two systems are 
occupied with the mythical tales which Pindar has chosen to illustrate his 
theme. In the fourth and last system we return to Aristoclides and 

Having named the pillars of Heracles, the poet is moved to speak of the 
voyage of discovery made by that hero in the far west, where he reached the 
end of possible navigations, and reached it alone. 

And here, having fully expressed what he would say, Pindar feigns to 
check himself, and to recall his imagination from its wanderings far at sea; 
for there are examples, awaiting it, at Aegina itself, Aeacid heroes, who can 
as punctually illustrate the truth which he wishes to convey. To speak 
of older men, for instance, Peleus— he who cut the supereminent spear — 
captured Iolcus alone, 

fiovos avev crrpaTias, 

and by hard wrestling captured Thetis. There was Telamon too, who, with 
Iolaus, slew Laomedon, and went against the Amazons, the fear that killeth 
never dulling the edge of his spirit. 

And the lesson that is conveyed by these examples, — Heracles, Peleus 
and Telamon— is now, at the end of the second metrical system, clearly 
stated- : 

( A man who hath the birthright of nobility prevaileth greatly ; but he 
whose knowledge is a lesson learned is a man in darkness, whose thought is 

1 See notson 1. 9. Mezger divides the triple division. 

hymn thus : , 2 In these words Mezger finds the 

dpxa (1 — 25); KaraTpoird (26 — 32); Grundgedanke of the hymn ; p. 391 . The 

dfxepaXos (32 — 64); /j.€Ta.Ka.Ta.T/)cnra (65 — mark, he says, of taught excellence is vovs 

67) ; crcppayU (68 — 84). dreX^s (v. 42), that of innate excellence 

This practically corresponds to my is ri\os e'e ireipq. (v. 70). 


as a veering gale, and who never cometh to port with unerring course, but 
with ineffectual mind tasteth a thousand excellences? 

(Tvyyevd 8e tis ev8otjta peya fipidti' 

bs 8e dibciKT i'xei yj/e^rjubs dvrjp aXXor aXXa nveav ovtvot arpacfi 

Karefta tvo8l, fj.vpt.cii/ 8' dptrav dreXd v6a> yeverai. 

In these lines 'the dark man' who never comes to port is contrasted with 
Heracles, in echoing words : for of Heracles it was said 

1. 25. 6na Tr6p.Tvip.ov Karffiaive vocttov reXos. 

It is meant moreover that Aristoclides is worthy of comparison with each 
of these mythical ensamples ; and this meaning is conveyed by Pindar's 
system of echoes. The superiorities of the victor, noted in 1. 20, 

dvopeais VTreprdrats eVe'^a, 

are echoed in the superlative beasts subdued by Heracles, proving his own 
superlative qualities, 

8dpaae 8e 6r)pas — vnepoxovs (1. 24), 
and again in the superlative spear which Peleus cut on Mount Pelion (1. 33) 

v n e p aXX o v alxpav rapcov. 
The comparison between Aristoclides and Telamon is exhibited by the 
application of Trepiadevrjs to the pancration in 1. 16, echoed in evpvadevijs 1 
as the epithet of Telamon in 1. 36. 

We now come to the third system, in which the life of Achilles is sketched, 
both in childhood and in manhood. We see him, a child of six years, in the 
cave of Chiron, dealing death to lions and boars with a small javelin and 
dragging the bodies, too heavy for him yet, to the feet of the Centaur ; and 
again we see him by virtue of his fleet feet overtaking and slaying stags without 
aid of hounds or snares, and in the background Artemis and Pallas Athene 
standing, amazed. 

He was nourished in all things fitting his condition by Chiron, that 
trainer of divine young men, who had brought up Jason and Asclepius, and 
who compassed the marriage of Peleus with the nymph of the bright 
well-head. And this training prepared him for fighting with the Lycians and 
Dardanians at Troy, where his great achievement was to slay Memnon, the 
son of Morning, and cousin of the inspired Helenus. 

Pindar leaves us in no doubt that he is comparing Aristoclides to Achilles. 
Chiron, who is a master in the healing art, bears, it is suggested, the same 
relation to Achilles, as the poet, who heals by his song, bears to Aristoclides. 
'Chiron of deep thoughts' 

[iadvpfJTa Xcipw 

is said to have taught Asclepius the art of dispensing remedies with gentle 


cpappaKtov' 8i8(ii;e paXciKoxeipa vopov. 

1 Both these adjectives arc unusual. logy of Xeipiov. 

- paXaKoxeipa suggests the etymo- :i (pa.pp.-a.K01> : <ptp<nv duos; see note. 


Now these words are intended to recall the curious description of the 
pancratiast's victory (11. 15, &c.) 

ayopav — ou/c— iplave — pa\ax6iU — 

KaparcoSeatv 8e nXayav 
cikos vytrjpbv %v ye (iadvniba Ne/ita to khWivikop (fripeiv 1 . 

The deep soil of Ncmca, 'the dispenser', provides a remedy, like the deep 
mind of Chiron, but Chiron himself rather corresponds to the poet 2 as is 
indicated by fiaOvpfjra, which recalls prjrios dpas dno of 1. 9. 

Other intentions of Pindar in this story of Achilles will be elucidated by 
the fourth system, to which we may now pass. By the 'far shining star' 
of the Aeacidae, fixed at Troy by their achievements there, especially by this 
victory of Achilles over Memnon, we are lit back, as it were, to the young 
men singing at Aegina and the proper theme of the hymn. 

The fourth system is parallel to the first : 

1. IO. af)xe 8' ovpava — Kpiovn — 1. 65. ZeC— dywf tov vpvos tfiakev. 


1. 5. veaviai aiQiv "ma paiopevoi. 1. 66. otti veutv. 

1. 12. {ypvov — ), x a P LevTa & e|« 1- 66. vpvos—cTrix*»l>iov x<w a 

TTovov xvpas ayaXpa. KcXaoecov. 

1. 7. dedXoviKia Se pdXio-r doi8av 1. 67. j3od 8e vixacpopcp o-vv'ApiaTo- 

duXei. xXei'Sa irpf'irei. 

I. 3. iKeo Awpi'Sa vaaov h'iyivav. 1.68. bs rdvoe vaaov. 
I.13. x°>P as nyaXfia. 1. 69. dyXaalai peplpvais. 

Moreover the thirst of 1. 6 is assuaged in the honeyed draught of 

II. 76 sqq., peXi in 77 echoing peXiyapvcov in 1. 4, and nop doiSipov echoing 
aotSdi/ of 1. 7. All these echoes mark, as it were audibly, a train of thought 
returning to the places from which it set out. 

Aristoclides is said to have wedded the island of Aegina to Renown, and 
the Theorion or sacred college of Apollo to a society of bright Ambitions. 
The remarkable words are : 

bs rdvde vaaov evKXe'i irpoaidr/Ke Xoyco 
69 m\ aepvov dyXaalai pepipvais 
Ylvdiov Qedptov^. 

Now dyXaalai ptplpvais responds to dyXaoxpavov, the epithet of Thetis, 
in the corresponding line of the 2nd antistrophos ; of Chiron it is said, 

56 vvpobevae 8' avris dyXaoKpavov 
N^pe'or Ovyarpa. 

Aristoclides is said to marry Aegina to tvKXefjs \6yos, and the college of 
Theori to a company of dyXaal Mepi/iwu, just as Chiron married Thetis 
dy\a6K P avos to Peleus. What is the meaning of this ? How is it that the 

1 0e>etc too is echoed in yovov (f>ipra- - This comparison was noticed by Lud- 

tov (as it were, most -dunning) in 1. 57. wig. 
See Appendix A, note 3. 3 See note on this passage. 


victor, who has already been compared both to Peleus and to Achilles, is 
now compared to Chiron? The puzzle is solved in the following lines. 

Pindar proceeds to set forth that each of the three ages of man, child- 
hood, early manhood, and elder age, has a proper excellence of its own ; and 
besides these there is another excellence, not confined to a particular time of 
life, namely wisdom. Thus there are four excellences or 'virtues' in mortal 
life. The childhood of Achilles exhibited the first, and his manhood the 
second. Of advanced age Peleus was the example, as is pointed out by 

a responsion 1 , 

1. 32. TraXaiaio-i 8' iv dpeTa'is. 

1. "J?,. * v 7TciKaiT€pOl(Tl... 

Teaaapas a p eras. 

It has already been observed that Aristoclides is compared to all these 

heroes ; the implication being that he inherited the aperd appropriate to each 

age. For his perfection, it only remains that he should have the fourth 

excellence, wisdom. Now it is manifest that this excellence would be well 

illustrated by padvufjra Xelpav ; and therefore, by comparing Aristoclides to 

Chiron, Pindar would imply that he possessed wisdom. This is the solution 

of the problem. 

But in regard to these virtues it must be observed that the fourth, which 

bids man do wisely that which he does, may be possessed at any age. 

And Pindar takes care to indicate that all the heroes, whom he has celebrated 

in the hymn, were endowed with this faculty of thought. Of Heracles it is 


kciI yav (ppabaaae (1. 26). 

The wisdom of Peleus is alluded to by the responsion already mentioned. 

Telamon is praised because 

ov8e vlv irore (pofios enavaev aKpav cf)peva>v. 

And of Achilles it is related that in his childhood Chiron nourished him 

iv dppevoiai TTaai dvpov av^wv 1 , 

and of his resolve to slay Memnon the curious expression is used 

iv <f>pao~\ TratjaiTo. 

The words of 1. 75 (ppovelv 8' iviirei to TrapK.eip.evov elucidate all these phrases 3 . 

Finally the poet turns to Aristoclides 4 , and solemnly offers him, to assuage 

1 This responsion is noticed by Mezger. of the hymn were gained respectively in 

' 2 On the significance of this passage I youth, manhood and advanced age. I 

must refer the reader to Appendix A, have already mentioned that Mezger 

note 3, where he will find a discussion places the GrundgcJanke in the passage 

of other details, connected with the about innate and acquired excellence, 

argument of the hymn. The truth is that both thoughts have 

:i I may observe that Dissen found been worked out in the poem, the apeTa. 

the Grundgedanke of the poem in the ofArisloclidesbeingthclinkbetweenthem. 

passage on the four virtues. " Fons 4 Mezger sees in x<upe (1. 76) "eine 

explicationis est in eo loco, ubi de aetati- Xuriickwcisung auf y£ya9e v. 33, womit 

bus vitae dicitur." He thinks that the der Mythus begonnen wurde ". Aristo- 

three victories mentioned in the last line elides is to be glad like l'eleus. 


the thirst mentioned at the beginning of the hymn, a draught of song, with 
honey and white milk for ingredients, — as the Muses accepted only wineless 
libations — and crowned with foam, presented 'in the breathings of Aeolian 
flutes', as cups. The hymn concludes with a pointed comparison of 
Aristoclides to the Aeacids, and especially to Achilles. Just as the eagle, 
aleros, is the emblem of the Aeacids, Akiki'Scm, so Clio's favour is indicated in 
the name Aristoclides. The eagle is described seizing a hare in these words 

tXafiev afya, rrjXode peTapaiopevos, 8a(poiv6v aypav nocrlv. 

The choice of language shows that Achilles is primarily intended 1 ; 8a<f>oivbp 

aypav recalls 

XeovT(o~o-iv dyporepois errpacraev q>6vov (46) 

and TTocrlv recalls noaa-l yap Kpareo-Ke (1. 52) the traditional quality of 

And Aristoclides too, if not an eagle, has a quality etymologically 
resembling the eagle's power of 'grasping' prey (eXaftev); for he has 
dedXocpopov Xfjpa, which suggests Xfjp.p.a 2 . And he too, like the Aeacids, has 
a star 

(1. 84, 8e8opKev (pao$. I. 64, dpape (peyyos 3 ). 

And the prey of Aristoclides is indicated ; for perap-aiop-fvos, used of the 
eagle, echoes aeSev una ftatofievoi said of the young men in the first strophe. 
It was upon the song of victory that he swooped. 

The whole composition is a hymn of the perfect man, who has realised 
duly the excellences appropriate to the three periods of life, — childhood, 
manhood, and later manhood. Old age is not mentioned, for the Greeks 
regarded it as hardly a part of life in the true sense of the word. The 
perfect man will also realise a fourth quality, not confined to any age, — 
(ppovelv to TrapK.iLp.fvov. These virtues are illustrated by (i) Achilles as a 
child, (2) the same hero as a man, and Heracles, (3) Peleus and Telamon, 
(4) Chiron. 

The perfect man, who always attains his end by his own faculty, without 
extraneous aid, is also the man of light, opposed to the ineffectual man, who is 
called a 'dark' one. And there is a certain atmosphere of light, consciously, 
about the whole poem ; we feel that we are in the bright Greek world, which 
extends to the pillars of Heracles, dividing it from darkness. ayaXpa (1. 13), 
dyXaoKpavov (1. 56), dyXaalcn (1. 69), are notes suggesting the gracious presence 
of Aglaia ; rrjXavyis apape qbeyyos (1. 64), 8e8op<(v cpdo? (1. 84), Sia0aiVrai 
(1. 71), even the name of the victor's father 'Ap«rro0 .wq 9, determine the bright 
atmosphere, of which Clio is the presiding deity. 

And as in all Pindar's works there are many striking phrases and 
suggested pictures in this poem — for instance, the young men waiting 
at the river, the balm of Nemea, Heracles alone in the far west sounding 

1 In these lines there is a secondary 1. 83, and to Appendix A, note 3. 
allusion to the poet himself. See note. 3 This comparison is noticed by 

2 In support of this explanation I must Mezger. 
refer to the note on the significant p.iv in 



the shallows, the child Achilles with his short spear at the entrance of 
Chiron's cave, the lowflying daws, the draught of song ministered in the 
breathings of Aeolian flutes, the constellations of glory. 



VV. I, 2. 

— -i-ww-w-w-ww u-A-w-w-wd5v-w-Sw^A (15) 

vv. 3, 4. 

^> w — w w — w — — w ww w — w — w 

A (15) 


1>. C. — . — w — w — w WL/ w — w w — A \7 ) 

vv.6,7. ---w-<-w-ww^--w-w-ww-w :-w-ww (12) 

v. 8. — ww — w — w — w — w — — A v.7J 

Here the strophe falls into two unequal parts of which the second has 

a mesodic structure (compare the strophes of the Tenth Nemean Ode). 

Observe that the first two syllables of the 8th line belong rhythmically to 

the 7 th. 

It is worthy of remark that r Ueo, in 1. 3, seems to have led Schmidt into the 
mistake of making the<second fieyedos begin with — - 

- w w. 


VV. 1,2. ^ 

— wv , — w — ww — C — w w (J$ w— w — wwww — ww — w — w -w— A (17) 

vv. 3, 4. 

— s_, — ww— • — w — ww - w w — w — w — ww— w — ww— •— w — w — WW (I 7J 


1} w C — WW — w — WW — WW — W — • — W -- A (o) 

A structure of this kind is called by Hephaestion an eVwStKoi/. The 
iir^SiKa, writes Schmidt, "sind so gebaut, dass den zwei gleichen /xfye'^ ein 
dri'ttes entweder nachfolgt, oder vorangeht, oder als Centrum eingewebt wird". 
He proceeds "die erste Art ist hochst wahrscheinlich die alteste, da es nahe 
genug lag, die einzelnen Systeme, ebenso wie die umfangreichere mpiKonj], 
auch wieder gleichsam in zwei Stollen und einen Abgcsang zu theilen ". 

It is clear that the strophes of the present ode might be also included 
under the head of epodics. 

The rhythm of this hymn is logaoedic, and the mood was Aeolian, as wc 
learn from I. 79. 




'H iroTVia M.olaa, fxarep dfierepa, \laao/j,ai, 
rav irdXv^evav ev (epofi7)via NefiedBt 
itceo AcoplSa vdaov Klytvav. vhaTi yap 
fxkvovT itr 'Acr&)7ri&) /u,€\iyapvo)v retcToves 

<TTp. a . 

i. co iroTVia Moi<ra] O Muse august, 
mother of us, come, I beseech thee, on 
the holy moon of Nemea to the Dorian 
island of Aegina which harbours many 
strangers. The Muse invoked is Clio, 
mentioned by name in line 83. Poets 
are her spiritual children. The scholiast 
suggests the relation of Odysseus to 
Athene, *■ 783: 

firjTTjp us '05i/<T7}i' irapLaTCLTai -^5' eVa- 

1. •iroXvijtvav] Pindar sometimes 
adopts a feminine termination in the case 
of compound adjectives ; as dOavdra 
Pyth. III. 100, aKivt]Tav 01. IX. 33, irap- 
povip.av Pyth. VII. 20, and cp. Nem. V. 9. 
The MSS. have noXv^eiuav, but the resto- 
ration of iroXv^vav (with Moschopulos) 
is necessary for the metre. 

The kindness of the Aeginetans to 
strangers was famous. In the 8th Olym- 
pian, 1. 26, the island is called wavro- 
Bcnrotaiv ^ifois kIovol 8atp.ovlav, a divine 
pillar for strangers of all lands, and in 
the 5th Nemean, 1. 8, <pl\av £tvuv 

€v UpojirivCa N«|x«d8i] The anniversary 
of the Nemean festival, lepop-qvia is, as 
Hesychius explains it, simply e'oprdcri/xos 

Tjpipa festal day, and does not imply that 
the moon was new or at the full. 

3. vSan -yap k.t. X.] For by the waters 
of Asopits are waiting young men, smiths 
of honeyed hymns, eagerly seeking for thy 

Although there is no evidence beyond 
this passage, it would seem that there was 
a stream named Asopus near the city 
Aegina (as well as the Asopus in Boeotia 
and the Asopus near Phlius). In legend 
Asopus was the father of the nymphs 
Thebe and Aegina. 

4. iievovr'] That is, p.tvovTi = p.ivovai. 
p-eXryapvcov t€ktov€S kcoiawv] Here the 

singers (xopevrai) are called artificers of 
the hymns. In another place (Pyth. 
III. 113) the metaphor is used of the 
poet : 

K7]!; iirluiV Kf\0.8ew(bv, TiKTOVd Old 

dpp,o<rav, yivw<jKopei>, 
from the sounding verses wrought by skilful 
joiners. The writer of the essay on 
Pindar's Odes of Victory in the Quarterly 
Review of Jan. 1886 observes in regard 
to this phrase (p. 171); "Even the ex- 
pression 'poet -builders', though it does 
not seem unnatural to us who are familiar 

4 6 


koo/mdv veaviai, aedev oira fxaiofievoi. 
Btyfrfj Se 7rpdyo<i ak\o p,ev ciWov' 
ae&koviicia he fidXtcrT doiBav cpikel, 
GT€(j)dvo)v dperdv re Se^ccordrav otraSov. 

t«? dfydoviav oira^e /xt/rios a fids airo' 

dp-%6 8\ ovpavov 7ro\vv€(f)e\a icpeovri dvyarep, 

avT. a . 

with Milton's 'build the lofty rhyme', 
must have been a significant expression 
when it was used by Pindar ; since we 
find it parodied by Aristophanes and 
Cratinus ". See Aristophanes, Equites 530 
T^KTOves einra\dp.wv vfxvuv and Cratinus, 
EiV. 3. It is to be observed that fj.e\i- 
■yapvs is not used as an epithet of persons 
but only of utterance. Pindar uses it 
always of hymns; 01. XI. 4 and Pyth. 
III. 64 /xe\iydpves vfivot; in Homer it 
qualifies 6\f/, fj. 187. 

5. fj.cu6|ievoi] Pindar has chosen this 
word to allude to the circumstance that 
the hymn was delayed beyond its due 
time., I seek, is used by Pindar 
(1) without a case, 01. I. 46, (2) with 
accusative, as here and Pyth. XI. 51 
Sward /xato/xeeos, (3) with infinitive, 01. 
VIII. 5 /J.aio/j.ii'uv \afie~iv. But there is 
ultimately little difference between the 
three cases; in (:) an accusative is under- 
stood, and in (3) the infinitive is gram- 
matically the object. 

6. 8u|/t] 8e] Divers are the thirsts of 
divers exploits ; but victory in the games 
is chiefly fain of song, ministress most 
auspicious of crowns and valiant deeds. 

Dissen translates di\prj desiderat, but it 
is a mistake to render the original, which 
is far stronger than wodel or iiridv/xei, by 
a weaker equivalent. Compare Pyth. ix. 
103 i/Jii 5' un> rts doiddv dl\j/av axeibficvov 
irpaao-ei XP^ 0S a^Tty iydpai. The rare 
word Trpdyos differs from tpyov only in 
dignity and solemnity, tpyov is a deed ; 
wpuyos is an exploit. 

7. deGXoviKCa] This word occurs only 

8. o-TJcfxxvcov dperdv t«] In sense this 
is a hendiadys, but there is no reason to 
translate it as such. Joined with oiraobv 
the adjective b~ei~iwTdTav is felicitous ; it 
suggests that song, the companion, walks 
on the right of victory. aedXoviida. and 
doedd are abstractions; diraddv suggests a 
concrete picture, and de^iwrdrav helps to 
define it. 

9. toLs d<f>0oviav] Thereof minister 
an ungrudging measure from the store of 
my craft. Tas = doi5as; the request is 
addressed to the Muse. In the preceding 
verse Song was called the companion of 
victory; in this verse song is regarded 
rather as a measurable thing than as a 
person, and the Muse is asked to send 
abundance thereof to accompany the vic- 
tory of Aristoclides. With consummate 
skill the poet connects the second meta- 
phor with the first by choosing the word 
o-n-dfa, which literally meant send along 
with (as an 07ra56y), as in £ 310 dp.' r)yep.6v' 
icrdXbv oiracTCTov, but acquired the more 
general sense of bestow. With /xtjtios d/xds 
dwo compare Nem. IV. 8. In Homer 
a.p.6% means our but in Pindar my; see 
Isth. V. 45, Pyth. iv. 27 and n 1. 41. 

10. apX £ 8* ovpavov k.t.X. ] Begin a 
true hymn in honour of the king of 
the cloudy welkin, his daughter thou; 
and I will impart it to their blending 
voices and commit it to the lyre. 

Dissen's explanation of 1. 10 is certainly 
correct, praei vero cacli regi praeclarum 
hymnum, fllia {—filia Jovis). Bergk 
introduces into the text of his fourth 
edition Ovpai'ot, 7roAi>j'e</>Aa Kplovri Ov- 
yarep, Urania, daughter of the king 



hvKi^iov vp,vov' iyw Se /ceivoov re vcv 6dpoi<; 
\vpa t€ Kotvdaofiai. yapUvra & e£ei trovov 
%u>pa<z dyriXfia, Mvpp,i86ve<; Iva irporepoi 
ojKTjaap, wv 7ra\ai(f)aTov dyopdv 

enwrapped in clouds, but the Muse ad- 
dressed is Clio, not Urania, and all the 
MSS. have Tro\vve<pt\a (genitive). The 
scholium 6 fj.ev 'Apiarapxos Qvpavou 
dvyar^pa tV Movvav otdeKrai shows, as 
Mommsen pointed out, that Aristarchus 
read Ovpavcp iro\w>e<p(Xqi Kpeovri. Ovyarep, 
which would support Bergk's construc- 

11. 86ki(iov] ein echtes Lied, Mezger; 
approved. Compare Aeschylus, Persae, 


Acd7iL> 5£ fj.6pov tQiv oixop-tvuv 

aipw ookiixus TroXvTrevdrj. 
86ki/jlos would be the word for translating 
patent into Greek. 

oapois] Used of choral song (cf. iraiouv 
ddpoHji, J'yih. i. 98). vlv (restored by 
Mommsen for pup) is vp.vov. 

12. Koivd<ro|iai] For the sense com- 
pare Pylh. VIII. 29 {commit) 
iraaav p-aKpayopiav Xvpa re Kal cpdeypLari 
fxakOaKu, and Horace, Odes iv. 9. 1 1 vi- 
vuntque commissi calores Aeoliae fuiibus 
puellae. The poet acts as a -n po<p7}T7\% or 
interpreter of the Muse to the musicians. 
In Pytli. iv. 115 Pindar uses the active 
aorist of kolv6w in the same construction, 
vvktl Koivdaavres bbbv, to Night (and to 
none other) having imparted the secret of 
their journey. 

XapfcvTO, 8' Q(i irovov] Its gracious 
work will be a bright jewel to deck the 
land inhere in former days dwelled the 
Myrmidons, v/xvos is the nominative to 
?£ei, and if any change were necessary 
I should prefer Rauchenstein's ££eis (sc. 
Mo?<ra) to Mr Fennell's e£ecu (sc. Moicra), 
of which, as of other 'causal Middles', 
I confess that I feel rather shy. But it 
seems unnecessary to deviate from the 
mss. ; the semi-personification of the 
Hymn is thoroughly Pindaric (compare 

Nem.l. 5). The interpretation of Dissen 
is as untenable as those of Boeckfa and 
Malthiae. (1) Boeckh making x^pa-s 
dyaXpa mean the chorus took it for the 
subject of eijei : " pulcrum elegantemque 
laborem habebit chorus ". (2) Matthiae 
also took x^P as dyaXfxa for the subject 
but explained it as the ode. (3) Dissen 
and Hermann understood Zeus as the 
subject of e£« and took x a P LiVTBL as P re_ 
dicate : " lubens autem accipiet hoc carmen 
Iuppiter utpote ornamentum terrae ". 

XapUis trbvos is a work inspired by 
the Graces, and the closely following 
ayaXpa suggests Aglaia. (See Appendix 
B.) tt6vos does not mean toil here, rather 
work of the hands, as though the song 
in honour of Aegina were a statue, and 
this comparison is further hinted at in 
the word dyaXp.a, which is specially used 
of images (in Nem. x. 67 it means the 
headstone of a tomb). 

13. Mvp(ii86v€s] In a fragment of 
Ilesiod it is related that Zeus supplied 
Aeacus with a people by transforming 
ants, p.vppL7]Kcs, into men, who were thence 
called ~M\<pp.i56ves. They were the oldest 
inhabitants of Aegina. 

14. cryopriv] In conformity with the 
metre of the corresponding lines of the 
other strophes we expect here a word of 
spondaic instead of anapaestic scansion. 
(Hence Rauchenstein has proposed dXudv 
and Kayser 'ibpav.) But in the fourth 
lines of the epodes of this ode we also 
find a variation between — and ~ w ; hence 
it seems gratuitous to suppose that there 
is a corruption, especially as the word 
gives most excellent sense. Aristoclides 
brought no soil of shame on the Place 
of Assembly called after the Myrmidons; 
and in the fourth strophe (1. 69) it is said 
that he glorified the Theorion, which was 

4 8 


ovk iXcy^eeocriv 'AptcrTO/cXe/Sa? reav 1 5 

ifiiave tear alcrav iv irepto-Oevel fxaka^Oel^ 

7rayfcpaTiov aroXw' Ka/iaTcoSecov 8e ifkayav eV. a. 

a/cos vytrjpov ev fiaOvrrehiw Ne/xea to kciSXlvikov cpepei. 

probably situated close to the agora (cf. 
Mezger, p. 386). It is clear, I think, 
that dyopd means here, primarily, the 
place of assembly (not conventum as 
Dissen takes it), suggesting of course the 
fame and traditions of the Myrmidons 
inseparably associated with the place. 

15. ovk eXe-y^e'co-cnv k.t.X.] Translate: 
whose time-honoured agora Aristoclides, 
by virtue of thee, O Clio, stained not with 
soils of shame through soft succumbing in 
the stalwart array of the pancration. 

That Aristoclides is possessed of the 
valour that wins renown (/cX^os) his very 
name {'Apicrro- xXeiSas) is a sign, and for 
the same reason he is the favourite of 
Clio (KXeici, who sings to, kXco. dvSpuiv). 
This idea is expressed by reav kolt aTaav, 
under thy auspices — a stronger phrase 
than aov x&P lv - For a ^°' a means omen 
(compare the adjective ai'crtos), and here 
suggests that the name Aristoclides is 
ominous. In a passage in the Ninth 
Olympian Ode (1. 42) the word, I think, 
has a similar significance: 

iV aloXo(3p6vra Aids ataa 

Uvppa AevKtzXicov re Hapvacrov Kara- 


wlicre under the auspices of Dens (Zeus), 
who wieldeih the forked fame, Pyrrha 
(suggesting itvp] and Deu-calion &c. Here 
aXcra. calls attention to an omen latent 
in the names Deucalion and Pyrrha. — 
With ovk iXeyx^eo-criv Dissen com- 
pares Solon (frag. 32, Pergk) pudvas Kal 
KaTaio-xbva? kXIos. Compare \f/ev5e<n kcl- 
ra/Mdvais (Pyth. IV. 100) and Qe6yvi)rov 
ov KO.reXe'yxei-s {Pyth. VIII. 36). For redv 
Bergk reads idv after a scholium. 

rf>. irepicrGtvei] This Pindaric adjec- 
tive occurs only here and in frag. 131, 1. 2, 

where it is used of Death : Kal oGpux p.ev 
trdvrcov ewerai davdry irepiffOevei, and the 
body of each follo-weth stalwart Death. It 
conveys the idea of the immense strength 
required for the pancration. otoXqj sug- 
gests a comparison with real warfare, as 
Dissen has noticed, comparing Pyth. XI. 
50 WvQdi re yvpivov eiri ffrddiov Karafidvres 
TJXey^av 'EXXavida arpandv utKvraTi. 
Mezger translates Allkampfsgang (cf. 

17. Ka(j.aTw8tu<v 8e irXa-yav] But he 
hath a healthful balm for weary bloius and 
bruises, even the hymn of victory which 
the deep dale of Nemea doled to him. The 
thought that victory and the songs which 
celebrate victor)' are a physic for pain 
often recurs in Pindar; compare e.g. the 
opening lines of the Fourth Nemean, and 
Nemean vni. 49. For Kaparworis cf. 
Hesiod, Op. et D. ^82 Oepeos Ka/xardideot 
Copy, and Pindar, frag. 218 /ca/xorcioees 

18. ev PaSinreSi'a) Nefiea] Most MSS. 
have ev j3advire5iai, two (X and Z prima 
matin) have ev j3advire5oj, the Moscho- 
puleans have tv ye fiadvirtbu. I think 
Bergk is rash in adopting the latter. 
fiadinre'dtos {'with low-lying plain) is an 
isolated compound of iredlov, and Pindar 
coined it in order to arrest the attention 
and emphasize his covert meaning. Ne- 
mea is a dispenser (vip.w) of balm and 
her vale is deep, even as the mind of 
Chiron the healer is deep (see below 
1. $_?, [3advp.7JTa and 1. 55 vo/xov). 

to KaXXiviKov (f)6p«i] he has won the 
song of triumph ; he is greeted in song as 
to KaXXtviKe, conquering hero. In Olymp. 
IX. 2 we have kuXXLvikos 6 rptrrXoos Ke- 
xXa5t6s (the hymn swelling with thrice- 
resounding shout of triumph), where vfivos 



el 8' icov KaXos epScop r ioiKora fMopcpa 

dvopeais vtreprdrai^ eVe/3a irals 'Apto-Tocpavew;, ovkcti irpoato 20 

dftdrav aXa kiovwv virep 'Hpa/cXeo? irepdv evpapes, 

y]pa)<i #eo9 «9 edr)/ce vavrtXtas e'cr%aTa<? 

arp. /3'. 

is understood ; cf. Pyth. v. 106 rb KaWt- 
vikov fit\os. <pe"peip is used for winning as 
well as (pipeudai ; see Isthm. VI. 21. But 
here a/cos </>^ei is intended to suggest an 
etymology of <papp.-a.Kov, see below 1. 55. 
The present tense implies that the conse- 
quences of the victory are not yet over. 
Bergk, after a scholium, reads (pipeiv (To 
win at A'emea is balm). But a view of 
the whole context supports the MSS. 
reading ; it seems most natural that after 
the negative assertion ovk i/xiave, the 
particle 6Y should introduce a corre- 
sponding positive assertion. 

19. si 8' €wv k.t.X.] But if the son of 
Aristophanes, being comely and doing 
deeds like unto his comeliness, embarked 
in the loftiest achievements of manhood's 
excellence, then it is not an easy thing to 
traverse further the pathless sea beyond 
the pillars of Heracles which the hero-god 
set as witnesses of the limits of his famed 
seafaring. For the association of beauty 
with beautiful deeds compare Olymp. ix. 
94 wpalos ewf Kal ku.\6s KaWiara re pe'ijcus, 
Isthm. VI. 22 cde'vei r ^KirayXos idelv re 
p.op<pdeis, oryet t aperav ovk aXa\iov <pvas, 
Olymp. VIII. 19 tjv 6" eoopav ko\o% Zpyy 
t oil Kara eWos e\iyxw. It is not neces- 
sary to interpret avopeacs laudes with 
Dissen ; it simply means manly deeds, 
which imply manly qualities. enefia in- 
troduces the metaphor of the seafarer; 
compare einfialveiv vavol Thucyd. VII. 70. 
In Nem. XI. 44 p.eyaXai>oplais ep.fiaivop.ev, 
we embark in great deeds of valour, a 
similar metaphor is used of the poet. 
Aristoclides' noble qualities are the ship 
in which he sails and reaches the pillars 
of Heracles; the fact that he reaches 
them, though not expressly stated, is 

implied in the next clause, and is 
assured by the excellence of the ship 

20. ovk€ti wpoirto k.t.X.] The pillars 
of Heracles were a prominent feature in 
Pindar's view of the world. In Olymp. 
in. 43 it is said of Theron that by his 
deeds of prowess he toucheth without 
leaving home (airrerat oiKoQev) the pillars 
of Heracles, to iropao) 5' Igti (robots 
(LfSoiTov Ka<TO(pois, but that which is beyond 
may not be traced by wise or witless; 
compare Isthm. III. 30 avopiais 5' e<rx<i- 
TCLiaiv oiKodev o~Ta\aicriv a.TtTOvft' Hpa- 
KXeiais, almost verbally the same. In 
both these cases the force of oiKodev is to 
qualify a somewhat strong metaphor. 
See also Nem. IV. 69 Taoeipuv to 7rpos 
£b<pov ob ireparbv. In the present case 
the poet makes the metaphor an intro- 
duction to a short statement of the 
services of Heracles the Deliverer. 

The declension of 'HpaxXojs in Pindar 
is -tot, -el and -rji, -ia -ees. The ante- 
penult is long in 12 passages, short in 10, 
and twice doubtful. 

22. vavriXCas kX-utoLs] Pindar uses 
vavriXia in the plural, also of Heracles' 
sea-voyaging, in Isthm. III. 75 : 

8s OvXvpvbvb' £/3a yaias re waaas 

/ecu fiaOvKprjpvov woXids dXds e^evpwv 

vavTiXiaio~i T€ iropdpbv apepuxrais, 
who went to Olympus, having discovered 
the beetling ledge of the whole earth and of 
the white sea, and having tamed the deep 
by his seafaring ( is the sea from 
the aspect of navigators). The reading of 
the best mss. kXvtcLs is certainly right 
(al. k\vtcls) ; vavrtXias kXvt&s balances 
iaxdras Klovas. 




liaprvpas K\vTa<i' hajiaae he 6r)pa<i iv ireXayel 
virepo^ovi, ihiq t epevvaae revayecov 

pod<}, OltCt TTOfATTlflOV KClT€/3aiV€ voarov reXos, 

teal yav (ppcihaaae. 0vp,e, rcva irpb<; dWoharrav 


23. 8d|xa<re 8« k.t.X.] He subdued 
monstrozis beasts on the ocean and by him- 
self searched out the streams and the 
shallozus, as far as where he zvas landing 
at the goal that speedeth homezuard, and 
he made land known. All the mss. 
have weXdyei, except B which has ?re\d- 
yea'i. I follow Bergk in reading rreXdyei 
(there is a similar error, drpeKei for 
arpeKfr, in 1. 41 below). Von Leutsch 
suggests that these words may be a 
reminiscence of words of Stesichorus, 
who first narrated the fable. 

24. The MSS. have vzrepbxos I5ia(a) 
r epevvaae. The scholia mention another 
reading Sid t' epevvaae, whence Boeckh 
deduced dia r' e^epevvaae. With Momm- 
sen and Mezger I believe we should 
retain ISla, on his own account, without 
the aid of others ; this was a significant 
characteristic of Heracles' achievements, 
and that Pindar wished to insist on it in 
this ode is clear from the emphatic 
prominence given to the fact that Peleus 
was single-handed when he captured 
Iolcos, p.bvos dvev arparias, 1. 34. M. 
Schmidt proposed azriSlas ( = p.aicpd$) and 
Bergk d'idvds (caliginosa, cf. 7r?;X6s aiSvbs 
in Hesychius). 

T€va"ye<ov] The schol.: bivypoi ical rrapa- 
TTOTdpnoi 6<pp6es fjToi Traparerap.e'vq xal 
vwepix°vaa 777 odaa, is hardly correct. 
revdy-q are, as Dissen says, ' irrjKuiSri 
zreXdyr), vada\ and Mr Fennell aptly 
quotes Pliny's remark about the straits of 
Gades, frequentes taeniae candicantis vadi 
carinas tcntant (Hist. Nat. III. 1). 
Heracles discovered the channels (pods) 
intersecting the tracts of shallow water. 
With tpevvaae (Lat. scrutari) compare 
p. 259 iropovs dXds i^epeelvwv. 

25. otra k.t.X.] This clause defines the 
place up to which Heracles explored the 

shallows. He was landing (note the im- 
perfect, which is relative to epevvaae not 
to Pindar) at the goal which causeth 
return — beyond which none sail — that is 
the Straits of Gades. The meaning of 
the passage has been obscured by not 
attending to the tense of Kara^aivu and 
by taking voarov as meaning Heracles' 
own return. As no causal adjective is 
formed from voaros, voarov Tr6p.-mp.ov is 
used instead. Mezger compares 1r6p.miJ.os 
<piXcov, Eur. Med. 848. Dissen wrongly 
takes voarov with tAos (meta reditus). 
Karafialveiv = devenire ad porttim, com- 
pare Hem. iv. 38. 

26. <j>pd8ao-o-e] Coordinate with epev- 
vaae, not with Karej3aive. This verb, 
formed from <ppa5d, is perhaps a coinage 
of the Pindaric mint. It is generally 
rendered 'made the land known' (terram 
indicavit, machte kund das Land), almost 
equivalent to 'ieppaae. But just as yvu- 
ptfw means to discover (as well as to make 
known), so (ppabafa may mean to discover 
by (ppaS-rj, that is, by conjecture or divina- 
tion; he discovered the land which he 
had divined. For (ppadrj compare 01. 
XII. 9 rQv 8e p,eXXovTcov rertxpXwvrai 
(ppadal, Aeschylus Eum. 245 p.7jvvrypos 
dcpOiyKTov (ppadats. 

9v(jl€, riva. /c.t.A.] Soul, to what pro- 
montory of outlanders dost thou make 
my ship's course to veer? The expression 
reminds us of Dante's la navicella del 
mio ingegno. dXXobairos means of a 
strange land, as rip.e8air6s means of our 
land., pass by (in Pyth. II. 
50 irapap-elperai SeX<piva, outstrips the 
dolphin in speed) is here used in a causal 
sense; but observe the limitation, 
irXoov is not really distinct from dvfios 
the subject of wapapelpeai, it is merely 
9v/jl6s in another aspect ; and thus ip-bv 



anpav ep,ov ttXoov irapap,et^eat ; 

Ala/CM ae <papl yivei re Moiaav <f>epeiv. 

eirerai Se Xoyw 8itca<; aayros, icrXos alvetv 

ovft dXkorpiwv epwres dvSpl <pepeiv Kpecrcrove<i. 
olicodev fidreve. iroTi(f)opov 8e Koapov eX,a/3e9 

dm. /3'. 30 

tt\6ov TrapaneijSeai is virtually equivalent 
to Trapa/j.eifieai in its usual sense. The 
preposition has the shade of meaning 
often expressed in Latin by de; deflectere. 

28. AlaKw k.t.X.] / charge thee, con- 
vey the Muse for Aeacus and his race; my 
tale is wafted on its errand to praise noble 
men by a blast of Justice. Desires of 

foreign things are not the better burden for 
a man ; search at home. These lines of 
transition from the myth of Heracles to 
the exploits of the Aeginetan heroes are 
often misunderstood. Pindar recalls the 
ship of his soul from Gades, reminding 
her that 'Aeacus and his race' have 
chartered her to carry the Muse (Clio) ; 
then he adds that in returning to 
Aegina he is adopting the best method 
of praising the victor, even by cele- 
brating the bravery of the race of 
Aeacus. The deprecation of dWorplwv 
tpwres applies primarily to the poet him- 
self (aWoTpioju taking up dWodairdu of 
1. 26), secondarily to the victor (cf. below 
1. 40). In line 28 ^ajiC has what the 
Germans call a pregnant sense, / charge 
thee (cp. Tennyson's 'Memory, I charge 
thee, rise'). 

29. i:ir€TCH %\ Xo-ya) k.t.X.] Of the two 
interpretations of this line which have 
been put forward, the most usually ac- 
cepted is otiose and irrelevant, the other 
is unlikely. (1) Adest autem verbo meo 
iustitiae summum decus, bonorum in 
praedicatione positum (Dissen) ; or, as 
Mr Fennell (taking \6ytp differently) 
translates, 'The flower of justice concurs 
with the maxim "praise the noble'". 
Whether Pindar would under any cir- 
cumstances have termed such a maxim 

'the gloss of justice', I may be permitted 
to express a doubt, but in this context it 
is at best irrelevant, having no connexion 
with what precedes or with what follows. 
For if it is not irrelevant, it stultifies the 
point of Pindar's argument. He cuts 
short his eulogy of Heracles that he may 
celebrate the praises of Peleus and 
Achilles: why? Because it is the essence 
of justice to praise the noble. Therefore, 
according to this interpretation, Pindar 
either wrote a line that had no point, or 
suggested the proposition that Heracles 
was not noble. Neither the procedure 
nor the doctrine are Pindaric. (2) Von 
Leutsch and Mezger to avoid these con- 
sequences take eo-Aos, not as a Doric 
accusative, but as a nominative agree- 
ing with aw-ros, and make alveiv depend 
on the adjective: 'adjuncta autem meo 
verbo justitia egregia ad laudandum est, 
i.e. summo jure Aeacum nunc laudo'. 
But iaXbs alvelv as a qualification of 5kas 
acoros is intolerably weak,— it would not 
be too much to call it bathos. (5t/cas) 
awros is the best; it is, certainly, un- 
necessary to add that the best is good to 
praise. i<r\bs would be in any case a 
strange adjective with oiwros. 

For my own view of the passage see 
Appendix A, note 3. 

30. <}>€p€iv] The metaphor of the ship 
ceased in 1. 29, but the sound of the last 
word in 1. 28 is echoed in verse 30. 
With Kpiacoves understand epwrwv olKetuv, 
words which it was needless to express, 
as dWorpluv, being a correlative word, 
implies oiicetwv and the implication is 
rendered quite clear by oiKodev in 1. 31. 

31. iroT£<j>opov 8c] iruritpopos (irpba- 




jXvkv tl yapvepev. iraXaialart S' iv operate 
yeyaOe IT^A-ei)? dvafj, virepaXkov al^pudv rap,a>v' 
b? /cat ?i(i)\kov el\e puovos dvev arparid^, 
Kal irovTiav %ert,v Karepbap-^ev 
ey/covrjTL. AaopbeBovra 8' evpvadevrj^ 


<popo$), meet, but here with a more literal 
shade of meaning, determined by (pipuv 
in the preceding line, — good to cany. A 
similar reference to the etymological sig- 
nification of irp6<T<popos will be found in 
Nem. vin. 48 (see note). K6a/j.os is argu- 
ment or material for praise. We may en- 
deavour to bring out the force of irorlfpopos 
somewhat thus : Thou (Pindar still ad- 
dresses his soul) hast taken a fair burden 
of praise, to sing withal some sweet strain. 
For y\v\di ti yapvi/xev compare p.e\iyap6wv 
kw/xcjv in 1. 4. The whole sentence is 
illustrated by some verses in the Eleventh 
(Tenth) Olympian ode 
ladi vvv ' Apx^crpdrov 
7rcu, Teas, ' Ay rja 18 a /u.e, irvyfxaxlcis 'iuexev 
Kocrfiov iirl (rrecpdvuj xpiWas eXcu'as 
adufxeXij /ceXaS^crw (11. 11 — 14). 
Know now, O Agesidamus, that for thy 
boxing I will sing a sweet resounding 
song to be a jewel in thy crown of golden 
olive leaves. 

For £Xa,p6$ of the MSS., Bergk after a 
scholium reads fXaxes. But iXaxes gives 
inferior sense. e'Xa/3es is appropriate after 
tx&reue. Search out (like a hound on the 
traces of prey) matter for praise at home. 
But thou hast caught &c. 

32. iraXaiato-L 8' ev dpeTats k.t.X.] 
Endued 7vith the excellences of older men, 
the lord Peleus had joy therein, zvhen he 
cut a spearshaft surpassing great ; it was 
he who took Iolcos all alone, without a 
host, and who clutched fast Thetis of the 
sea by dint of toil and strife, iv does not 
depend on, but means in posses- 
sion of, the words iv waXaicus dptrah 
qualifying the subject, iv in Pindar is 
elastic, and perhaps some may prefer to 
take it here as meaning in the sphere of, 
to deal with. waXatah refers to Peleus' 

advanced age, not to his antiquity; see 
below 1. 73 (note). 

33. x)TT€paXXov al\[idv] inripaXXos, 
towering above others, overtopping, match- 
less, is a Pindaric coinage. Its motive 
is partly to be found in the preceding 
dWorpluv ; the spear of Aeginetan Peleus 
surpasses all others. So too the beasts 
which Heracles subdued were viripoxot 
(1. 24). See Introduction to this ode. Of 
this spear which Peleus cut him on Mt. 
Pelion we read in II 143: 

Y[y)Xid8a /j.eXi7]v rr\v irarpl <piXu v6pe 

HrjXiov e/c Kopvcprjs, (pbvov ip.p.eva.1 Tjpwecr- 


34. FiwXkov] This name appears to 
have had the digamma, FiwXubv (so Christ). 
The capture of Iolcos was an act of 
vengeance on Acastus, of whose relations 
with Peleus we shall hear something in the 
Fourth and Fifth Nemean hymns. Pindar 
calls special attention to the circumstance 
that Peleus' exploit was accomplished 
singlehanded (see above note on 1. 24). 

35. KaT«|Aapi|/€v] For the wooing of 
Thetis see Nemean IV. 62 sqq. Karafidp- 
7ttw is to overtake or catch something 
that is running away or trying to elude 
the grasp. iyKov-qrl is a Pindaric forma- 
tion from iyKoviw. As this verb doubtless 
suggested k6vis to Pindar's mind, the 
idea of iyKovrjTi may have a shade of 
Dissen's non sine pulvere, but Mezger is 
right in translating it hastig. The rapid 
and sudden transformation of Thetis 
demanded exceeding haste in the efforts 
of Peleus. The novelty of the adverb 
renders it more telling. 

36. €vpv<r9evTJs] This adjective is 
applied in Nem. V. 4 to Pytheas, con- 
queror in the pancration, and so here it 



TeXa/xcov \6\a Trapaa-Tara^ iwv 'iirepaev' 

/cat 7tot€ yjxKKOTO^ov ' Afia^oixov [act aktcdv eV. /3'. 

eirero ?ot' ovSe viv irore <po/3o<i dvSpoSdfAais hTravaev aKp^dv (frpevwv. 
crvyyevel 8e ris evho^ia p,eya ftpiOei' 40 

05 06 OiociKT £X eL > Y €< PV V0 ^ avrjp aWor aWa irvewv 01 ttot 

suggests that in massive strength Telamon 
re'sembled Aristoclides, the victor ev rre- 
purO evei wayKpariov <tt6\w (above 1. 16). 
In the first line of the 5th Pythian ode, 
evpvedevris is applied to ttXovtos ; but it is 
to be observed that ttXovtos is personified 
and compared to a squire (en^rav 1. 4), 
just as here Telamon is a squire of Iolaos. 
In Isthm. 11. 17 we have evpvo-6evi)s 
'AirdXXwv, in 01. xn. 2, if our text is 
right, 'Ifxipav evpvo-9evi\ and in 01. IV. 12 
<pa.os eupvadev^uv aperav (of a victor in a 
chariot race). In Homer the adjective is 
applied to Poseidon. 

37. 'IdXa] The enterprise against 
Trojan Laomedon was undertaken by 
Heracles, Iolaos and Telamon; but in 
this reference Pindar purposely avoids 
mentioning Heracles' name, which might 
have seemed to overshadow the fame of 
the hero of Aegina ; moreover he had 
already done honour to Heracles and had 
abruptly turned from the seductive theme. 
It was Heracles and not Telamon who 
slew Laomedon, hence ^irepae, which does 
not imply the individual act of slaughter, 
but means wrought the ruin of, abolished 
Laomedon and his city. Trapao-TaTTjs 
means comrade or squire (properly, com- 
rade on the flank, distinguished from 
eirio-Tarris, man in the rear, and Trpoo-nxT-^s, 
man in the front rank). In Ncm. iv. 25 
Telamon is mentioned as Heracles' com- 
panion on this expedition ; likewise in 
1st hni. v. 27 sqq. 

38. KaC ttot€ k.t.X.] And once he 
followed him (Iolaos) in quest of the 

mighty Amazons with brazen bows. x a ^~ 
koto£os does not occur elsewhere. Dissen 

compares Xijpa to^ovXkov, Aeschylus, 
Persae 55. 

39. ouSe viv k.t.X.] Nor did fear that 
masterelh men ever dull the flashing edge of 
his spirit. The literal meaning of clk/xt) 
is edge as in %vpov a.Kp.7), i;t<povs clk/xtj &c. ; 
hence keenness of mind or spirit. In Isth. 
VII. 41 evaXlyKiou o~TepoTrcuo~i anpav ttoSQv, 
the idea is that of a glancing edge : render 
'like unto lightning-flashes in the splen- 
dour and speed of his feet' (cp. aiyXa 
irodQv, 01. XIII. 36). 

The quantity of the first syllable of 
a.Kp.6. is common in Pindar (here - as in 
Isth. vii. 41; - in Pyth. iv. 64; 01. n. 
63; - Isth. in. 69). 

This casting away of the reproach of 
fear from Telamon completes the com- 
parison with Aristoclides, from whom the 
reproach 0ip.0Xa.Kia. is repelled in 11. i t ^, 

40. cruyyevei 8« k.t.X.] See Intro- 
duction, p. 39. evdoi;la is nobility or 
valour, but Pindar probably intended to 
suggest thoughts instinctively brave. In 
(3pidu the comparative idea, latent in 
all words denoting weight, is strongly 
marked: compare Sophocles, Ajax, 130 

p.rjd'' 8yK0v dpy p^Sev^ ei twos ttX4ov 

77 x ei P l j3pi'0ets 77 p.aKpov ttXovtov fiddu, 
and (governing an accusative) Nem. VIII. 
18 Kivvpav Zj3pio-e ttXovt^. 

In this passage it is a question of x e 'P' 
ftpideiv -. in the boxing and wrestling the 
hand of Aristoclides was (physically) 
heavy on his adversaries. 

For the Pindaric doctrine in these lines, 
see Ncm. 1. 25. 

41. <J/e<j>r|v6s] Bergk was rash in alter- 


Kare/3a ttoSi, fivpiav 8' dperav arekel vow yeverai. 

%avdo<; 8" 'A^t\ei)? ra fiev /xevtov <i>i\vpa<; ev $6/jL0ls, crrp. y . 

7rai<i icov aOvpe /xeydXa ?epya, X e P <Ti @ a H't>va 

^pa^vcriSapov cikovtcl ttclWcov caov avep.oi<; 45 

p>aya Xeovreaaiv dypoTepoa eirpacraev <povov, 

Kcnrpow; t evaipe, acop,aTa Se irapa KpovuSav 

ing the MSS. reading to \pe<peivos on the 
analogy of opeivds dXyeivus (paeivos &c. 
These adjectives correspond to Spos (dative 
6pei), dXyos, (pdos &c. , whereas ipe(pr]v6s is 
to be connected not with \l*{<pos but with 
\pt<pas, and finds an exact parallel in 
ceXrjvrj : creXas. 

This man, whose soul, unillumined by 
native light, is fickle and unsuccessful, is 
compared to a mariner sailing under a 
dark welkin, yielding to the impulse of 
varying blasts and never coming safe to 
shore by sheer dint of strong and skilful 
steering. While ttoSL means the foot of 
the wanderer it perhaps suggests the sheet 
of the ship. Pindar chooses his language 
so as to bring out unmistakably the con- 
trast between the ineffectual plodder and 
an inspired hero like Heracles, ov Ka.Te(3a 
contrasts with Kari(3atve and dreXel with 
t^Xos in 1. 25. 

43. to, |iev |a«'vwv] These words ac- 
cording to Boeckh and Dissen opposita 
stmt versibus 59 et sqq., ubi de Troiano 
bello et iuvenili s. virili Achillis aetate 
agitur ; 11011 potnit seqiti to. 5£ quit m multa 
interiecla totaque orationis forma mittata 
sit. I believe however that Mezger is 
right in taking 5<: in verse 49 as the 
responsive to fiiv of verse 43. When 
he was a boy of six years old he shot 
the beasts without leaving the cave of 
Chiron (p.tvuiv ev 86/j.ols) ; afterwards he 
hunted abroad and pursued the stags. 

•tuXvpas] Chiron was the offspring 
of Philyra and Cronos. 

44. otGvpe |i£-yd\a F^p-ya] wrought 
mighty deeds in sport. 

8a|iivdJ For Oa/xd, as though a neuter 

plural of da/uuvos; cp. 01. I. 53 aKipdeia 
XeXoyxev da/xiva KaKayopos, full often hath 
loss befallen evil-speakers. 

45. (3pa\vo-i8apov] Full often bran- 
dishing in his hands a small-headed 
javelin, swift as winds, he would, in 
battle zvith them, deal bloody death unto 
savage lions. The smallness of the jave- 
lin, suitable to the little boy, is accentua- 
ted by a new word /3paxv<rifiapos, just as 
the size of Peleus' mighty lance was 
described by the novel compound virip- 
aXXos. The MSS. have Teov t dvip.oi<nv 
ev fidxq-. The causes of the double 
mistake are clear; the omission of the 
half-stop after ^pya in 1. 44 led to the 
insertion of r' (in disregard of the metre), 
and ev crept in from the margin (ev /J-dxa 
a gloss on fidxa). Moschopulos' i'ca r' 
dvepLouTiv is from a critical point of view 
unlikely; the corruption of taa to tcrov is 
not easily explained, and (era dvtfxois seems 
to require some additional adjective, par- 
ticiple or explanatory word, to express 
running with windlike speed. But when 
we consider the context we see that this 
reading is simply impossible. Achilles 
is represented as abiding in the house of 
Philyra; we must imagine him standing 
in the mouth of the cave and shooting 
the beasts who prowl thereby. Running 
is thus excluded. At a later age he 
became a swift runner and his speed is 
mentioned below 1. 52 in an express 
clause. I have therefore followed the 
reading of E. Schmid and Bergk. The 
arrow, though shot l>y the child, flew 
with matchless swiftness. 

47. crwfuiTa Si k.t.X.] All Mss. have 



Kevravpov ncrdixaivoiv etco/ju^ev, 

k^errjs Toirpwrov, oXov 8' eireur av y^povov 

tov tOapbfieov "Aprepls re icai QpaaeV 'Addva 


KT61V0VT i\dcf)ov<; civev kvvwv SoXlcov 8" kpicewv' 
Troacrl yap tcpdrecTKe. Xeyopevov 8e tovto irporepwv 
eVo? e'^cw ' /3a0Vfif)Ta Xetpcov rpdcpe Xidivw 

dvT. <y' . 

dcrdp-alvovra, and most awfj-ara ; D how- 
ever gives adi/xaTL, B and B ffcofxdria. 
Most editors have abandoned the reading 
of Triclinius crwfj.ari — dadp-aivovn and 
accept aibfiara — dadp-aivovra, which has 
apparently preponderant authority. An 
old paraphrase however points in a differ- 
ent direction : rip 5e avrov crJjfxari ivepyuv 
6 ' AxiXAei^s &a8/xa.T0s irXrjprjs . . . Or/pas icpbpei. 
From this explanation Rauchenstein in- 
ferred the reading dadp.alvwv eK6/j.ifcv, 
which is accepted by Mezger. (The para- 
phrast read aw/MaTi — dadfxaivwv.) 

It seems to me that Rauchenstein's 
reading recommends itself both on textual 
grounds and on the score of the meaning. 
(1) Starting with aw/j.ara dadp.aivwv we 
can explain the genesis of the text of the 
MSS. and the variant of the paraphrast. 
On the one hand <nbp.ara contaminated 
dadfj.aii>wi> (perhaps owing to the notion 
that it was unfit that Achilles should be 
represented panting). On the other hand, 
some scribe, having scruples about refer- 
ring cwp-ara to the beasts and expecting 
the phrase crQp-a dadp.aLvwi', altered crw/iara 
to <TU)p.a.Ti. (2) There is little point in 
representing the beasts haled by Achilles 
as not yet dead (dcrd/xaivovra); whereas 
the picture gains a new touch by 
vwv. The little boy pants from the exer- 
tion of dragging the carcases to Chiron. 
In the same way Pindar has laid stress 
on the toil undergone by Peleus in 
capturing Thetis by the word iyKovrjri, 
and on the labours of Aristoclides in 
the pancration by the word Kap.aTw5twi> 

(1. 17). n 

49. 6\ov 8' ^irtiT] 8e corresponds to 

fjitv in verse 43, with which i^rrjs tq- 
irpwTov is to be connected. He abode in 
the cave when he was six years old or 
thereabouts ; afterwards he used to slay 
beasts as before, but as a hunter on the 
mountains (this is implied in 11. 51, 52). 

50. tov k.t.X. ] On whom Artemis 
and bold Athene gazed with amazement, 
as he slew stags without hounds or cunning 
nets; for he surpassed them in speed of 
feet. 7r65as w/a>s was the Homeric addi- 
tion of Achilles. Here too, as in the 
exploits of Heracles and Peleus, Pindar 
lays stress on the circumstance that 
Achilles hunted alone, without aid of 
dogs or nets. 

52. Xe-y6|A€vov St'/c.T.X.] The transition 
is somewhat abrupt in expression but not 
in thought. The connexion is : Achilles 
was educated by Chiron, the celebrated 
trainer of heroes, who taught Jason and 
Asclepius and assisted at the bridal of 
Peleus, Achilles' father. Instead of say- 
ing this directly Pindar begins almost as 
if he were passing to a new subject, but 
comes back to Achilles in 1. 57. \e76- 
ixevov is predicate : I tell a story often 
told by former poets. Trporipoiv depends 
on eVos. 

53. Pa0v|iTJTa] Deep-counselling; this 
vox Pindarica (as already observed, note 
on 1. 18) has a significance for the com- 
prehension of the poem. Chiron (' he 
with the hands') was skilled in applying 
balsams with gentle hands (1. 55), whereby 
he could alleviate the wounds of the young 
heroes under his care. Even so the vic- 
tory at Nemea and the accompanying 
hymn of Pindar can alleviate the wounds 



'Iacroi/' evhov rejei, kcu eiretrev AaKXairtov, 
rov (papfxaKWV BtSa^e fAaXa/coxeipa vofxov' 
vvp,(p€vcre S' duns ayXaoKpavov 
N?;/3eoi? Ovyarpa, yovov re ?oi (peprarov 
drlraWev ev dpp,evoio~i rzdvra Qvpubv av%a>V 


of Aristoclides. The words pa.dvp.fjra 
and vbfxov are chosen to recall fSaOvireMu? 
Ne/tt^a 1. 18; padvp.rjra also recalls 
/actios dp.5.s dvo in 1. 9; and < 
suggests &kos (pipei 1. 18. Dccp-crafty 
Chiron reared Jason in his house of rock, 
and thereafter Asclepius, to whom he 
taught the ministry of medicines with 
gentle hands. 

54. ?vSov rtyti] Compare Nem, VII. 
44 tvfiov d\o~ei, but Ivdov BaXdcraas 01. 
VII. 62, 'tv§ov 'QXvfnrov Pyth. XI. 64. 

55. |xaXaKox€ipa] A Pindaric com- 
pound, intended to call attention to the 
meaning of the Centaur's name Xeipuv. 
The gentle hand of the physician is 
mentioned in Pyth. IV. 271 XPV P-aXaKav 
X^pa TrpoafldWoi'Ta rpwp.av eXxeos dfupnro- 
\fiv. The same MSS. which gave cwp.ari 
and awp.aTLa in 1. 47, give here vop.6v, 
which does not afford a correct sense. 
vopios is the act or art of administering 
(vefj.00, dispense). 

56. vv(j.<j>€v<r€ k.t.X.] But on another 
day he compassed the marriage of the 
queen of well-heads, the bright daughter of 
Nereus. vvp.<pevat uuptias conciliavit (of 
Thetis with Peleus). The marriage was 
celebrated on Mt. Pelion in Chiron's 
cave. Three mss. V (pr. man.) X and 
Z (pr. man.) give dyXaoKapvov; the others 
are divided between dyXaoKoXwou and 
dyXaoKapirov. The latter is accepted by 
most editors, but variously explained, 
(1) bright-wristed (cp. Milton's 'pearled 
wrists' of the Nereids, in Comus), (2) 
giver of bright fruits, (3) frugibus iu- 
signem or fruges alentem ; (4) Mr Tyrrell 
regards dyXaoKaprros as the Homeric 
word [oucr-] dpiarordKeia reset, and ren- 
ders blest in the fruit of her womb. 1 1 

is to be observed that the three mss. 
which combine in reading dyXaoKapvov 
are generally more trustworthy than the 
others ; in v. 39 for example of this hymn 
they give dnp.dv whereas the rest have 
dX/caV, and in v. 38, they preserve x a ^ K °- 
to^ov (rell. xo-Xkoto^u). Accordingly, in 
order to determine the true reading, 
we must start with dyXao xapvov, which 
at once suggests dykaonpavov (actually 
written by a ' second hand ' in D), an 
epithet appropriate to the sea-goddess. 
But its peculiar felicity lies in the circum- 
stance that -Kpavov, besides meaning foun- 
tain-head, suggests also napavov (Kap-qvov), 
the head of Thetis, conceived personally. 
This explains the reading dyXabxapvov. 
dyXaondpavov, written in the margin, 
found its way into the text and became 
dyXaoxapvov metri gratia. I confess that 
I was a little sorry to abandon dyXaoKoX- 
ttov bright-bosomed, which perhaps sug- 
gested Mr Swinburne's line 'bright 
bosom shortening into sighs '. 

57. -yovov ts foi k.t.X.] And nourished 
for her a son most brave, in fitting exercises 
exalting all his spirit for a voyage. 
app.eva would be a suitable word to ren- 
der in Greek 'knightly exercises'; but, 
conversely, it is better to avoid a transla- 
tion which suggests the medieval world. 
Cp. Theognis, 695 
ov 5vva/ croi, 6vp.e, ivapatrx^v dp/xeva 

rirXadt. ' tQv Se koXuw ovtl aii p.ovvos 

Both ap/xeva and (peprarov have a special 
significance in this passage, for which see 
Appendix A, note 3. atil-ui> means 
training to greatness, or rather to its 
fullest development. 



6(f>pa 0a\aa-aiaL<; dvefioov pttratai TTepufydels eir. 7 . 

viro Tpotav SopUrvTroi' dXaXdv Avklwv re irpoapevoi Kal ^pwywv 60 
AapSdvcov re, Kal eyxecrcpopois eTrifii^ai<i 
AWioireara-i %€ipa<;, iv (ppaal ird^aid\ oirw; <r<f)icn p,r) Koipavos 


irdXiv olicaK dveyfri6<i %ap,evr)<; 'FiXivoio M.ep,vcov pboXot. 

59. o^tpa k.t.X.] To the end thai 
sped by potent sea-blasts to Troy he 
should beneath its walls abide the spear- 
clashing onslaught and battte-ivhoop 0/ 
Lycians and Phrygians and Darda- 
uians, and having fought hand to hand 
with the Ethiop spearmen should fix in 
his soul a firm purpose that their chieftain, 
inspiring Memnon, cousin of Helenas, 
should never return again to his home. 
OaXdcotai. dvip.tov piiral were an appro- 
priate escort for the son of a queen of the 
sea (for piircus see above note on i. 68). 
1171-0 Tpotav depends on irepupdeti. 

60. SopiKTvrrov] Only found here and 
Nem. vii. 10. The battle cry resounds 
amid the clash of hurtling spears. 

61. eTn-nftjcus x € ^P as ] For Pindar's 
various uses of eTnp.lyvvp.1 compare Nem. 
IX. 31 dyXataio-iv iwi/xi^ai Xaov, Pyth. 
II. 32 at/ma eirip.i^e dvarois. For this 
particular use compare Pyth. IV. 212 
KoXxoicric (Slav p.l^av (and Xen. Cyr. II. 
i, 11 LTvp.p.iyvvvai x e ^P as )- 

eYX€<r<j>6pois] Pindaric compound, 
equivalent to Homeric eyxevra-Xos. 

62. iv <j>pa<rl irdj-aiB'] A strong ex- 
pression with which commentators com- 
pare Pyth. VIII. 9 oiroTav tis Kapdla kotov 
eveXdcrr}, after X 102 kotov ivdero Ovp,<£. 
Nearer parallels may be found in Latin. 
Dissen quotes Tacitus, Ann. XV. 5 Vo- 
logesi veins et penitus infixum erat arma 
Romana vitandi, and Virgil, Aen. IV. 15 
si mihi non animo fixum immotumque 
sederet, ne cui &c. Schol. (1) tva epirrj^at 

T0.S X e ?P aS T0 ? S XWio^L KO.I KadtKOlTO T7]S 

i/'DXijs avTwv 5td tov woXepuv, (2) i) iirl rGiv 
ai)Tov (ppevwv tov 'Ax'XX^cos oV/cWoe tov 
\6yov 'iv ' eavTov rds x f 'p<*s irqi-airo, ireirrj- 

yvias Trapdax 01 Ta ' s <PP e(T ' LV > "' a & 5iavor]9ri 
reus (ppealv inrrjpeTridfj 5ta twv x eL P& v - 
eviore yap tTTL6vp.ovp.iv ti KaTopOuiaai Kal avTO iroiyjaai p.rj vir-qpeTovp-evoi 
reus xcp "'"- ° be 'Axt-XXevs erpd(p-n iV 
owep dv Biavo-qOri dvvrjOrj 5ta tQv xcpw" . 
tear e py do ao 6 '01. According to both these 
explanations x^'pas is taken with wn^aiTo, 
not with eirip-i^ais (it is unnecessary to 
suppose with Schmidt that the scholiasts 
read eVi^T^cus). There is also another 
scholium (3) irXayius XoylaaiTO Kal Kplvoi ' 
dvrl tov els Tripas dyoi, where Abel sug- 
gests the insertion of p.?? before irXayiws, 
but it seems clear that we should 
read jrayiws. Bergk objecting to the 
phrase 7rd£cu0' ottws hi) reads 7rd£cu ddrros, 
assuming 0a7ros to be a Pindaric form of 
the Homeric rd<pos, and to bear here the 
sense of fear (cf. Hesychius ddwav <po[3ov). 
I retain the reading of the mss., but I do 
not feel certain that it is what Pindar 
wrote. Some further remarks on the 
matter I reserve for Appendix A, note 4. 
cr(plai is Dative of the persons interested. 
63. dve\|nos] Priam the father of 
Helenus and Tithonus the father of 
Memnon were brothers. Two questions 
arise here: (1) Why is Helenus singled 
out as the cousin of Memnon? (2) Why 
is Memnon called fapei^s? If we could 
assume that Pindar regarded Memnon as 
endowed with the gift of prophecy, both 
questions would be answered at once, for 
£ap.€vrjs is an adjective applied to inspired 
seers, to Chiron for example (Pyth. IX. 
38) and Medea (Pyth. iv. 10). But there 
is no authority for attributing such quali- 
ties to Memnon. The true answer is 
given by a right view of the word i'ap.evrjs. 



rrjXawyes apape (peyyos AlcuciSdv avrodev. 

Zev, rebv <ydp al/xa, aeo S' dywv, tov vfivos efiaXev 

ottI vecov eiri^wpiov yjippa /ceXaSeoov. 

/3od Se vLfca(f)6p(p avv ' ApiaTOicXelSa irpetret, 

0? rdvSe vdaov evicXet 7rpoae0r]K€ \6<yco 

kcli crepuvov dyXaalcri p,epipvai<i 

(TTp. S' 


In Neni. iv. 13 (see note) it is an epithet 
of the Sun, fa/xevei aeXiui, by the genial 
sun, and in the same way it is applied 
here to the son of the Morning (Ncm. VI. 
52 (paepvds vibv 'Aoos). In fact I'afxtvris 
connotes the quality of inspiration and 
may be used either of the inspirer or of 
the inspired (compare English genial with 
German genial). Memnon is conceived 
as having, by virtue of his mother, a 
touch of supernatural elemental influence, 
and he is called the cousin of Helenus, 
because Helenus the prophet would be 
specially susceptible to such influences. 
So too, in the passage in the Fourth 
Nemean already referred to, the poet 
or musician Timocritus is described as 
warmed by the inspiring sun. 

64. TT)\airy€S apape k.t.X.] Hereby 
the Aeacidae have a star in the firma- 
ment, shining afar. TrjXavyrjs is used 
of the sun and the moon in the Homeric 
hymns. In Pyth. III. 75 we have acrepos 
ovpaviov Tr/XavyicTTtpov <pao% ; in Pyth. II. 
6 Hiero crowns Ortygia T-rjXavy£<nv are- 
(pai'Ois. (Compare also Olymp. VI. 4.) 
(piyyos is more solemn than tpaos ; it is 
a divine or heavenly light, here of a star, 
avrodev goes with apape, which is equiva- 
lent to i]pT7)Tai, but see Appendix A, 
note 3. 

Pindar seems to conceive that when 
Achilles killed the son of Morning he 
spoiled him of his light. 

65. Ztv, t«6v -yap a!p.a] Soothly, 
/.ens, they are thy blood ; and thine is 
the contest which provoked these shafts of 
song, by the voices of young men singing 
the gracious ioy of this land. The 
force of yap is / call on Zeus because ; 

Zeus was the father of Aeacus. For the 
comparison of the hymn to an archer, 
compare 01. II. 89 eVexe vvv (tkowi^ t6%ov, 
0176 6vfi4, rlva fiaXXofiev £k fj.aX0aKas avre 
<ppei>bs ei'/cXe'as oiarovs levres; We are 
also reminded of Tennyson's ' A random 
arrow from the brain'. 

66. €Trixwpi.ov \dpp.a] This expression 
recalls x a P^ evTa tovov x^pas ayaX/xa 
in 1. 12. x°-Pf xa is a cause of joy ; com- 
pare 01. II. 19 eaXQu yap virb x a PI J -o- T03V 
Trrj/j-a OvaaKei (also ib. 99), 01. X. 22 
airovov 5' eXafiov xdpyua wavpoL Tives, 
Isthm. IV. 54 naXXiviKov xdp/ita. 01. 
vn. 44. Pyth. viii. 64 to ntv fieyiarov 
Todi x a PV-'*- T < J} v CjTraaas. 

67. <rvv — Trpeim] For av/j.Trp£trei, 
apparently formed by Pindar, cvtxirpe- 
wrjs, fitting, occurs twice in Aeschylus. 
Pod a lotid strain. 

68. 8s TavS* k.t.X.] who wedded this 
island to glorious praise and the holy 
Theorion of the Pythian god to bright 
ambitions. For this sense of irpoaTid-qm 
compare Herodotus VI. 126 "EXXrivwu 
aTravTwv e^evp<l>v rbv apicrrov tovtlj yvvaiKa 
Trpoad&vat. {zitcrtheilen, Stein). 

For its application here Dissen com- 
pares Pyth. IX. 72 evOaXel o-vvi/xi^e rvxa 
■rrbXiv (where the adjective evOaXrjs is ap- 
propriate to the metaphor) and Isthm. 
in. 3 evXoyiaLS ixtpuxQa-i. Notice that 
ewcXeU' is here brought into proximity to 
' ApLjTOKXei da. 

69. cryXaaicri This is usu- 
ally taken as an instrumental Dative; 
but it seems more natural to connect it 
with Qeapiov as evKXi'i Xbyy is connected 
with uacrov. This is confirmed by the con- 
sideration that dyXaaia by its position 


WvQiov %edpiov. iv Be irelpa TeX.o? 
hta^aiverat,, wv Tt<? i^o^wrepo^ yevrjrat, 

iv Traial veotcri irals, iv avSpdaiv dvr/p, rplrov 
iv TraXairipoicn, pepos eKaarov olov exopev 
ftporeov eOvos. iXa 8e fca\ riacrapa<i dperas 
6 dvards aloov, (f>povelv 8' iveirei ro Traptceipevov, 




in the verse corresponds to dyXaoKpavov 
in line 56 ; and thus Pindar indicates 
that the marriage of Peleus and bright 
Thetis is a type. Aegina is wedded to 
evKXerjs Xoyos, not to emXeia ; and in the 
same way the sexual distinction is main- 
tained in the metaphor by linking the 
college of the Theori of Apollo, — a male 
and plural conception — to a company of 
bright Ambitions. For /ueplpLvats com- 
pare 01. I. 106 debs fxrjderai realai /J-epi/J.- 

70. ©edpiov] The building in which 
a permanent college of Theori lived (or 
met and dined). Mantinea, Troezen, 
Thasos and other places as well as Aegina 
had such permanent staffs of religious 
delegates. It is clear that Aristoclides 
was a member of the Aeginetan Thearion. 
Pausanias (11. 31, 6) mentions Thearios 
as a Dorian name of Apollo. 

ev 8£ iretpa a-.t.X.] But trial {of 
strength or skill) rcvealeth the perfection of 
those poivers in which one may be the 
winner of excellence, as a boy among 
young boys, as a man among men, or, 
lastly, as an elder, according to the three 
stages of our mortal life, irelpa is the 
test of competition ; ev -Kelpy., in the lists ; 
compare A/em. IX. 28 ireipav dydvopa. 
The force of dia<paiverai is that trial 
discloses; the cloud of uncertainty is 
removed thereby and the perfection (as a 
fact indisputable) shines through, &p is 
neuter, equivalent to toijtwv ev ols ; Mez- 
ger's view that it is masculine depending 
on e&xuTepos ('inder Probe aber zeigt 
sich die Vollendung, vor wem namlich 
einer hervorragt, ob als Knabe unter 

Knaben u.s.w.') affords both a loose con- 
struction and a loose signification. 

72. «v ircucrl k.t.X.] The three ages 
of man were illustrated in this hymn, 
boyhood and manhood by Achilles as 
boy and man, advanced age by Peleus. 
Note that instead of iraXaios or something 
equivalent Pindar says rplrov, thus pre- 
paring for reccrapas in 1. 74. Some 
editors (after some mss.) take (itpos with 
rplrov : I have followed other MSS. in 
placing the comma after ■rra.Xaire'poio-i. 
The construction is toiovtos (in apposition 
with ris) olov fiipos eKaarov (eo-riv 6) ix°- 
ixev T) pporeov fdvos. Boyhood, early 
manhood and late manhood are the fiipy 
of life. 

74. eXa 8* kcu k.t.X.] But life drives 
a team of four excellences, for it biddeth 
man be wise in that zvhich he jindeth 
to do; and these excellences are his. 
Each age has its own excellence, and 
there is further an excellence common 
to all alike, judgment, (ppovelv rb 
ira.pKelp.evov (for rrapKelfievos compare 
01. xiii. 73). The metaphor in eXq., I 
think, is from driving, not from plant- 
ing ; so Isthm. IV. 38 e\a ne569ev. Mr 
Fennell, who translates 'forms a series 
of, seems to take it from planting. The 
same editor is certainly mistaken in 
assuming four divisions of life. Compare 
Mezger, p. 390, who follows Hermann. 

dptTds placed emphatically in the same 
position of the verse as dperais in 32 
indicates that Peleus is a type of one 

75. 6 OvaTos aicovl B and B have 6 
Ovaros euiv, D, V, X and Z 6 p-aKpos aluiv. 



twv ovk dtreari. %«tpe, (/hAo?. eyw ToSe rot 
7re/jL7T(i) iA6fxi<yiievov fj,e\i Xev/ca) 
ariiv yaXa/CTi, Kipva^eva 8' eepa d/jicpeTrec, 
irofjJ doi8i/xov AloXfjaiv ev irvoaicnv avXwv, 

6-dre irep. eaTt 8' aierds (o/cix; iv iroTavols, 

eV. 3'. 8o 

It is clear (as Mr Tyrrell has pointed out 
to me) that p-aKpos was introduced by 
some one who thought that the fourth 
virtue corresponded to a fourth age, 
attained only by those who lived long. 

76. twv ovk aireo-n] Mezger (after 
Christ) unnecessarily reads awevai, a con- 
jecture of Bergk. The rhythm of these 
words recalls strongly kcu yav <ppd8aacre 
of 1. 26. As Heracles reached the ulti- 
mate land, so Aristoclides has reached 
or will reach the perfection of life in 
all its stages. 

Xaipe^Xos' k.t.X.] Rejoice, my friend! 
Lo, I send you, though at late hour, this 
honey mixed with white milk, fringed 
with the froth of blending, a draught of 
song conveyed in the breathings of Aeolian 
flutes. It is a draught to still Aristoclides' 
thirst, compare di^py 1. 6. x a <P e ' s an 
appropriate accompaniment of the cup 
of song, — drink, hail! Compare Pyth. 
II. 67 X al P e ' T d8e fxev\os...TT€fj.ireTa.i, 
also Isthin. 1. 32. It is a congratula- 
tory formula for offering a gift. For /*Ai 
compare above 1. 4 ; also Olymp. XI. 98 
IjAXitl irbXiv Karappexw, steeping the city 
in honey; and frag. 152 fxeXuxaoTtvKTUv 
KrjpLwi' ifj-a yXvKepwrepos 6p.<pa, my inspired 
voice sweeter than honey or the honey- 

Dissen has an excellent note on this pas- 
sage, which I translate. "The Theban 
poet finely says : ' I send you a sweet 
Boeotian draught for your banquet'. 
For Boeotia was rich in milk and honey, 
whereas Aegina was a barren island ; 
moreover the reeds of Lake Copais were 
celebrated ; and by ' Aeolian blasts of 
llutcs' (i.e. the Aeolian harmony, to 

which the hymn was set) Pindar here, as 
in other places, signifies Boeotian notes 
and Boeotian flutes, the Boeotians being 
Aeolians ". Pindar indicates this intention 
in his own way: 'I6Xa in 1. 37 corre- 
sponds to AloXriffiv in 1. 79. Aeginetan 
Telamon was comrade of Theban Iolaus ; 
a Theban (Aeolian) song is a meet 
guerdon for an Aeginetan victor. 

For the mixture of milk and honey 
von Leutsch cites Aelian N. A. 7 a/xeX- 
yovai yap (Ivdol) irepiyXvuicrov ydXa /ecu 
ov dtovrai dva/xi^ai clvtu) fitXi, oirep oZv 
dpGiuiv "EXXtjfes — it was a Hellenic cus- 
tom. The blended foam means the froth 
that comes from blending ('aufgemischter 
Schaum ', Mezger). For the whole pas- 
sage compare the opening lines of the 
Seventh Olympian Ode. 

79. tr6^' aoi8i(j.ov] The adjective 
explains the metaphor, a favourite mode 
of expression in Pindar. For example 
Nem. VIII. 15 /jurpav Kapaxa-da ireTroiKiX- 
fievav, 46 Xafipov XWov ~Moiaaiov. Isth. 
VI. 19 kXvtclis iirewp poaiuLv. 

SO. €<TTW 8' aUTOS K.T.X. ] Swift 

among the fowls of the air is the eagle, 
which, swooping from afar, seizeth sud- 
denly the tawny prey with his talons; 
but the cawing daws fly low. These 
words, like many others in Pindar, are 
charged with a twofold meaning ; they 
refer apparently to the victor and covertly 
to the poet, — to the Aeginetan as well 
as to the Theban eagle. (For Pindar's 
association of the eagle with the Aeacidae, 
see Nem. vi. 47.) By choosing the 
words 8ac}>oi.vov a-ypav Pindar recalls 
to the mind his description of Achilles 
in 1. 46 Xeopreavip cvypempens twpaaav 



09 eXafiev al\jra, t)]\60€ fierafiaio/xevo^, Sacfjoivov aypai> ttoctlv' 

Kpayerai 8e koXoioI raTreiva ve\xovrai. 

riv <ye fiev, evdpovov KAeoi)? edeXoixras, deOXocpopov Xri/j.aro'i 

Ne/xea? ^YLtrihavpoOev t airo kcu lAeyapwv BeSopfcev cpdos. 

<J)6vov, and Achilles in this ode is the 
chief representative of the Aeacids. The 
addition irocrlv too seems chosen for the 
purpose of recalling iroaai yap KpareaKe ; 
swiftness, the traditional quality of Achil- 
les, is made the prominent quality of the 
eagle. But there is a covert reference in 
the words too; Pindar is the eagle and 
his rivals are the daws. The strange 
word Kpa-yeTcu, invented by the poet, 
is not, I think, without significance ; it 
strongly suggests 'icpayas ('Anpayas), — 
daws of Acragas, and this is confirmed by 
the fact that on coins of Acragas eagles 
are represented seizing a hare (such a 
coin is reproduced in Mr Fennell's edi- 
tion). We are thus led to conclude that 
Pindar referred to some Sicilian rivals, 
associated with the city of Agrigentum. 
It is worth noting that Aeschylus uses 
aKpay-qs (also dira^ eip.) of the ypvires, 
clearly meaning eagles : Prom. 803 6£v- 
arofiovs 7i7)vbs aKpayels nvvas. 

The connexion of this sentence with 
the immediately foregoing words 6\j/i wep 
is thus brought out by Dissen : ' Sero 
quidem mittitur carmen, at a poeta, qui, 
ubi rem aggreditur, earn tractat eximie'. 
It is not due to chance that p-era- 
fj.ai6p.evoi occurs here in the proximity 
of 'the draught', and that in the begin- 
ning of the ode /xaio fxevoi immediately 
preceded the 'thirst'. 

81. |X€Ta(iai6fj.£vos] Occurs only here; 
search after, go in quest of. 

82. ve(xovTai] dwell, move and feed in 
low places. vip-eaBai is used of sphere 
or range, cf. Thucydides, 11. 62, 2 i<p' 
oaov re vvv v^peaOe as far as you range, 
"J2, 1 riavxi&i' dyere vepapevoi to. vpirepa 
avrQv confining yourselves to the sphere of 
your own affairs. 

83. tiv -ye (i«v k.t.X.] p.iv invariably 
implies a 5^ somewhere, and it would not 
be safe to follow Mr Fennell in regarding 
ye p.iv as an equivalent of ye p.r\v. Pindar 
has designedly suppressed the second 
member of the antithesis, but has taken 
care, by his allegorical expression of the 
same thought in the preceding lines, to 
leave no doubt what it is. To thee, 
Aristoclides, the light of glory hath 
shone ; to others (the dark ones of line 
41, the low-flying daws of line 82) no 
such light hath come. We may translate: 
To thee certainly, by favour of fair- 
throned Clio, and for the sake of thy prize- 
winning valour, a star hath gleamed from 
Netnea and from Epidaurus and from 
Megara. As Achilles won a constella- 
tion of glory by slaying Memnon (1. 64), 
so Aristoclides wins such a light by his 
victories in the games. See Appendix 
A, note 3 for the force of ded\o<p6pov 
\i]pa. For Se'SopKtv compare 01. I. 94 
to 8e K\e"os Tq\66ev MSopKe, the eye of 
glory shone from afar. €i58povov suggests 
the representation of the Muse in sculp- 





The idea of the fourth Nemean hymn is the sorcery of song, revealing 
itself in two ways. Song has the faculty of healing and comforting, for it can 
command the presence of good-cheer or Mirth, who by the Greeks, or as 
Milton says 'in heaven', was named Euphrosyne ; and she is 'the best 
physician of labours past.' But besides having this gracious faculty, song can 
confer upon the hero of great exploits a really kingly lot and secure for his 
fame a longer life than his deeds, unsung, could inherit. These thoughts are 
cunningly worked out in a double ' eulogy ' (1. 5) of the Aeacids and the 
Theandrids of Aegina. For the boy Timasarchus, who had won a victory in 
wrestling at Nemea 1 , belonged to the Theandrid clan ; and Pindar pays this 
clan the high honour of comparing their deeds to the distinctions of mythical 
Aeacid heroes. 

The hymn, intended to be sung in procession and consisting of twelve 
strophes, naturally falls into three parts. The first three and the last three 
stanzas are concerned with the praises of the victor and his kinsfolk ; the six 
middle stanzas are occupied with the Aeacids. This arrangement is agree- 
ably symmetrical ; the beginning and the end are of equal length, and the 
centre is devoted to the myth 2 . 

The first strophe, which may be regarded as a prelude, sets forth the magic 
power of songs, ' daughters of the Muses,' in evoking the Grace Euphrosyne ; 
and compares their comforting quality to the effect of warm water in 
mollifying weary limbs. Moreover words, provided they be really graceful,— 

1 For the date of the ode we have The point on which I would join issue 
only the minor limit 457 B.C., the year with Mezger is the assignment of 25—32 
of the reduction of Aegina by Athens. to the dpxd- The transition to the mythi- 

2 Mezger divides thus : irpooi/miov, cal world takes place at the end of the 
r _8; d PX d, 9—32; KHTOLTpoTva., 33—44; third strophe. Mezger rightly says "die 
6/x(pa\6s, 45—68; ixeraKaTarpoird, 69— Ode preist die Macht des Gesanges." 
72; vcppayls, 73—96. I cannot see that Dissen took an incomplete view when 
much is gained by this arrangement, he found the chief idea in the comparison 
which would admit of further subdivision. of the Aeacids and Theandrids. 


drawn out of the depths of thought ' in a gracious hour of inspiration ' avv 
XapiToav Ti>\a — live longer than deeds. These remarkable lines we shall do 
well to bear in mind, for fragments of their language are echoed here and 
there in other parts of the hymn. 

It will be observed that Pindar places his poem, as it were, under the 
care of the Graces, especially Euphrosyne ; and allusions may be found to the 
other two sisters in dykabv 1. 20— suggesting Aglaia presiding over games held 
near Amphitryon's tomb — and OaXrjae aeXlvois 1. 88, implying the presence of 

The next two strophes are devoted to Timasarchus and his victories, won 
at Nemea, Athens and Thebes ; and a reference is made to his father 
Timocritus, who was skilled in playing the harp. The visit to Thebes 
naturally introduces Heracles, in whose honour the games there were 
celebrated ; and Heracles provides the poet with a convenient step to pass to 
the praises of the Aeacidae, as he and Telamon had been comrades in an 
expedition against Troy 1 . 

Of Telamon three exploits are mentioned, the sack of Troy, the conquest 
of the Meropes of Cos, and the slaying of the giant Alcyoneus. This mighty 
man of Phlegrae, before he fell by the hands of Telamon, had captured 
twelve chariots, killing the twenty-four heroes, charioteers and fighting men, 
who were in them. And at this no one, who knows by experience what 
fighting is, will be amazed ; for ' give and take ' is the use of battle. 

Here Pindar feigns to check himself. If he told the tale of the Aeacids 
at length he would exceed the limits of the projected Ode and the time at 
his disposal. He feels indeed a spell laid on his soul by the festival of the 
new moon, — a moon-spell, as it were, — compelling him to touch on the 
theme. But he must resist the temptation of telling a long story. The 
principle that one should sow with the hand and not with the full sack — 
said to have been inculcated by Corinna — had certainly taken root in 
Pindar's mind and he expresses it here in some curious lines 2 , directed 
against contemporary poets, who censuring his manner of weaving odes on 
a warp of myth, used to fill their own compositions with wisdom, expressed 

After this digression, the lyre is bidden to ' weave ' a song, pleasing to 
Aegina ; and an enumeration of great Aeacids follows : Teucer king in 
Cyprus, Ajax in Salamis, Achilles ruling over 'Bright Island' (Leuke) at the 
mouth of the Danube, Thetis governing Phthia, Neoptolemus reigning over 
the sloping hills of Epirus, finally Peleus, and of him more is said than of the 
others. The capture of Iolcos, the plot of Hippolyta, the ambush which 
Acastus laid, and the assistance given by Chiron the centaur, are briefly 
touched on. Then the marriage with Thetis, who changed herself into fire 

1 The transition is managed with a debs as idr\Ke k.t.X. 

relative (I. 25) £i)e y wore Tpu'tav k.t.X. - See note on these difficult lines 

Exactly in the same way Pindar passes to (36 sqq.), whose true meaning was first 

the myth in the Third Nemean, also at discerned by Mezger. 
the beginning of a strophe : 1. 22 rjpws 


and savage beasts to elude his embraces, is described, and we see the kings 
of heaven receiving Peleus among them, and ' weaving ' for him and his race 
gifts of sovranty. The marriage of Peleus, like the marriage of Heracles, is 
an emblem of the highest limit of mortal ambition ; we have reached as it 
were Gades, and have no cause to go further westward. ' The tale of the 
sons of Aeacus in its completeness it is not in my compass to narrate.' 

Two points may be noted here in regard to the foregoing legends, (i) 
Pindar, as a composer of hymns of victory, and thereby a helper of victors, is 
compared to Chiron aiding Peleus against the ambush of Acastus. For the 
expression in 1. 61 

kcli to fiopaifiov Aiodev it enpap-evov eK(pepev 
is clearly an echo of 

ffxol 6° onoiav aperciv e'StoKe norpos aval- — xpovos TTfirpap-evav riKecrei 

(1. 44) 
(Zeus corresponds to Potmos). (2) The gift of song, such as Pindar gives 
to the victor, is compared to the gift of sovranty which the gods gave to 
Peleus and his descendants. This is brought out by the use of the word 
t£v(paiv<0 in the corresponding line of strophes 6 and 9 : 

45 (tjvcpatve yXvKtla Kai toS' avriKa (poppiyt- (peXos) 

68 8upa Kai Kparos etjv(j)avav es yevos avra. 
It is to be observed too that Thetis herself is an emblem of this sovranty, 

Kparos 1 . In 1. 50 it is said 

Gens Se Kparel $6Lq, 

and she changes herself into nvp nayKpares (1. 62). 

The further significance of the catalogue of the Aeacid heroes will be 
explained by an examination of the third part of the Ode. 

The distinctions of the Theandrids, consisting chiefly of an Olympic, an 
Isthmian and a Nemean victory, are celebrated. Besides Timasarchus, his 
mother's brother Callicles, now dead, is specially mentioned ; also his 
grandfather Euphanes, a poet ; and Melesias, the gymnastic trainer of 
Aegina, receives a word of praise. 

By a system of quaint echoes, a parallel is instituted between the 
excellences of the Theandrids and the sovranties of the Aeacids ; and this 
comparison is quite in place, subordinate to the main idea of the hymn, 
that song has the power of conferring a sort of sovranty 2 . 

(1) The rule of Teucer in Cyprus 

47 ev6a TevKpos atrdpx* 1 
is answered by 

78 Tipdo-apxc. 

1 "Nicht ohne Absicht wird darum - Cf. Mezger p. 397 "es ist in My- 

auch Thetis, die in Phthia herrscht (v. 50), thus von lauter Konigen die Rede " &c. ; 

eine der hochthronenden Nereiden (v. 65) and "ein solches Konigsloos ist dem 

genannt mid die Gotter selbst als 'K6- Timasarchus zugefallen, da er von einem 

nige des Himmels und Meeres' (v. 67) Dichter besungen wird.' 
bezeichnet." (Mezger.) 


(2) To the sway of Ajax in Salamis 

48 Alias ^a\aplv i'xet. narpaav 

77 ndrpav iv dicovop,ep. 

(3) Achilles' white island in the Euxine is compared to the white 
sepulchral stele in honour of Callicles : 

49 eV 8' Ev(-eiva> 7reXdyei (patvvdv 'AxiXcv? 
Leuke being the name of this island : 

8l ardXav Oefiev Hapiov Xidov XtvKorepav. 

(4) To the sovereignty of Thetis in Phthia 

50 Qeris 8e Kparti 
there was probably an echo in 1. 90, which has suffered corruption. Perhaps 
the original was 

dei(T(Tai (fid ip.evois. 

(5) The 'eminent' hills, which characterised Neoptolemus' dominions 
in the west 

52 /3ovi3orai rodi npaves e^o^fH KaraKavrai 

are echoed in the deeds ' most eminent ' of 1. 92 

ZXneTai tis (Kacrros e ijoxuTara (^aaOiu, 
the emphatic word occupying the same position in corresponding lines. 

(6) Of Peleus it is written 

54 Hahiov Se nap 7ro8l Xarpiuv 'laaXicov 
7roXe/j.t'a x € P l irpo(TTpa7r(>>v 
UrjXfvs Trapthaxev Alp.6ve(raiv. 
The application of the capture of Iolcus to the Theandrids is really subtle. 
The reader is struck by two points, (a) the curious expression Xarplav 
napihvKtv and (b) the use of Ai/xoi/es for the Thessalians. These two peculi- 
arities give us the clue. In the 10th strophe we meet another curious 

Trdrpav iv aK.ovop.ev, 
78 Tipacrapxe, reciv emviKioio-iv doi8a'is 
TTpowoXov ep.p.evai. 

We see at once that both these unusual phrases are chosen for the purpose 
of corresponding. Iolcus is subject unto the Haemones (we might render, to 
bring out the point) and the clan of Timasarchus is a subject for epinician 
hymns. And it is with this in view that the poet writes Alp.6vfo-aiv 'the 
Cunning,' to suggest 'the cunning daughters of the Muses' (1. 2 at 8e o-ocpa\ 
Moio-av Ovyarpft doidai). Timasarchus is thus compared to Peleus. 

It might be said that it was somewhat incongruous to draw a comparison 
between the numerous glories of the Aeacids and the somewhat meagre list 
of achievements which the kinsfolk of Timasarchus could produce ; and it is 
interesting to observe how Pindar alludes to this criticism and meets it. He 
implies that the Olympic victory of Callicles was an exploit which rendered 

B. 5 


further proofs of excellence almost superfluous. This is the thought that 


82 o xpvcros i^opevos 

avy as e'8ei£;ev cnraaas, 

gold being the emblem of an Olympic crown, and dnao-as echoing 

anopa yap \oyov Aicikov 
72 irai8a>v tov cinavTa p.01 8ieX6eiv 

whereby it is meant that a family which can boast of an Olympic victory is 
worthy of comparison even with the Aeacids. 

In the last lines of the hymn, there is another allusion to the criticisms 
which rival poets made on Pindar. Adopting, in compliment to the trainer 
Melesias, expressions of the wrestling school, he describes himself as 

94 anakaMTTOs cv Xoyw (Xntiv 
paXaKa fiev (ppoveav tcrXols 
rpaxvt 8e iraXiyKorois e(pe8pos. 

Here e\neiv alludes to "vyyi 8" ZXicopai rjTop (1. 35) — the 'drawing' which he 
resisted; and the meaning of Xo'y» is mythical tale (as in 11. 31 and 71), 
wherein he might claim preeminence. The naXlyKOToi of 96 are the 8d'ioi of 
38. But for the full import of these lines I must refer to my discussion in 
Appendix A, note 5. 

In the catalogue of the Aeacids Neoptolemus is specially significant. 
Pindar is fond of likening the mimic battles of wrestlers and boxers to real 
war, and in Neoptolemus, whose name meant ' young warrior,' he might 
find a prototype of Timasarchus, the boy-wrestler. And Pindar indicates 
the significance of Neoptolemus in his own way, by the use of a striking 
expression. 'The i'vy£ veoprjvla,' he suggests, 'naturally draws me to the 
'lovios irapos and the realm of Neo7rroXf/io?.' 1. 35 

luyyi 8 e^Kopai fjTop veoprjvia Biyipev 
responds to 1. 51 

<$dia' Neo nTi')Xep.os $' 'Andpa) 8ianpv(rla. 

And the second element of Neoptolemus is also significant. The fiovjBoTai 
TTpa>ves are subject unto him, even as the fiovfiiWas Alcyoneus was made 
subject unto Telamon. Kparel expresses the sovereignty of Neoptolemus 
(1. 50) ; Kparains is the epithet of Telamon. The warrior Telamon subdues 
1. 27 kui tov piyav n oXe p iaTav (KnayKov 'AXki>oj/?} 

and the name of Neoptolemus echoes this note of war in the same foot of 
the same line of strophe 7 : 

1. 51 ^6 la' Neo7TToXe p.os 8' 'A7relpq> bumpvaia. 
Having seen the relations subsisting between the myth and the concluding 
portion of the hymn, we may observe how here, as in the Third Nemean, the 
last part is resonant with words answering to phrases in the 'beginning.' In 
the first line of the 10th strophe the adjective dfgiyvlav, coined by Pindar, 
reminds us of yv'ia in the 1st strophe, where song is said to be an emollient 
of the limbs. 


Again in the 1st line of the nth strophe there is a punctual responsion to 
di\Ltv in the 1st line of the 2nd strophe : 

1. g to poi Qipsv KpoviSa re At kcu Neptq, 
1. 8l (TTCiXau Bipev Ilaplov Xldov XfVKOTepav. 
The hymn which Pindar 'sets up' is to be at once a Kcipos for Timasarchus, 
and a funeral stele for his dead kinsfolk. 

Moreover the comforting power of song, praised in the 1st stanza, is 
explained in the nth, by its glorifying power : it can make a man equal in 
fortune to kings, rfil^ei in 1. 84 sets a seal on rcii^ti in 1. 4'. 

1. 4 ov8e deppbv v8a>p Toaov ye p.a\oai<d Tfi'^fi, 
1. 84 epypdrcof ftao-iKevaiv lo~o8aipova Tevxei. 
And epypdrw in this line echoes the expression in 

1. 6 pr/p-o. 8' epypciTWV xpovuoTepov ftiorevei, 

prjpa being accurately answered in 

1. 94 prjpara Tr\eKooi> 2 . 
Again yXayo-aav evpe'rw KeXadfinv (an adjective found only here) in 1. 86, recalls 

VIOV K(\('l8r](T( KClWU'lKOV (1. l6). 


7/7; 1 — 2. ci w — o — w w — w — ■ — w w — W — w — w w — (9) 

1)1/, •J A I) — ~ w — w w — • — w — w — w w — A — w — w w — w — w — ww (13/ 

1>U. C 6. b — w — w — ww — w — w w — w — A — w — w — w w — w — ww ('3/ 

W. 7 8. (I ww w — ww — w - w w — w — w — • — [J (9) 

It is to be observed that each strophe ends with an apparently acatalectic 
verse and begins with an anacrusis. Hence M. Schmidt deduced that the 
scansion was continuous, the anacrusis belonging to the last syllable of the 
preceding line, and the penultimate syllable of that line being a pnKpd 
rpio-7-ipos. For instance to, the first word of the second strophe, rhythmically 
appertains to fiaBelus, which precedes : thus fiaBeias. to = 

w I L_ I -w. 

By this means Schmidt has shewn that the first two and the last two verses in 
each strophe produce measures (peyedrj) equal in length (27 zeilij^) ; and the 
first strophe for example is symmetrically divided at the emphatic word Tfi'^fi. 

Thus here we have an interesting example of the continuation of the 
rhythm beyond the end of the verse. " Da diese aber auch an der Stelle 
stattfindet, wo die beiden gleichen peye6-q sich beriihren, kann nicht der 
mindeste Zvveifel mehr zuriickbleiben dass grade dadurch die Einheitlichkeit 
des Systems gefestigt werden sollte." 

The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. We learn from line 45 that the 
mood was Lydian. In the 8th Book of the Politics Aristotle remarks that 
the Lydian mood was suitable for boys' voices. Its character was plaintive, 
and perhaps Pindar's choice of it for this hymn was determined by the refer- 
ence to Timocritus, the dead father of Timasarchus. In the Eighth Nemean 
we shall find Lydian harmony combined with ' dactylo-epitritic ' rhythm. 

1 This responsion was noted by Mezger. 

2 This responsion also was noted by Mezger. 





"Apt(TTO? evtypocrvva ttovcov Ke/cpifxevayv 
larpos' at Be crocfial 

Moto-av dvyarpes doi&al 6e\%av viv aTrrofxevai. 
ovBe Oepfiov vBcop to gov <ye [ia\6aK(i rev^ei, 
ryvta, roaaoi' evXoyla <f>6pp,i<yyi avvaopos. 
prj/xa S' epy/jbdrtov y^povidrepov ftiOTevei, 

arp. a 

i. api<TTOS k. t.X.] Gladness is the 
best physician of accomplished toils ; and 
song's the artful daughters of the Muses 
can charm her forth by their touch. Eu- 
(ppoavva. combines the ideas of gladness 
of heart and good cheer. KEKpip.evu>v is 
explained by the scholiast as Kptaiv 
\a(36i'Tuii>, ovvTeKeadivruv (peractontm, 
Dissen, iiberstanden, Mezger). The 
labours no longer await judgment. In 
Ncm. vi. i the participle is used in a 
different sense. 

3. 6«\£av viv] Mezger has rightly 
explained : ' die Lieder zaubern ihn (den 
Frohsinn) hervor ', comparing for this use 
of 8iXyu, Anthol. Gr. ix. 544 roicnv 6£X- 
yu avr]ve/j.iriv. [The same explanation 
will be found in Liddell and Scott.] It 
seems probable that Aristarchus took the 
words thus, and that the scholiast mis- 
understood him as assigning the more 
usual meaning of soothe to 6{X£ai>. The 
view of the scholiast is that viv refers to 

4. ov8£ 6epp.6v k.t.\.] Nor doth warm 
water so softly soothe the limbs as doth 
speech of praise, linked with the lyre. 

Some editors read rly^ei after Plutarch 
(de Tranqnill. c. 6), but the mss. are 
right, as is proved by the recurrence of 
revxet in the same foot of the same line 
of the nth strophe. rei>x el /J-aX9a.Ka — mol- 
lia reddit, mollify, comfort. For toctov 
— To<r<rov compare Callimachus, Hymn 
to Apollo, 94 ov5t noXei t<5<t' '{veifxev ocplX- 
ffifia rbaaa. Kvp-qpr). Homer 'links' the 
lyre with the banquet, 6. 99 rj danl 
avvrjOpds ecrn OaXeirj. avvrjopos (schol. 
KOLvuvodaa) means linked, juncta (as the 
Graces in art), not 'wedded' (as Holmes 
translates). Pindar would not have mar- 
ried two feminine conceptions. Compare 
Horace's verba loquor socianda chordis. 

6. prifia 8' epYfAa-rwv /c.t.X.] But a 
word hath longer span of life than 
deeds, — what 'word soever the tongue 
should draw forth from the soul's depths 
in the gracious hour of inspiration. After 
8 ti t<e we should expect the subjunctive 
and Bergk reads i^Xy. But the optative 
seems to express the event as more con- 
tingent, and thus, as Dissen says, is more 
modest (modeslior oplativus in re quae 
non sine Gratia rum ope fit). 



b ti tee aiiv XapiTcov Tv^a 
yXuxraa <ppevd<; i^eXoi fiadeia*;. 

to fioi Oefiev KpoviSa re At ical Ne/iea 
Ttfiaadp^ov Te iruXa 

v/jbvov TrpoKoopuov eir}' SegcuTO 8' Ala/ctSdv 
7)ii7rvp<yov e'So9, Sifca ^evapKei kolvov 
(peyyos. el S' hri %ap,evei Tip,6tcpt,T0<; cleXuo 
cros iraTTjp iOiCkireTo, ttolkiXov Ktdapt^cou 
0dp,a Ke TwSe p,e\et, ickiOeis 

arp. /3'. 


8. 4>ptvos PaGcias] This expression 
recalls Pindar's adjectives ^aOv/xrjra and 
Pa66doi;os (Pyth. I. 66), also Aeschylus' 
ftaOetav aXoxa Sia <ppevos Ka.pirovfJ.evos 
(S. c. T. 578). In 01. 11. 54 Wealth is 
characterized as (Hadelav virexw iJ-epi.fJ.vai> 
dyporepav. The metaphor here is a deep- 
delved storehouse of'song, to which the 
tongue has the key. Compare also 
Noil. III. 9 /xrjTios a/xas airo. 

9. t6 poi k.t.X.] Such a word may it 
be mine to set up, in honour of Zeus son 
of Cronos and of Nemea and of the wrest' 
ling match of Timasarchus, as prelude 
and frontage of a hymn, defiev suggests 
the setting up and dedicating of a work 
of architecture or sculpture (cf. below 1. 
81); the irpoKUfj.i.ov is related to the kQ/j.os 
or hymn, as the wpovaos to the vaos. 
vfxvov TrpoKihfXLov is equivalent to ku/jlov 
irpooi/JLLov. For the association of Zeus 
and the victor in the proem compare 
Nem. 1. 8. 

12. T)ti7rvpYov] Embattled towers were 
a feature of the city of Aegina. It 
was so strongly fortified that it held out 
against the Athenians for nine months. 
See Midler, Aeginet. p. 146. In Homer 
evvvpyos is an epithet of Troy. 

12. 8iKa jjevapKt'C k.t.X.] With justice 
that besteadeth strangers, lighting all the 
world. For Aegina's hospitality, cp. 
Nem. in. 2. ^evapKrjs, protecting foreign- 
ers, is only found here. Hartung reads 
^evapKel', referring to the father of 

Aristomenes mentioned in the Eighth 
Pythian ode. 

koivov 4>e'"yyos] The scholia are in 
doubt whether this phrase refers to Aegi- 
na or to the hymn : eari fxev ko.1 ttjv 
A'lyivav axovcrai, 'e'en 5e Kai to troLrjp.a, to 
kolvov cpeyyos yivofxevov 01) yap ea ev 
dcpavel to, Hpya dXXa (pwri^ei kolvws. 
Hartung approves of the second explana- 
tion, but I think wrongly. 

13. tl 8' €Ti k.t.X.] But if thy father 
Timocritus were still warmed by the genial 
sun artfully sweeping the lyre, he "would 
have ofte>i, supported by this strain, cele- 
brated his triumphant son, for having 
sent home a wreath of crowns from the 
games of Cleouae and from rich Athens of 
auspicious name, and because at seven- 
gated Thebes beside the bright tomb of 
Amphitryon the Cadmcans, full fain for 
Aegina's sake, crowned him with flowers. 

For i'ap.evec inspiring (Pergk ja/ueeTjs, 
Lehrs faOepe?) see note on Nem. III. 63. 
Timocritus was a kitharistes, not a kitha- 

15. t<S8€ jxeXeu kXi9€is] Leaning 
against this strain, as against a pillar or 
support. The words and the music 
mutually support each other. Compare 
k'iovi KeK\ifj.ev7}, f 307. Ttpde is almost 
equivalent to Toupde, compare t6 above 
1. 9, and perhaps refers partly to the 
Lydian harmony. Timocritus would have 
played in Lydian mood. See below, 1. 45 
Ai'5<a crvv dpfxovla p.e\os. 


vlov neXahricre koWlvlkov 

KXewvalov r air dywvos opfiov tnetydvwv 
ire[Jb^\ravTa Kal Xiirapdv 

evwvvfiwv d.TT ^XOavdv, %r)(3at<i r iv e7rTtnrv\oL<i, 
ovve/c iV/x(f)LTpva>vos dyXaov irapd tv/j,{3ov 
KaSfielol vlv ovk ae/eofTe? dvOeart filyvvov, 

arp. 7 . 


16. vlov] A curious but intelligible 
corruption has here crept into the 
MSS. , vfxvov KeXddrjae KaXXiviKov. The 
scribe associated v/jlvov with koWlvikov 
(coming after KeXddrjo-e) and thought that 
abs irarrip excluded vlov. But vlov is 
absolutely required both by the construc- 
tion and by the third personal pronoun 
vlv in I. 21. In 1. 16 the transition from 
second to third person is an elegance, in 

I. 2 1 it would be harsh. The restoration 
of vlov is due to Bergk and was also 
proposed by Hartung who observed that 
Kal d.7r6 07j/3wi' eVe/xi/'as avrip crrecpavov in 
one scholium points to a personal subject 
to wep^avra. Mr Fennell proposes 7rcu5' 
dyKeXadrjae, on the ground that the words 
of the scholiast dvev<pr)prjae Kal dvefidXero 
presuppose some qualification of /ceXd- 
Sijcre. It seems to me that a copyist who 
had this reading before him would never 
have written vixvov KeXdorjffe. Mezger 
accepts ire/j.\f/avT05, the reading of some 
mss. in 1. 1 8, and takes it as dependent 
on v/xvov. Mommsen proposed KeXddr} 
(for e/ceXd5ei) ere. 

1 7. KXewvcuov] ' Uicit KXewvcuov dyu>- 
va Nemea, quum Cleonaei diu praesides 
essent horum ludorum ', Dissen. Compare 
KXcwvaluv -rrpbs dvopCiv, Nem. x. 42. 
opixoi of flowers are mentioned in 01. 

II. 74. 

18. Xnrapdv] So Isthm. II. 20 ra.1% 
Xiirapacs iv 'AOdvais, Aristoph. Acharnians 
639 el di rts vp.ds vTodonrcuo'a's Xnrapds 
KaXiaeuv 'AOrjvas, evpero wdv dv 6id rds 
Xiwapds, dtj/vojv Tipj]v wepidipas. 

kj. Orjpais t* tv k.t.X.] Dissen is 
certainly mistaken in taking iv 9^/iais re 

with arefidveov. re coordinates ovveica. 
/xiyvvov with irepypavra. The scholiasts 
say that these games were the 'IoXdua 
(and Pausanias notices a gymnasium and 
stadium 'of Iolaus', ix. 23, 1), but 
quote Didymus to the effect that, though 
the gymnasium was called 'loXdeiov the 
games were 'Hpa^Xeia. 

20. Tvifj.pov] The tomb of Amphitryon 
was near the Proetid gate, where was 
the stadion in which the games at the 
festivals of Heracles and Iolaus were 
celebrated. See Pausanias ix. 23. 

22. Al-yivas eKcm] A strong affirma- 
tion of the friendship of Aegina and 

4>i\otcri "yap k. t.X.] For as a friend 
unto friends having come to the happy 
hall of Heracles he surveyed their hospit- 
able city. It is to be noticed that eXOujv 
goes, not with darv, but with 7rpos avXdv. 
<plXoL<jL is dative of the persons interested 
and goes closely with darv. The reading 
of the MSS. Kareopanev should (with 
Mommsen) be preserved. For Karadep- 
KOfiai cf. 5 16 aiirovs rjiXtos KaradepKerai. 
It is clear that the Aula of Heracles was 
on high ground. 

( 1 ) Triclinius read KariSpapev which 
Dissen renders subiit ( = /carc'di>), Mezger 
'er lief durch die Stadt hinab'. Mr Fen- 
nell thinks the 'metaphor is from navi- 
gation', ran into port; but it would 
hardly be felicitous to use such a phrase 
of one coming to an inland city. (2) A 
scholiast read darv /car' edpeueev as ap- 
pears from his note, Kal to ev^evov darv 
KaraXapuJv rd? Orjjias, -fidwrjOi] (car' ei'X'/" 
dedaavQai ttjv tov 'IlpaKXeovs avXrjv. He 



Aiy lva<i e/cciTt. (plXoiac yap (p^Xo? eXdwv 
%eviov dcrrv fcareSpatcev 
'HpctfcXeos oXftiav irpos avXdv. 

%vv m 7roTe 'Ypotav Kparaio<i TeXapbcov 
Tropdijae teal Me;007ra<? 

Kai tou pueyav iroXepnardv etcirayXov 'AX/cvovf/, 
ov Terpaopias ye irplv Svco&e/ca Trerpo) 
7jpo)d<i t e7rep,/3e/3aooTa<; Imrohapbov^ eXev 
ol<i Tocroi'9. d'rreipop J d'^a<i eoov ice cpaveir) 
Xoyov o pbij o~vviel<;' eVel 
petpvra to teal iraOelv eoacev. 

rd fiaicpd £' e^eveiretv epv/cei fxe re^yuos" 

(TTp. h' . 25 



also read 6Xj3ios (kolt' evxw) ; see Pergk's 
note on the line. (3) Bergk proposes 
Karidpacrev, in the sense of KartfiaXev 
'overthrew his opponent in wrestling', 
tdpa being a technical phrase in wrestling 
(Theophr. Char. 27 tt\v edpav arp^tpeiv, 
Theocr. xxiv. 109 edpoarporpoi avdpes). 
But the mere fact that he is obliged to 
read wap' avXdv for irpbs avXdv in 1. 24 is 
decisive against this proposal. 

24. 'Hpa.KX.tos avXdv] This is gene- 
rally supposed to be the Heracleion men- 
tioned by Pausanias (ix. 11) as standing 
just outside the Eleclra gate. 

25. ijvvwK.r.X.] With whom doughty 
Telamon once on a time destroyed Troy and 
the Meropes, and the mighty warrior, fell 
Alcyone ns, yet not ere he had subdued 
twelve chariots by hurling rocks and twice 
as many steed-taming heroes who drave 
therein. The Meropes inhabited the 
island of Cos. Of Heracles in Cos, we 
read in Homer 3 255 Kai eVeira 
K6we5' ef> vaioptvriv air eveiK as. The 
battle of Alcyoneus and Heracles took 
place at Phlegrae. These three expedi- 
tions of Heracles are mentioned together 
in the Fifth Isthmian Ode (31 sqq.) : 

efXe 8i Ylepyapiav weepvev 5£ gov Ktivtp 

tQuea Kai tov fiovfibrav otipe'i 'Lvov 

QXiypaioiv tvpwv 'AXkuovtj tTfieripas ov 

Xepfflv f3apv<p96yyoio pevpds 'IIpa/cXfT/s. 
The form ftfv does not occur elsewhere 
in Pindar, except in composition. 

30. 8ls too-ovs] In each chariot there 
was a charioteer and a irapaifiaTris. In 
1. 29 the quantity of the second syllable 
of rjptoas is not determined, a long or a 
short being equally admissible. But in 
four places in Pindar the w is short : Pyth. 
I. $$, in. 7, iv. 58 and frag. 133. 

dir€ipo| k.t.X.] Battle- skilless 
would lie show himself to be, whoso under- 
standeth not my tale ; for it is not strange 
that he who doth a deed should suffer. 

The tale will be understood by the 
Theandridae who are not aireipop.axo.i- but 
irdpav ?x 0(/T "i see l mc ?6> and especially 
by Timasarchus, who had really earned his 
victory. Schol. ws yap 'HpaKXys err: p.ei> 
rrjs apxys (XdTrero, vcrrepov Be eviKTjatv, 
OVT03 Kai 6 dOXr/Tris. wcrre eiKOS eipai avrbv 
TreTTTWKtvai 77 aXXo tl tolovtov i>Trop.tivai. 

32. pe'tovra Tra0€iv] This is the prin- 
ciple of reciprocity ; whereas Aeschylus' 
celebrated dpaaavn naddv is the law of 
retribution. Compare Sophocles, fr. 210, 
quoted by the scholiast ; 

tov dpievrd ivov tl Kai iradeiv 6<peiXeTai. 

33. Ta p.a.Kpd 8' /c.r.X.] From telling 



copai t iireiyofievai" 

I'vyyt 8' eXKOfiai fjrop veofirjVLa Otyefjueu. 

efiira, Kelrrep e%ei j3adela Trovrid^ aXfxa 

fAeaaov, avriTeiv eTnftovXiq' a<p68pa ho^ofxev 

hatoiv VTreprepoi iv (pdec Kara/3a[veLV' 

cpOovepa 8' aUo? dvrjp (3Xe7ra>v 

yvoo/xav nevedv a/cora) /cvXlvSei 



the long tale to the end the rule of my art 
withholdeth me, and the onivard pressing 
hours. et;ei>{ireii>, to relate completely. A 
passage in the First Isthmian throws light 
on this sentence; 1. 60 iravra 5' ii-enrelv... 
acpaiptirai fipaxu p.erpov exwv vpvos. The 
structure of the Ode depends on fixed 
principles ; the time allotted to this ode 
is fixed; and thus it is impossible to give 
more than a certain space to each subject. 
For reOpos compare 01. vn. 88 ripa pkv 
vfAvov redpbv 'OXvpirioviKav, and Isth. V. 
10 riOfxtov poi <pap.l aa<pearaTov. Here 
probably Pindar intended that redpos 
should recall dipev of 1. 9. For epvueiv 
with infinitive compare Euripides, Heracl. 
691 fJ.rj rot p.' epvKe 5pai> Tra.peaKevaap.i- 

35. ivyyi k- t -^-] But I am drawn on 
by a new-moon-charm to touch thereon 
(that is, upon the tale of the Aeacidae). 
The context clearly shews that Dissen 
was right in not taking veopyjvia as the 
object of diyipev (a possible construction 
suggested by j)avxia 6t.yep.ev in Pyth. IV. 
296). But I think he is hardly right in 
taking it as a temporal dative. — vovprp>ia 
(sc. iqpepa) is merely the feminine of the 
adjective vovp.rp'ios which occurs in Lucian 
(vovpLTivioi dproi, Lexiphancs 6). There is 
no reason why vovpr\via should not qualify 
11/771. tuy!; is properly a moon-charm, 
'Iw being the moon-goddess at Argus; 
and the choice of the word here is 
suggested by veop.-qula. «\ko| i* the 
vox propria for the attractive working of 
a magic charm; SO in Theocritus Phar- 
makeutria, tvyl;, e'Ajce tv ttjvov ipbv wori 
bGipa tqv avopa. 

36. £|Aira k.t.X.] Albeit the deep sea 
brine hold thee up to the waist, yet strain 
against the conspiring waves. Surely 
reaching land in the full light of day ive 
shall seem superior to our foes ; while 
another man, with the (blind) eyes of 
envy, in a dark space whirleth a fruitless 
sato that falleth to the ground. The 
metaphor is that of a man struggling with 
the sea ; and in compliment to the victo- 
rious Tra\ai(TTr]s the struggle is represented 
as a wrestling match (cf. plaaov e?x" : 
Aristoph. Acharu. 571 eyu yap 'ixopon 
peaos). — I have adopted Donaldson's Ki'i- 
■JTtp (accepted by Bergk) for Kalwep which 
demands the participle. 

(iaOela a\pa, suggesting (ppevbs (3adeias 
of 1. 8, points the meaning of the passage. 
The idea is : I adhere to my principle of 
making myths the centres of my epinician 
hymns; and I shall certainly bear the 
palm, provided the very depth of my 
imagination does not seduce me into 
exceeding the due limits. Perhaps Pin- 
dar was thinking of the advice which 
Corinna is said to have given him in his 

38. €V 4>a€i Ka.Ta.pcuv«iv] Not like 
'the dark man' of Nem. in. 41 who 
ou ttot' a.TpeKi"C Karejia irooi. To ev 0det 
is opposed UKdrtp in 1. 40. 

40. 7voj(j.av] Moral reflexions, maxims, 
saws, as opposed to \670s (cf. 1. 31) and 
pvdos. KvXlvSei iactat ' tosses about', sug- 
gesting that the yvwpai are trile as well 
as empty. x a M a ' Treroiaav ( — rreaovaav), 
aorist because it is a momentary act, opp. 
to KvKlvoei. 



yayucCi irerolaav. efiol 8' biroiav aperav 

eSw/ce 7ruTfjio<; aval;, 

eu FoiS' otl %p6vo<; epircov pwpukvav reXiaei. 

egvcpaive, yXvKela, Kal roS^ avrUa, <p6pp,Ly%, 

AvSlcl <tvv dp\xovia fxeXos 7recpi\r)p,6vov 

Olvoova re Kal Ki>7rp(p, ev0a TeO/c/309 dirdp^et 

6 TekafMcovuiSas' drdp 

At a? 1<aXap,lv e^et irarpioav' 

h S' Fiu^elvco TreXdyet (paevvdv 'A^tAeu? 
vdaov' ©en? Be /cparel 



arp. £'. 

41. tp.ol 8' oiroiav] But "whatsoever 
excellence lord Destiny gave me, the course 
of time will, / am well assured, bring to 
its allotted perfection. The excellence 
meant by Pindar is the art of weaving 
legends into his Epinician Odes. For 
woTfxos dual;, compare Nem. V. 40 and 
Pyth. III. 86 Xayerav yap tol rvpavvov 
SepKETai (j 1 6 fxeyas ttot/jlos. 

43. ir€irpa)|A€vav] Proleptic with reXi- 
tret. Compare below 1. 61. 

44. «£v<}>chv€ /c.t.X.] Sweet lyre, tueave 
out forthright on warp of Lydian harmony 
the woof of this lay also, beloved by Oenone 
and Cyprus. Compare Pyth. IV. 275 r\v 5e 
tovtojv ei;V(paivovTa.i x^-l HTes - KaL to'5', is 
this song also, in spite of cavillers. Some 
translate and that too immediately, but 
such a sense is pointless here. 

46. Olvcova t€ Kal Kvirpio] Oenone is 
the old name of Aegina, and Pindar seems 
to have chosen it here in order to suggest, 
by the collocation with Kv-irpcj}, wine and 
love (olvos and Kvwpis), symbols of Euphro- 
syne. The song of the Theban is beloved 
by Aegina (irt(j)i\rip.lvov), as the Aegine- 
tan lay was beloved by Thebes (<f>i\oi<n 
<l>i\os, 1. 22). 

a7rdpx.€i.] (1) In later writers dirdpxw 
means to lead off a dance, and Mezger 
attempts unsuccessfully to introduce this 
meaning here. He translates ' er eroff- 
net den Reigen — der im Folgenden auf- 
gefiihrten Konige aus dem Aeakiden- 
geschlecht '. As there is no special reason 

for beginning with Teucer, there is little 
point in such a statement ; moreover 
(especially coming after ZvOa) the word 
would require some explanatory addition. 
(2) Mr Fennell suggests that "the word 
may here mean ' receive dwapxai ' i.e. 
offerings made to the dead hero-founder 
of the Aeakid colony in Cyprus", arguing 
that a.Tvapxop-a.1 (offer firstfruits) is a 
' causal middle '. The supposition that 
airdpxu could mean receive an dirapxv 
seems to me extremely hazardous. (3) 
The most simple and satisfactory explan- 
ation is that diro has the same force as 
in airoiKeu, dirodT]p.ew etc. diroiKtl means 
he lives at a distance; dirdpxei- means he 
reigns at a distance (in the new Salamis), 
and contrasts with ?x €l ^oiTpcpav in 1. 48. 
So Dissen, Teucer procul a patria rcguat. 
Some emendations have been proposed : 
Bergk dirdpnei ( — dirripKei secessit, cf. 
Hesychius, d-rrrjpKev ' dwe5rjfnp<ev), Pauw 
e7rdpx e '> Rauchenstein dwoiKei. 15 D have 
the lemma inrdpx^- The scholiast inter- 
prets by T)yep.oi>evei. 

40. <j>c«vvdv vacrov] Pence (While 
island, now Snake island), at the mouth 
of the Ister, where there was a temple of 
Achilles probably founded by Aeginetan 
sailors. A scholium explains the name of 
the island — 5i<x to wXrjdos twu ivi>eo<x- 
(TevovTWv opvcwv ijroi epwSiuw ■ (pavracriav 
yap Totavr-qv rols nXiovai wapex €l - 

50. ©ens] The cult of Thetis was 
widely spread in Thessaly, and as the 



fyOla' Neo7TToXe/xo? 8' ' Aireipw Siajrpvaui, 
/SovftoTca t60l Trpooves e^o^oi KardiceLVTcu 
AcoScovaOev dpyofxevoi 7rpo? loviov iropov. 
HaXlov 8e irap irohl Xcnpiav y \aoo\Kov 
iTo\efxiq %c/n irpocrTparrwv 
Wifkevs TrapehwKev Xlfxoveacnv, 

hdliapTos 'l7T7ro\vTa<; 'AtcdaTov BoXlcus 


crrp. rj 

wife of the Aeginetan hero Peleus she 
has a place in this enumeration. One 
scholium mentions a Qerideiov or Thetis- 
temple at Phthia ; another quotes Phere- 
cydes : eireira UrfKevs VX €T0 ets ^9iav 
K<xl Qinv iirl tCjv Ittttuiv tovtwv ayuv 
oiKel ev 3?apad\(p K<xl eV Qerideio: o 
KaXeirai dtro tt}s Q£tlOos Trokews. 

51. NtoirTo\«|xos 8' k. r.X.] But Nco- 
ptolemus rules over the long tract of Epirus 
where high lawns of pasturage recline, 
shelving even from DoJona as far as the 
Ionian strait, diairpvcnos is a Homeric 
word, occurring in P 748 irpCcv iredioio 
diaTTpvirios t€tvxt]klos, while the adverb 
diawpvcnov is used of piercing sound. 
Mr Fennell is right in connecting it with 
diawpo (Aeolic *5ia7rpu) and in explaining 
it to mean 'right through'. Here it is 
used of a line of hills, just as in the 
Homeric passage it is used of one hill. 

52. €^ox,oi] prominentes, above the 
lower lands. So in Homer, r 227 e£oxos 
'Apyeiwv...Ke(pa\r)i', of height. KaraKeLV- 
tcu [reclinant, cubant) lie down, of sloping 
hills, opposed to steeper hills which stand 
up (e.g. opdoirovs irdyos Soph. Antigone, 
98^). Horace's Ustieae cubant is recurs 
to the mind. fiovpor-qs is a Pindaric 
word ; in Isthm. V. 32 the giant Alcyoneus 
is called rbv jBovftorav. Schol. jiovTp6<f>os 
■yap r\ ']lneipos. 

54. IItt\£ou 8e k.t.X.] The domin- 
ation of the Minyae in Thessaly was suc- 
ceeded liy the rule of the Tliessalians, 
and this change was connected in legend 

with Peleus 


eleus quarrelled 


Acastus the last king of the Minyae and 
sacked his town Iolcus. The cause of 
the hostility was the love and vengeance 
of Hippolyta, Acastus' queen, who played 
the same part towards Peleus that Sthe- 
noboea played towards Bellerophon, 
whose story may be read in the sixth 
Book of the Iliad. See Nem. v. 26 sqq. 
The reading of the MSS. Xarpdav is 
both untranslatable and unmetrical (a 
molossus instead of a cretic), and I have 
not hesitated to adopt Schmid's XaTpiav. 
(So in 01. XIII. 68, iinreiop should be 
corrected to 'linnov.) Xdrpios is a Pin- 
daric adjective, occurring 01. X. 28 
\aTpioi>.,./At.(r96v, the hire of a servant. 
Here it is to be taken with irapiduKev, 
handed over to serve, \arpeia being a 
wellknown word and Xdrpios very rare, the 
corruption was most natural. 

55. TToXefJua \tpl Trpoo-Tpairaiv] Hav- 
ing turned tozvards it, but with hostile 
(not suppliant or entreating) hand, wpocr- 
Tpeiru is regularly used of turning to- 
wards in prayer. Bergk after Heyne 
reads TrpoTpairuiv, having impelled, which 
is weak. 

56. Alp.6v€<ro-i.v] Tliessalians. Hae- 
monia was a name of Thessaly. 

58. T«xvai.a-i XP 1 l <r ^( 1£vo s] The uses of 
XpwdaL, to experience (cited by Dissen), 
with tvxVi SuarvxicLis, dvenrpayiats, avfj.- 
(popais &c. do not support such a use of 
Xpyvd/jLevos, the reading of the MSS., in 
this passage. All these datives describe 
a state of the person experiencing, not 
the objective cause of an experience. 



to, Aai8a\ov 8e fia^alpa (frvreve Fot Odvarov 
i/c \6^ov Tleklao ircus' akakice 8e Xelpcov, 
Kal to fxopaifjiov Aiodev TreTrpwfievov eicfyepev' 


Mingarelli and Matthiae proposed or 
accepted a conjecture mentioned by Tri- 
clinius, xwa^" * > an d Bergk has adopt- 
ed in his text an ingenious conjecture of 
his own t^ccus xapacrcrd/xecos, bearing 
the same meaning as x w(r ^f J - evo? (x a P ao ~ m 
<rd / iiei'os = x a P a X^ s > angry with). But 
the reading of the MSS. is not necessarily 
wrong because the explanation of Dissen 
will not hold. xPW^ aL with such a dative 
as Texvaunv naturally means (not tc 
experience involuntarily but) to make use 
of or to deal with. Peleus dealt with the 
sly arts of Hippolyta and used them for 
his own purpose. They led to his sacking 
Iolcus ; that was the use he made of 
them. Cf. schol. x°^ w ^ e ' s Ta 's yevqOei- 
aais e'£ 'AkcLcttov yvvaiKos boXiais rex"ais 
Kal Ta.VTO.LS eis wopOrjO'iv rr)s 'IloXkov atria, 
Xpricra.iJ.evos on eTrefiovXeuOrj. 

59. AcuSdXov p.a.)(aipa] A sword 
forged by Daedalus or Hephaestus for 
Peleus and stolen by Acastus. Bergk 
has successfully defended AatddXov the 
reading of the MSS., which had been 
abandoned by Boeckh and most editors 
in favour of daid&Xto, a conjecture of 
Didymus. Bergk has shewn that Dae- 
dalus was a name of Hephaestus by a 
passage in the Hercules Furens (1. 469) : 
eh 5e£tde oe crp> dXe^rjrripiov £uXov KaOiei 
AatddXov, \(/evdr) duaiv and by a vase- 
picture in Millin's Gall. Myth. xin. 48. 
That Hephaestus stithied a sword, p.d- 
Xcupa, for Peleus is proved by a fragment 
of Hesiod quoted by the scholiast on 
this passage and numbered frag. 85 in 
Gbttling's edition of Hesiod: 

rjde 5£ oi Kara. dpiori) cpaivero 

avrbv pev crx^odai, Kpvxf/ai 5' dSoK-qra 

KaXrjv, r\v oi ^rev£e TreptKXvrbs ' ApcpL- 

us rrjv pLacrrevuv olos Kara, ]lr)Xiov aiirv 

out/-' virb ls.evravpoi.cnv dpecrKipoicn 5a- 
Moreover Zenobius the paroemiographer 
states expressly (v. 20) pep.vrjrai raijrrjs 
[/xaxaipas] 'AvaKpeojv Kal llivdapos ev Xe- 
/xeoviKais ' (pacrl 8e avrrjv vtto ]l<paiarov 
yevopivyjv bwpov n^Xei cnocppocrvvris eveKa 
Tropd OeCiv bodrjvai. He is speaking of 
the proverb p.(ya <ppovel pdXXov rj HrfXevs 
ewl rrj fiaxaipq.. 

<}>vt€V6 is equivalent to prepared, tried 
to cause; so in /3 165 roicroeo-qt, <pbvov Kal 
Kr)pa cpvrevei irdvrecrcnv. £k \bxov means 
by an ambush of Centaurs, as the passage 
cited from Hesiod indicates. Pindar was 
an ardent student of Hesiod (cp. Nem. 
VII. 88) and there is nothing in his words 
that renders it necessary to suppose that 
he deviated from the Hesiodic story. 
Acastus, the son of Pelias, having stolen 
the weapon of Peleus hid it on Mount 
Pelion, and suborned the Centaurs to lie 
in wait for the hero when he was searching 
for his sword. Chiron protected Peleus 
from the danger. We need not suppose 
that Acastus himself took part in the 

61. Kal to |idpo-i(JLOV k.t.X.] And he 
(Chiron) was carrying out to its destined 
end the fate decreed by Zeus. This is the 
interpretation of Dissen and most scholars, 
and, I believe, it is right. Both the 
view of Mezger that Peleus is the subject 
of ^Kfpepev, and that of Mr Fennel] that 
the verb is intransitive (as in Soph. 0. C. 
1424) and rbp.bpcnp.ov its subject, seem to 
render the line almost otiose. There is 
little point in the statement (in this con- 
text) that Aibs ireXeiero fiovXr), and such a 
remark is not in Pindar's manner ; but 
there is point in saying that Chiron took 
part in determining Peleus' destinies. 
Compare Nem. III. 56 vvp<pevcre k.t.X. 

7 6 


irvp 8e Trwy/cpaTes Opaavp^a^dvcov re XeovTwv 


T€ Seivordroov (rydcais oBovrayu 

eyafxev v-yjnOpovcov p,iav NrjpetSwv, 

el8ev S' evKvicXov eSpav, 

t«9 ovpavov (3a(Ti\r}e<; ttovtov t i<f)e%6p,evoL 

hoopa /ecu Kparos i£v<pavav iyyeves avrw. 

o-Tp. '. 65 

This interpretation is confirmed by the 
echo of 1. 44, see Introduction, p. 64. 

62. irvp 8€ k.t.X.] Thetis changed 
herself into various forms to escape from 
the embraces of Peleus, but the counsels 
of Chiron enabled the hero to overcome 
the fire, the lion, the dragon and other 
shapes which she assumed. — dpa.o-vp.a- 
Xa-vuv is Hermann's emendation of dpa- 
avuaxa-v. Heracles is called dpacvixd- 
Xavos, wily-daring in 01. VI. 67. In this 
passage the word felicitously suggests 
that the lion was a p.axo.vd of the Nereid. 

65. d,K|Adv re k.t.X.] Observe the 
singular aK/xdv, for which we might have 
expected d/c^ds, points. The teeth are 
conceived as forming a knife or saw, and 
d/c/xdc is the sharp edge of the row. The 
singular also serves to indicate that Peleus 
had to do with only one lion. We may 
render : Having defeated masterful fire 
and the claws full sharp of wily-daring 
lions and a gleaming row of teeth most 
fell he married one of the high-throned 
Nereids, ffxd-fa has two meanings, (1) 
medical, to open a vein, lance, (2) to 
drop, let fall. In Pyth. X. 60 KLOwav 
axdcov is drop the oar, let the oar rest, 
as in Xen. Cyr. III. 5 ox^ ilv T h v ovpdv 
is to drop the tail. Cp. Euripides 
Phoenissae 454 axo-^ov ot ouvbv 6p.p.a ko.1 
Ovfxou wvods, and, in middle, Aristophanes 
Clouds 107 (Txao'd/xevos t\\v 'unriKrji', where 
it might be rendered in English slang 
by cut. In the present passage the word 
means to set <i/ rest or foil', and I have a 
suspicion that crxa£w was a vox propria 
in wrestling for foiling the devices of an 

antagonist and causing him to abandon 
them. The English defeat, in its proper 
sense, seems an adequate rendering. 

65. iuj/t8pdvwv] A Pindaric com- 
pound. Isth. V. 16 v^ilOpovov KAwflco. 

66. £vkvk\ov £8pav] A circle of fair 
seats. Pindar probably conceived the 
seats as joined together ('una sedes in 
qua divisi singulis diis loci ', Dissen). In 
Pyth. in. 93 sqq. we read how the gods 
feasted at the marriages of Peleus and 
Cadmus, and how those heroes saw the 
royal sons of Cronus on golden seats and 
received wedding gifts Kai Kpdvov waidas 
(3a<ji\i]a.s loop xP vcr ^ aLS & tdpais edva re 

67. Tas — €<j>€£6p.€voi] Bergk illustrates 
the genitive (Homer uses the dative) with 
etp^o/xai from Apollonius Rhodius, Ar- 
gon. III. 1000 d\\' i] p.ei> Kai vtjos... 
((pe^ofievr) wdrp-qv \Lwe and Sophocles 
Philoctetes 1123 /cat irov 7ro\tas irdvrov 
0ivbs ifprjuevos (where divbs is generally 
taken with 7roi>). 

68. 8upa Kai Kpdros /c.t.X.] wove, as 
their gifts, a web of sovereignty to devolve 
upon his race. The reading of the MSS. 
e^t<pavav can be racked into a certain 
sense, but is by no means satisfactory. 
It must be explained as a strong zeugma 
'set forth their gifts and dcclai-ed the 
might that would be upon his race' (or 
monstrarunt ei poientiam ad posteros du- 
raluratri). But iK(paiveiv 5wpa is a doubt- 
ful expression, to which I have been 
unable to find a parallel. I believe that 
ii;u<pa.i>ai> is what Pindar wrote ; the gods 
are represented as weaving out or plan- 


Yahelpcov to 777309 £°4 >ov °^ TrepaTov. mrorpeTre 
avTis evpcoirdv trorl yepaov evrea vaos' 
airopa <yap \6yov Alatcov 
iralhcov rbv airavra p,oc $ie\0elv. 

(deavSpiSatcri 8' de^iyvloov deOXcov 

icdpvi; erol/j,o<i efiav 

Ov\vp,7ria re Kal 'Icr^yu,ot Nep,ea re avvdefievos, 

ev6a treipav e^ovre^ oi/cahe KXvTOKapireov 


arp. 1 . 

ning the gifts which they would shower 
upon Peleus and his race. It may be 
pointed out that in Theocritus VII. 8 
2<f>a.ivov has usurped the place of vcpaivov 
in the mss. A strong confirmation of 
i$v<f>avav is the fact that Qixpcuve occurs 
in the corresponding line of the sixth 
strophe. The Theandridae are compared 
to the Aeacidae, and Timasarchus to 
Peleus. Even as the gods weave a web 
of sovereignty as their wedding gift to 
Peleus, so the lyre is bidden by Pindar 
to weave a web of song and glory as a 
gift for Timasarchus, see Ititroduction, 
p. 64. dwpa Kal Kpdros is virtually a 
hendiadys. vipalvoj (like (pvretju>) is so 
constantly used in a figurative sense that 
it almost ceases to be a figure. In Pyth. 
IV. 141 we have a close parallel to e£u- 
(patveiv Kparos : — 

&W ifit XPV Ka ' <rL..v<paiveiP \onrbv 
In Callimachus' Hymn to Apollo, 1. 56 
we read defiel\ia <£o?/3os (xpalvei, and Plato 
even uses the word with olKodofMij/xara 
(Critias, 116 b). 

The MSS. give is (or els), 7epeds (or 
yeveds), clvtu) (or avrQi). Boeckh read is 
yeve&v ol, Dissen adopted is yivos curry. 
The scholiast read €yy€ves, restored by 
Rittershuis and accepted by Bergk who 
writes: 'Librorum lectio orta est ex inter- 
pretamento is Yepe&s, i.e. posteris Pelei\e\ 
iK yeveds, i. e. a principio ei destination '. 
The word occurs in Nem. x. 51. 

69. TaSeCpcov k.t.X.] From Gadira to 
gloom-ward thou s/ialt not pass : turn back 

again the gear of the ship to the broad 
continent, to. Yabeipa, Gades, Y-tfieipa in 
Herodotus IV. 8. 'cbcpos for dvcris, "west, 
is Homeric. The poet having touched 
on the supreme height of Peleus' bliss 
can go no further; he has reached the 
Pillars of Heracles. 

70. €vpwTrdv x.€ptrov] Europe (evpu- 
Tros = €vp'us). tvrea vads, remos et vela 
navis, Dissen ; compare Ol. VII. 12 iray.- 
(pwvoicrl t iv ivreuiv av\Qv. 

71. d'-iropa] It is impossible, I have 
no passage. The plural suggests the 
abundance of the theme. Cp. 01. 1. 52 
ifxol 8' &Tropa yaarpifiapyov fxaKapwv riv' 
dwell', I have scruples. 

72. tov airavra] The full legend of 
the Aeacidae (viewed as a whole). See 
above Nem. I. 69, and below 1. 83. 

73. 0€av8pi8a«ri k.t.X.] For the The- 
andridae I came, true to my compact, a 
ready herald of their lusty contests at 
Olympia and at the Isthmus and at 
Nemea, -where entering the lists they re- 
turn not homeward uncrowned -with fruit- 
age of glory. The adjective de^lyvios, 
making the limbs -wax lusty, was probably 
formed by Pindar for this passage. 

75. o-vv8e'p.£vos] Having made a com- 
pact; so in Pyth. XI. 4r, he says, address- 
ing the Muse, el fiicrdov ye (or /xicrOoicra, 
MSS. fiiadui) avvidev Trapix eiV <puvdv vwdp- 

76. KXvTOKapireov] Another Pindaric 
adjective : -whose fruit is glory. For 
ireipav ^x 0VTei ' sustaining the trial, com- 
pare above 1. 30. 



ov veovT dvev arecpdvwv, irc'npav tV aKovo/xev, 
Ti/xdaap^e, reap iirtviKLOiaiv doiSai*; 

TTpOTTOiXoV €/J,fl6Vai. €i 8£ TOl 

fjbcnptp fi en KaXXi/cXet tceXeveis 

(TTciXav 6ep,ev Uaptov \l6ov XevKorepav. 
6 xpvabs eyjrofievo? 

av<yds eSei^ev dirdaa<i, vpvos 8e tcop dyadcov 
epjp,drcov (BaaiXevaiv laoSatfxova rev^ei 
cpwra' tceivos dp,(ft 'A^epovrc vaierdwv epidv 
yXwaaav evperco Ke\a8?JTiv, ^OpaoTpialva 

crrp. la. 


77. iraTpav k.t.X.] Where we hear, 
Timasarchus, thai thy clan is a minister 
unto songs of victory; that is the Thean- 
dridae win victories, supply choruses and 
pay poets for their celebration. For 
wp6iro\os compare Olynip. XIII. 54 'Apyoi 
Kal wpowoXois, the Argo and her emu. 
Pindar's motive in using the curious ex- 
pression has been pointed out in the 
Introduction p. 65. 

79. €l 8e TOi k.t.X.] But if then biddest 
me yet set up to thy mother's brother 
Callicles a slab -whiter than Parian stone, 
know that gold hi the hands of the refiner 
is wont to reveal the full radiance of its 
beams, and a hymn in praise of brave 
deeds maketh a man equal to kings in 
fortune. For the meaning, and the al- 
lusion to the Olympic victory of 1. 75, 
I may refer the reader to the Introduction, 
p. 66. 

[AaTpw] According to the scholiast, 
Callicles was the brother of the victor's 
mother and Euphanes her father, /idrpws 
itself is ambiguous as it may mean either 
avus or avunculus malcmus. It would 
seem that the family of Timasarchus' 
mother as well as that of his father be- 
longed to the Theandrid clan. 

81. o-Td\av] a sepulchral stele. For 
Olfxev compare above 1. 9. (The line is 
imitated by Horace 1. 19 Pario marmorc 
purius.) liy the choice of XevKorlpav 
Pindar would compare the glory of Calli- 

cles to the bright island, Lcuce, of 
Achilles (in v. 49). 

82. o xpvo-ds] Gold here is symbolical 
of 'the golden olive leaves' of Olympic 
crowns (cp. Netn. 1. 17). So in Pyth. x. 
67 it is symbolical of the 'golden laurel'; 
see above, Introduction, p. 66. The 
refiner is the poet. 

83. dirdo-as] Not all (7rd<ras), but in 
their perfection. See above, Nem. I. 69. 

84. t«vx«i] corresponding to rtvxei in 
line 4. The hymn is both a healer and 
kingmaker, epy/xdruv recalls ipy/j-druv 
in 1. 6. laobaiixwv means here 'equal in 
fortune', not 'equal to the dai/xoves' (as 
in Aeschylus, Persae, 633). 

85. Keivos k.t.X.] Let him (Callicles) 
divelling on the shores of Acheron detect 
my tongue resoiinding clear where he won 
the bloom of Corinthian parsley at the 
contest of the deep-thundering Trident- 
wielder. KeXaorJTis is found only here. 
For j3apvKTV7ros as an epithet of Poseidon, 
see Hesiod, Theogony, 818; Olymp. 1. 72 
(3apvKTVTrov evrpicuvav. 'OpaoTplaiva is a 
Pindaric name of Poseidon, cf. 01. VIII. 
48, Pyth. II. 12 opaoTpiaivav debv. Pindar 
promises to celebrate Callicles in an 
Isthmian Ode, and it is a gratuitous 
change on the part of Bergk to read eW*' 
for iV iv. 

88. 6d\T|0-e] The bloom of the Isth- 
mian chaplet was figurative, not literal; 
the parsley was withered. Cf. schol. 



IV ev d<ycovi fiapv/CTinrov 
ddXrjae Kopivdiois aeXiVOi^' 

top Ev(f)avr)<i edekwv ^epaibs irpoTrnTcop, 

•j*o <to<; detaerat, irai. 

aXkoiai S' aXuces aXkoC rd 8" avros dv ti? 

arp. tft'. 


Isth. II. 15 rots ovv rd "IffOfua dyuvifa- 
ixivois ai\ivop ^-qpbv 6 aricpapos, vypbp be 
Toh to. N^ea. 

89. tov Ev^avqs k.t.X.] The corrup- 
tion of 1. 90, in which the three mss. on 
which we depend for the last -28 verses 
of this ode (B, B, D) agree, renders the 
meaning of this passage extremely un- 
certain. Not one of the emendations 
proposed is really satisfactory, as they do 
not account for the corruption in our 
text. Hermann proposed 6 <rbs &ei<j£v 
irore, irai, but why should Heiatv wore 
have ever become ddaerail Boeckh read 
similarly abs duaiv wore irai, Hartung 
deiat ixoi irore, irai, Rauchenstein crbs 
deiaep rbre, irai, Mommsen deiaerai, irai, 
b crbs. Bergk proposed 

tGiv YiiHpavrj's (6i\wv yepcubs irpoir&Twp 
b crbs 7' e7rdie irai 
quas victorias libenter Euphanes anim- 
advert it, which, besides being improbable 
from a critical point of view, gives a weak 

It appears to me that the unmetrical 
reading in 1. 90 must be due to the in- 
trusion of a gloss into the text. There 
is no reason to question the genuineness 
of deiVerat, which must have been the 
first word of the verse. If the word or 
words succeeding detVerat had acciden- 
tally fallen out and 6 abs, irai a gloss on 
irpoir&Twp stood in the margin, the gloss 
would have almost certainly crept into 
the text. I propose, therefore, to deal 
with the line as if we found 
deicreTcu -~ / - 
in the mss. 

Pindar is comparing the Theandridac 
to the Aeacid kings. He has indicated 
in 1. Si (see note) that Callicles corre- 

sponds to Achilles; further in 1. 92 (see 
note) he uses words which recall Neopto- 
lemus. But in the list of the Aeacidae 
Thetis is mentioned between Achilles and 
Neoptolemus (1. .so) ; and we are therefore 
led to suppose that Pindar, in speaking 
of Euphanes, used words which recalled 
Thetis. So little is said of the goddess 
(Bins Se Kparei <Z>6la) that the problem 
is narrowed. I conjecture that Pindar 

ddaerai (pOip.t.vois, 
of whom Euphanes, his old grandfather, 
will be full fain to sing to the dead. 
Euphanes represents the Theandrids 
among the <p8ip.epoi, as Thetis the 
Aeacids at Phthia. 

91. aXXoio-L 8' aXiKts aXXoi] Men of 
each generation have their own comrades. 
Perhaps Pindar was thinking of the pro- 
verb ^Xt| rfKiKO. rtpirei, but dXuces here 
has a wider sense than usual and means 
not coevals, but contemporaries; e.g. 
Euphanes and Callicles. 

rd 8' avTos k.t.X.] Each man imagines 
that the deeds whereof he himself has 
knmvledge are the loftiest argument for 
a tale. The mss. have &v tls tvxv- 
Mingarelli's reading Avra is adopted by 
Bergk. To this may be objected: (1) 
the corruption is not accounted for, (?) 
we expect dp, (3) cLvtcl tux^p requires 
the genitive (as in JtVem. VI. 27). Her- 
mann's dp tls ibr) cannot be entertained 
as there is no reason why toy should 
have been corrupted. My reading la% 
(subjunctive of ioap.i ; Pindar uses iaap.i, 
icrdpep and taavri, pres. part.) accounts 
for the corruption. Owing to the simi- 
larity of adjacent syllables ANTICICHI 
became antichi, dv tls y, and the un- 



eXireral ns e«:acrTO<? e^o^TaTa fyaaOai. 
olov alveoov K€ MeKrjaiav epiBa o-rpecpoi, 
prjfjLcna TrXiicwv, anraXaHTTOS iv \07co eXiceiv, 
fxakaica /lev (ppovecov eVXot?, 
rpw)(p<i he irdXtyKoroi'; e(f)e8po<;. 



meaning 77 was changed to tvxv to make 
sense. — <j)do-0ai depends on eloxwrara. 
It is usually taken with HKTrerai at the 
expense of the sense. Pindar is paying a 
graceful compliment to the victor. ' Eu- 
phanes thought Callicles preeminent; 
I consider the deeds of Timasarchus 

92. l^oxwTaTa] This word responds to 
Hfrxot in 1. 52. See Introduction, p. 65. 

92. olov k.t.X.] 'What an adversary 
in speech were he who learned a lesson 
from Melesiasl How he would wrestle 
with sinuous words, and resistless with- 
stand constraint in the trial of story, — a 
gentle dealer to the noble, but a sovereign 
wrestler rough to naughty foes ! ' 

For an explanation and defence of this 

rendering see Appendix A, note 5. 

The trainer Melesias is mentioned in 
Nem. vi. 66 and Olymp. vm. 54. 
arpocpT] meant a wrestling-trick, 'twist'; 
iraoas arpcxpas <sTpi<peffdai, Plato, Re- 
public, 405 C. For VKkelv compare Hesiod, 
Scut. Her. 302 epAxovro w6£ re Kal 

95. eVXots] The short quantity of 
the first syllable of eaXoTs in this passage 
is to be noted; cf. Pyth. III. 66 and 01. 
11. 9. 

96. 2(}>£8pos] Properly lying in wait, 
posted in reserve; and then technically of 
the odd man in wrestling pairs. See 
below, vi. 63. Cp. Aeschylus, Choeph. 
866 TOtavde TraXrjv /xovos wu 2<pe5pos Stcrcroh 
/xeXXei deios 'Op^orijs axf/eiu. 




In hymns composed for Aeginetan victors one remarks that Pindar 
generally introduces images and metaphors taken from sailing or swimming, or 
here and there finds a place for a nautical term, evidently remembering that 
his ode will be sung in the city of a seafaring people and wishing to give it a 
certain savour of the sea. Now the Fifth Nemean Ode 1 is more thoroughly 
'sea-saturate,' has more of the marine taste, than any other of the series of 
Aeginetan hymns, — sounding almost as if it had been actually composed 
on the beach of Aegina, in view of her harbour and ships, — a true song 
of the sea. And it is certainly possible that Pindar, enjoying the hospitality 
of Lampon, a citizen who was noted for his kindness to strangers and 
father of the strong boy whose victory in the pancration was the occasion 
of the ode, may have written it, or at least been inspired, there. It is built 
upon the legend of the temptation of Peleus by the comely and delicate 
Hippolyta and his subsequent marriage with Thetis. For Pindar this 
marriage, more than a mere marriage, meant the type of highest happiness 
(oX/3oy), in whatever that happiness may consist ; Thetis is a true ' wish- 

1 Of the three odes {Nemean v., at the Isthmus and specially desired that 

Isthmian IV., Isthmian v.) in honour of his defeat should be referred to — a view 

the sons of Lampon, Isthmian IV. was worth mentioning as a curiosity. Mezger 

written latest, and a passage in it shews finds the leading idea in 1. 40 

that it was composed not long after the irorixos St Kplvei ovyyevT}* Zpyuv wepi 

battle of Salamis. Nemean v. is the iravTwu 

earliest of the three. — the value of noble descent. lie divides 

As to the interpretation of the ode, the hymn thus : oipxa r— 6; Kararpowa 7, 

Dissen thinks the murder of Phocus is 8; 6fj.<pa\6s 9 — 37; neraKaTaTpoira. 38— 

mentioned in v. 10 to warn the son of 40; acppayts 41 — 54- 

Lampon against quarrelling, and that This arrangement spoils the symmetry 

the myth of IY-leus is told as an edify- of the ode, by forcing the mythical 

ing example of chastity. Mommsen, as prayer of the Aeacids into the same 

usual, seeks political motives and loses division as the myth of Peleus. 

himself in conjectures. L. Schmidt For the family of Lampon see Appen- 

assumes that Euthymenes was defeated dix A, note (i. 




maiden,' wnnschmadchcn, as her name is actually said to mean, and the 
wooing and winning of her by Peleus is an image of any high, divine success 
attained by effort. 

The ode falls naturally into three divisions corresponding to its three 
metrical systems. And each part offers us duly one moment of the thought 
which is worked out. (i) In the first system we have the prayer of the 
Aeacids for the people of Aegina. (3) In the third system the victories of 
Aeginetans indicate that the wish had been answered. (2) In the second 
system, it is shewn, by the allegorical myth of Peleus, why Aegina has 
been thus signalised by divine favour. That such is the framework of the 
ode may easily be proved. 

The glory reflected by Aeginetan victories in the public games on Aegina 
herself is strongly emphasised in the third system. Euthymenes' successes 
are 'for Aegina' (AfyiVa 1. 41) and 'glorify' the Aeacids (1. 42); and the poet 



eaXolcri pdpuarat nept nacra ttoXis- 
And that this is to be regarded as a fulfilment of the prayer of the Aeacids, 
is significantly conveyed by the use of a striking expression in the third 
system which echoes an equally striking expression in the first system. Of 
Peleus, Telamon and Phocus praying at the altar of Zeus, it is said, 1. 1 1, 

TTirvav t els aide pa \elpas apa. 
Euthymenes in 1. 42 is described as 

Ninas eV dyKcovecra-i rrirvav 1 . 
The two verbs (iTiTvrjpi and ttltpco) are in sense distinct, but Pindar clearly 
connected them, and there is a certain kinship in their meanings. 

It is next to be shewn that the story of Peleus symbolizes, in brief, and 
explains, the history of Aegina. Peleus won Thetis because he respected 
Zeus Xenios ; this is the essence of the tale. And so, it is to be inferred, 
Aegina won the accomplishment of her wishes by her unremitting exercise of 

Several hints leave us in no doubt that this is the argument. 

(1) Immediately before the tale of the prayer Aegina is called 

cpiXav i~kv<£>v apovpav. 

(2) narepos 'EWaviov (to whom the Aeacids pray) 1. 10 is echoed in irarpos 
^eivlov (1. 33) whom Peleus respected. 

(3) ' They prayed ' is expressed by the unusual, archaic word 

d((T(ravTo (1. 10) 

which is rendered very prominent by its metrical position ; for not only is its 
first syllable a tctrascmos (measuring four times) but it is preceded by a 
pause equivalent to a tetrascmos: thus 

7- A 6(a(T- A avro. 


1 The emphasis <>f ttItvuv is increased See below, p. 94. 

by its allusive associations with 7r/>77<os. 


(See Metrical Analysis p. 88.) Pindar has adopted this means to express 
that as the ' wz'^-maid ' 6/tis was won by Peleus, so the wishes of the 
Aeacids for Aegina were fulfilled. 

But the allegory of Peleus, if it applies generally to Aegina, may be on 
this occasion taken to themselves especially by the kindred of Lampon, a 
man noted for his hospitality 1 , and whose name (in 1. 4) receives a metrical 
emphasis similar to that of deaaavro. And thus Euthymenes, uncle of the 
young victor Pytheas and himself an unusually distinguished champion, is said 
to have been made happy by the embraces of the goddess Victory and 
caressed by hymns of praise, even as Peleus was blessed by the guerdon of 
the sea-goddess and glorified by Apollo and the Muses. And the fact that 
one of Euthymenes' successes was achieved on the Isthmus yields a welcome 
opportunity to accentuate the sea-motive by introducing the king of the ocean 
himself, and also enables the poet to manage a natural but skilful transition 
from myth to ' modern ' history. 

But why, one asks, is Euthymenes the prominent figure? why does the 
myth bear on him. when the ode is expressly written for Pytheas his nephew ? 
It is an instance of the dexterity of Pindar's art. Pytheas is only a boy, not 
yet of nubile age, and the infelicity of comparing his victory to a sexual union 
is avoided by making Euthymenes a sort of intermediate reflector. The 
artist indicates in his own way that Pytheas will be even as Euthymenes ; and 
therefore he may expect in future years, like Euthymenes, to win his 'sea- 
bride,' irovTiav auiiTiv, too, perhaps even in the shape of a victory gained also 
at the Isthmus. 

This is the central thought. Both Pytheas and Euthymenes, his mother's 
brother, have shed glory on Aegina and the Aeacid name. The elder 
champion may be said to have attained to the prize and pride of life, figured 
in the wooing of the great Aeacid Peleus ; and the younger, a pancratiast like 
his uncle, may hope to achieve the same ideal. Let us now see how this 
thought is worked out in detail. 

The stately odes which Pindar is fond of likening to the works of 
architects or of sculptors have one advantage certainly over statues, in the 
mere fact that they can travel easily by land and sea. They are dyaKfiara,— 
a word which, meaning any gracious things that shed glory or yield delight 
by their beauty, came to have the special sense of carven images, the 
ornaments of a temple or agora ; but they are not limited to motionless 
existence on a base, like that statue for example of Themistius the victor's 
grandfather, which Pindar may have himself seen in the portal of the temple of 
Acacus, crowned with a garland of grass and flowers, as he describes it in 
the closing verses. With this comparison and distinction of the two arts the 
prelude opens, naturally leading up to the transmission of the present song, 
proud of its power of motion, to distant lands, that the victor's fame may be 
diffused throughout the whole Greek world. And with his peculiar skill in 
causing vivid pictures to rise up out of a word or two, Pindar makes us fancy 

1 See Istk. v. 70. 



that he has literally issued from the workshop of some sculptor in Aegina— 
we think of the famous Onatas who perhaps actually wrought a statue for this 
same son of Lampon — and is going down to the wharf to embark his song in 
ships, large argosies and smaller craft about to hoist their sails, bound for 
distant cities. 

I dwell on this proem because it determines what may be called the 
imaginary background of the ode. The 'sweet song' is shipped for foreign 
parts ; the sea spreads out before us ; and we are learning what the message 
is, the literal burden or freight. 

The sea spreads out before us from the beginning to the end of the piece, 
and the circumstance that this background is implied, not expressed, 
illustrates a notable difference between ancient and modern art. The ancient 
poets, presupposing in their hearers and readers a swifter and more active 
imagination, did less to assist it ; they were more reserved; and this artistic 
ironia is especially characteristic of Pindar. A modern poet, were he writing 
anything similar, would probably describe the sea in express words and 
pause in his progress to make his reader hear the wreathed horn of Triton or 
see Proteus rising from the wave. But Pindar does not think it necessary 
to do that. Those who have really eyes and ears for his words will hear and 
see the Greek ocean rolling and sounding before them ; and it will soon 
become transfigured, not through any extraneous description, but in the 
natural progress of the work, by the presence of mermaidens and ocean- 

The message of the 'sweet song' is that Lampon's son Pytheas has been 
proclaimed victor at Nemea in the pancration contest which required 
superiority in both boxing and wrestling. Pytheas is a strong-bodied boy 
not yet adolescent, and there is an allusion to the joy which his mother will 
soon have in her son's puberty, when his cheeks display, like a physical sign 
of summer heat, soft down compared to the plumage of a grape, and 
suggesting even some Dionysiac association of the voluptuousness of nature. 
The pride of parents in their offspring's puberty is a pagan feature, which had 
not disappeared in the days of St Augustine. 

Pytheas' victory is one more distinction for Aegina, the city so good to 
strangers — ' foreign faces ' in her streets and harbour may have been some- 
times noticeable — , and to the Aeacidae, whose descent is from Cronos and 
Zeus and the golden daughters of Nereus. Thus, at the beginning of the 
hymn, the usual formality of making mention of Zeus is informally complied 
with, and at the same time the waters begin to change under the golden 
wand into a mythical sea where wonders may occur. 

Pclcus and Telamon and Phocus were the original Aeacids. The mother 
of Pelcus and Telamon was Endais the daughter of Chiron, the centaur; 
Phocus was born of the nymph Psamathea, 'the sand-maiden,' on the sea- 
beach, eVi prjyu'ivi irovTov. These three sons of Aeacus stood by the altar of 
Zeus Hellanios in Aegina, and raising their hands to the firmament prayed 
for the glory of their island and her wealth in men and ships. They prayed 
together ; but .1 misfortune led to the banishment of Pclcus and Telamon 


from iheir home. This event, of which Pindar speaks with dark shy 
reticence, was the death of Phocus, whom, in a fit of jealousy because he was 
their father's favourite, his half-brothers slew. Can we profitably or fitly 
apply the moral standards of ordinary men to the deeds of half-divine heroes ? 
Pindar perhaps asked himself, and in the full spirit of hero-worship ' he prefers 
silence, suspension of judgment (as if the question were a supernatural 
mystery), leaning rather to interpretation in favour of the heroes. 

At this delicate question the poet, with conscious abruptness, pulls 
himself up, remarking on the advantages of silence which is often the fairest 
speech, true ev^pla. And having checked himself as at some impassable 
obstacle he prepares for a new start, likening himself to a leaper who has 
nimble knees and can leap far, if his theme be happiness (oX/3os), or 
prowess in games or war,— and then, recalling his imagination as it were 
from an excursion into the gymnasium back to the scene really before 
him, likens himself to an eagle which can shoot across the ocean, iripav 
tt6vtoio. The eagle had a peculiar fascination for Pindar, so that references 
to it are quite a note of his poetry, the most striking passage being that in 
which the bird of Zeus is described as sitting on the God's sceptre, lulled to 
sleep by the charm of golden Phorminx, his supple, almost fluid (vypov) back 
trembling a little and somewhat voluptuously, to the influences which agitate 
the air. 

The idea that the eagle is sensible to the concord of pleasant sounds was 
in Pindar's mind here too, for having compared his own spirit of song to the 
power of the bird to fly over seas, he goes on to describe the quire of the 
muses singing on Mount Pelion at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and 
Apollo himself, as Musagetes or Muse-leader, sweeping the seven strings of 
the lyre with his golden plectrum. And thus the connexion of thought is 
really close between lines 21 and 22 ; there is not, as at first might appear, a 
break and then a fresh start. Phorminx has an attraction for the eagle, 
which therefore shoots forth to Mount Pelion to hear her— for the instrument 
is half personified— answering to Apollo's touch : this is the graceful figure. 
The treatment of the lyre (whose seven strings are called seven tongues) as 
thou<di she were alive, and her vibration the actual pulse of an organism, 
may be compared to the personification of the violin by modern writers . 

But there is more than this behind ; the eagle flying to Pelion has other 
feathers for the poet's shafts. As we shall see in the Sixth Nemean Ode, 
Pindar regarded the eagle as a special omen of the house of the Aeacidae, 
partly on account of the connexion of both with Zeus, partly for the 
sake of the resemblance of alerts and Ataxo?. So here too the eagles, to 
which Pindar compares himself, are the Aeacidae ; just as his metaphor of 
the leaper has reference to a leap of Euthymenes, as we shall see hereafter. 
Odes are sung on Mount Pelion for the eagles'-, that is for the Aeacidae, 

1 For example in Mr Eric Mackay's irpbfypwv 51 Kelvois. 

Letters of a Violinist. According to Schmidt's analysis of the 

2 See note, 1. 22 metre, irp6<ppu)v is rendered very promi- 


chiefly for Peleus ; — and this thought is important for the understanding of 
the application of the myth. 

The nome sung by the Muses began, according to the rules of such 
compositions, with the praise of Zeus, then told the story of Peleus and 
Thetis, and how Peleus was tempted by Hippolyta to dishonour the bed of 
his host Acastus 1 . Hippolyta is described by a word which the Greeks often 
used of oriental luxuriousness or soft-living, afipa, which here almost means 
' sensual ' ; she was like one of those ' comely and delicate women ' spoken of 
in oriental scriptures. Peleus rejected her bold straight words, so direct that 
they were really abashing, not from any idea of abstract right and wrong, but 
because Acastus was his host, and he ' feared the wrath of father Zeus who 
protecteth the host and guest.' Then Zeus, in recognition of his piety, 
promised him that he should wed one of the princesses of the sea. 

This episode of Peleus' temptation is introduced, like every episode in 
Pindar, with a purpose. It is a typical instance, not of chastity— far from 
it — } but of reverence for Zeus Xenios, for the rights and duties of guest and 
host ; and this reverence receives a conspicuous reward. Even so Aegina 
herself, as Pindar never wearies of telling, was a faithful votary of Zeus 
Xenios, (p[\a gevav apovpa (1. 8) ; her children, and among the rest conspicuously 
Lampon, the victor's father, were kind to strangers. And Pindar implies 
that the great successes gained by Aeginetans — in this instance by- 
Lampon's kindred,— at the Hellenic festivals are a divine reward for their 
hospitable manners. 

Zeus plans that Peleus shall wed a sea-maiden {irovriav), one of Nereus' 
daughters, called golden before and now described as spinning with golden 
distaffs; and he secures the consent of Poseidon. With these words we 
become conscious of the sea again ; we prepare to leave Mount Pelion ; we 
see Poseidon driving from Aegae to Corinth ; and the peals of Apollo's lyre 
pass suddenly into the sounds of the flutes which greet the coming of the 
sea-king to his Isthmian games. 

And now comes the application of the myth : — the kindred of Lampon 
may be compared to that greater Aeginetan family, the Aeacids, the eagles, 
who fly beyond the sea. As Peleus won the goddess Thetis, so Euthymenes 
enjoyed the embraces of the goddess Victory ; and this exploit resembled its 
model also in having taken place beyond the sea and under the auspices of 
Poseidon. And moreover, in celebration of his victory, Euthymenes was 
caressed by hymns as by something tangible ((-^/ava-ns), even as the eagle 
Peleus heard the nomes of Apollo and the Muses on Pelion. Euthymenes 
was a pancratiast, like Pytheas, but it seems highly probable that he won an 
Isthmian victory in jumping, as Pindar would hardly have chosen the 

n< nt in recital. So in 1. 46, ~Siaov t\ ' Hippolyta persuaded her husband; 
referring to the Pythian games at Megara, -ndou-ia aKolraf. This is afterwards 
lias a like prominence. The implication echoed, for the sake of pointing a con- 
seems to he thai ;i i Apollo shewed him- trast, in 11. 36, 37 Trpdj-eiv ukoitlv — lloirei- 
self favourable to the Aeacids, so he was odwva ntiaais. 
kind to Euthymenes. 


metaphor of the leaper and used technical terms (see above), if it had not 
borne specially on the matter in hand. An unfortunate corruption in the 
manuscripts renders the exact expression uncertain, but it seems likely 1 that 
Euthymenes was represented 'darting' or 'leaping' to meet Victory. 

Successes at Nemea, at Aegina and at Megara had also fallen to the lot 
of Euthymenes, and Pindar indicates them as if they were successes in love. 
Nemea, the nymph, was true to him (cipape, 'clave to him') ; and the month 
Delphinios, in which the Aeginetan and Megaric victories were gained, is 
spoken of as a comely youth whom Apollo once loved and who now be- 
stowed his favours upon the champion of Aegina. Moreover Megara is 
called 'the hill of Nisus with fair arms or hollows,' evayKrjs, a coinage of 
Pindar, suggesting the hollow of the arm and recalling the phrase of a few 
lines before, Ni'/ca? iv dyKwveao-i. 

l>y these victories Euthymenes has shed glory on his race, which, as 
Aeginetan, is closely connected with the race of Peleus (1. 43). Even so 
Pytheas by his recent victory was said, at the beginning of the hymn, to have 
done honour to the Aeacids. And thus Pytheas is compared to Euthymenes 
who was compared to Peleus 2 . 

And in this 43rd line we are brought back for a moment, as by a sudden 
flash of association, but with design on the part of the poet, to the sculptor's 
workshop from which he issued at the beginning of the poem. The word 
ayaAXei, 'brightens with glory,' recalls the dyaXpara, 'bright or glorious 
things,' which the sculptor makes and the poet makes too ; and the words 
occur in almost the same parts of metrically corresponding verses. Pindar 
has wrought an dya\p.a for Euthymenes no less than for Pytheas. 

The naming of Apollo here, in connexion with Euthymenes' victories at 
Aegina and Megara, is also notable, and the idea seems to be that, as Apollo 
patronised Peleus, so he is favouring Euthymenes. 

A reference to the Athenian Menander, who trained Pytheas for the 
contest in which he won 'a sweet meed for his toils,' leads up to a sort of 
exodion in praise of Themistius, the father of Euthymenes and Pytheas' 
mother. The poet reminds us of the background — the sea and the ships; 
he bids the Muse hoist the sails to the sailyard, using a technical phrase of 
navigation. Themistius in his day had won two prizes, for boxing and in the 
pancration, at Epidaurus, and his statue stood in the portal of the temple of 
Aeacus, crowned with chaplets of flowers and grass, under the auspices of the 
fair-haired Charites. Without some mention of (or, at least, allusion to) 
the Charites or beings of kindred nature an ode of victory would perhaps 
have seemed ungraceful. 

This hymn, of whose thought I have sketched the framework and 
tried to suggest the spirit, is full of pictures and expressions, which lay hold 
of the imagination and dwell in the memory, although they are marked by 

1 See note 1. 43. and par powoXiv 1. S; and also by the 

" This comparison is further indicated circumstance that 1. 43 is addressed to 

by adivei yvlwv dpacret 1. 39 compared Pytheas. 

with evpvudevqs 1. 4; by parpws 1. 43 


the temperance or irony of the severest Greek art. The statuary ; the sea- 
faring language beloved of Aeginetans ; the grace of adolescence ; the 
golden Nereids, — that note of gold sounding again in the god's golden 
plectrum and in the golden distaffs of the nymphs ; the heroes praying by 
the altar ; the ' Sand-maid ' in travail by the sea-beach ; Apollo Citharoedus 
leading the heavenly quire ; Poseidon who cometh from Aegae ; the festive 
companies at Corinth , the statue of Themistius, with garlands of grass and 
flowers — these among other impressions and pictures come to us successively 
in the bright sea air. 


V. I . CI. — • — w — w — w — • — w w v/u — wy - w — A ( 1 4/* 

7/7/. 2 — A. 0. — w w — w w — — — w w — w w — w — w — — — w w w — 

71%). 5?t>- & • — w ww — ww — f\ — • — w w — — — w — w (l4)- 

The strophe is of mesodic structure, the formula being 

14 : 8 . 6 . 8 : 14 
and thus the mesodus itself is mesodic. To carry through this structure 
Schmidt has to assume that the first syllable of the fourth line of each 
strophe (in other words of the third part of the mesodus) is a paKpa rerpa- 
a-rjfxos (I — 1) preceded by a pause or \eip.p.a of equivalent length 1 . This pause 
would have the effect of accentuating strongly the first words of these lines, 
namely Aap.7ra)vos, decrcravTo, 7rpo<ppa>v Be, Treicrauj, 7roTp,os Be, NiVou r', and, as 
such an accentuation really assists the comprehension of the hymn, I am 
strongly disposed to concur in Schmidt's analysis. 


- v_/ w — v-/v-/ — v^ — \*/ 

-^w-w-w^- (17). 

vv. 3, 4. a'. 
' 1 ' 1 / 1 / . /,_\ 

— WW — w w — • — ■ — w — w — w I — w ww — ■ — ww — ww — w — w — A (I7/- 

W. 5, U. U. — • — WW — ww w — A — w — ww — ww — WW ^-w ('4) - 

The structure is epodic, the epodos (/>) being itself perhaps mesodic. Thus : 

a. 8 + 9 

a. 8 + 9 

b. 6.2.6 

The rhythm of this ode is dactylo-epitritic. 

1 Schmidt says 'cine Triseme der cine not trisemoi', a trochee in this rhythm 

triseme Pause voranging'. This seems to being equivalent (by tovi)) to four metri- 

be an inadvertence. The feet of a dac- cal units (w), or in musical notation 

tylo-epitritic composition are tetrasemoi four quavers. 




Ovk dv8piai>T07ro(,6<i elft, Scrr eXivvaovra ?epyd^ea6ai dyaXfiar 
eV avrds /3adfMi8o<i crrp. a. 

earaor' dX)C eVt irdcras 6\rcd$o<; ev t d/carco, yXutceV doiha, 
arelx air Alyivas, BiayyeWour , on 
Aa/u.7ro)f09 uld<i Uvdeas evpvadevrjs 

vlktj Neyu-etotf irayKparlov aricfaavov, 5 

OV7TCO yevvai (paivcov ripetvav fiarep' olvdvdas oiroopav, 

i. ovk dvSpiavTOiroios €l|A' K.T.X.] I 
am not a maker of statues that I should 
frame images to stand in repose on the 
self -base. In Isthm. II. 45 he uses the 
same expression of his hymns, trrd tol 
ovk e\Lfvaovras avrovs eipyaad/xav. eXivvw 
is used of rest on a holiday. 

eir' avrds] More usually e7ri ras arrets. 
But self and the same (der selbe) are one 
notion; self-same is merely a superlative 
of same. There are some examples of 
this use in Homer, see M 225, * 480, 
107, k 263, 7r 138. We may reproduce 
the unusual omission of the article by 
imitating Shakspere's 'self-metal' &c. 
j3ad/jiis occurs in Pyth. V. o, aKpdv drrb 
(3a.6fj.idwv (steps). 

2. d\X' eirl 7rdo-as k.t.X.] But, O 
sweet song, hie thee from Aegina on every 
argosy and in every skiff, spreading the 
tidings that Lamport's son, Pytheas of 
massive strength, is winner at the Nemean 
games of the crown in the paneration, 
though his mother seeth not yet upon his 
cheeks the tender summer-ripeness of the 

For evpvo-Oevrjs compare above III. 36. 
I have retained vikjj, the reading of the 
MSS., which editors generally alter to vLkt] 
(impft. from uiktj/xi) after Ileyne. But, 
as Bergk remarks, the poet quotes the 
herald, — repetit poeta praeconis vocem. 
For viKav ' to win ' with accusative 
compare Nem. X. 48 x a ^ K0V ■ • -ovre . . . 

6. "ytwo-i] So the MSS. ; Hermann 
unnecessarily yeuvi. The word includes 
the chin as well as the cheeks. Bergk is 
right in taking ^arep' as the dative case. 
It is possible that Pindar might have 
said 'the summer-season, tender mother 
of the grape-down', but he would have 
hardly made it the object of (palvuv 
yivvcri. A youth displays the grape-down 
of puberty, not the mother of the grape- 
down, on his cheeks. The mother's 
interest in the adolescence of her child 
is a graceful touch. Bergk compares 
Pyth. VIII. 85 ovoe ixo\6vtwv Trap fxarep 1 
d/j.<pi yi\ws ykvKus wpaev x°-P lv - For 
oivdvQas owilipa compare Euripides, Phoe- 
uissae, 1 160 dpn oiuwwbv ytvvv. 



etc he Kpuvuv ical Zijvds '//pwas alxwras; (purevdevTas ical diro 
Xpvaeav NijpijlScov °vt. a . 

AiatciBas eyepapev [xarpoTroklv re, <pi\av ^evcav apovpaV 
rdv rror evavhpov re ical vavcriicKvrav 

Oeaaavro Trap fiwfxov rraripos 'EWaviov IO 

ordvres, TTLTvav r efc aWepa %e?pa<? ap,a 
'E^cWSo? dplyvcores viol teal fiia <bwicov icpeovros, 

6 ra? 6eov, ov ^ap.ddeia Titer iirl pnyypTivi rrovrov. 
alheofxai /meya Venrelv ev SUa re /jlt} iceicivhvvevpLevov, 

€7T. a . 

7. «k 8e Kpovov k.t.X.] And that 
(oti) he glorified the 'warrior heroes 
sprung from Zeus and Cronos and from 
Nereus 1 golden daughters, even the Aea- 
cidae, and the mother city, land that 
loveth strangers. 

Aeacus, the son of Zeus and Aegina, 
married (1) Endais, daughter of Chiron, 
and begat by her Telamon and Peleus, 
(2) Psamathea, the Nereid, whose son 
was Phocus. Telamon and Peleus were 
connected with Cronos both on the 
mother's and on the father's side as 
Chiron was Cronos' son. 

8. <f>CXav jje'vwv k.t.X.] For this praise 
(which here has a special bearing on the 
thought of the hymn, see Introd. p. 82, 86) 
compare above IV. 12. For <pi\os with 
genitive compare Pyth. III. ■; vbov avdpQv 
(pi\of. /xaTpotroXiv means, I think, more 
than TnxTpida, home, and refers to the 
fact that Aegina's descendants, the Aea- 
cids, ruled in other lands (Telamon and 
Ajax in Salamis etc.), which might 
therefore be regarded as in a certain sense 
affiliated in the island. 

o. rdv ttot' k.t.X.] For whose excel- 
lence in men and fame in ships they once 
on a time offered vo~vs, standing at the 
altar of father Hellanius, and together 
spread their hands to heaven, even the 
notable sons of Endais, and the mighty 
lord Phocus. For this construction of 
diccavTO Dissen compares Pyth. VIII. 72 
Oeuiv ottlv d(p0iTov alrlw, for the undying 

care of the gods I pray. The present of 
eOeaod/jL-qv has not survived ; the participle 
Oeoadixevos is found in Ilesiod and Archi- 
lochus, and the adjective dirodeoTos in 
p 296. Fick has conjectured that Gem, 
IVunsehmadchen (as well as irodiw) is 
akin, and I have pointed out in the 
Introduction that Pindar connected them. 
Observe that vavaiKXiirdv is treated as 
two separate words and takes a feminine 
termination. In the mss. it is written 
vavol kXvt&v. 

10. 'EXXavioxi] 'Myrmidones quum 
in Aeginam venissent condiderunt ibi 
Jovis Hellenii fanum, patrii sibi numinis, 
cuius religiones secum adduxerant '. 

12. dpiYvwT€s] An equivalent of the 
Homeric dpiyvwros, only found here. 
For Endais and Phocus, see above, note 
on line 7. Endais was also called Me^e- 
S v ts, schol. //. * 185 (Bergk). 

1$. 6 -rds 6«ov] the sou of the goddess, 
he whom Psamathea (sand-maiden) bore 
on the beach of the sea. ewl p-rp/fxivi 
(OaXdooTis) is Homeric. 

14. al8t'o[xai k.t.X.] / shrink from 
telling of a great venture, perchance uu- 
rightly made, in what wise they left the 
glorious island and what fortune drave 
them from Ocnoue. The inauspicious 
event alluded to is the death of Phocus, 
the favourite son of Aeacus. His brothers 
Peleus and Telamon slew him through 
jealousy, and were in consequence obliged 



7TC0<i 8>) \llTOV €VK\€Cl VUCTOV, Kdl Tt9 avhp(l<i aX/Cl/jLOVi I 5 

SctLficov air Olvcovas eAaaev. ardaofiat. ov rot airacra Kcphiwv 

(paivoicra irpbcrwirov dXdOet arpeKi)^' 

ical to acyav TroWd/cis earl aocpcorarov (ivOpcoirfp vomeral. 

el 6' o\/3ov i] xeipwv j3iav i) (TtSapcrav iiraivriaac iroXepiov 

SeSoKijrai, fxa/cpd fiot cnp. f3' . 

avroOev dXfiaO' virocrKaTrrot tcs' e'^eo yovdroov ekafypov opp,dv. 20 

to leave Aegina. See Pausanias, II. 
29, 7. The reserved language of Pindar 
concerning the deeds of heroes is charac- 
teristic. When Dissen interprets /j.eya 
asfacinns malum el andax, he misses the 
point. The poet calls the act great; he 
does not qualify it as bad. Kenivbvvev- 
ixivov suggests the hazard of the deed, not 
its moral quality, and the sole ethical 
criticism, fxr] b> Ska, is ventured upon 
in the most mild and tentative form — 
'peradventure, not justly', — for this is 
the force of /xtj. 

16. o"Ta< k.t.X.] / will halt, 
Soothly, it is better that unbending truth 
should not sheiu her visage in all its ful- 
ness (aTraaa), and to hold his peace is 
oftentimes man's wisest zvay. 

Similarly in Olymp. I. 52 Pindar breaks 
off when he touches on a legend that shews 
the gods in a doubtful light : d^icrrajuat ' 
dnipSeia MKoyxev Oa/uva. KCLKayopos, 
I stand apart ; loss ever and anon hath 
overtaken evil speakers, ov Kepdiwv means 
is not so good as silence; compare 01. IX. 
103 avev 5e Oeov aecnyafi^vov ov aKaiorepov 
XPW 'iK-a.crov. We might have expected 
ov KepSaXiou ; but the comparative is used 
because speech is compared with silence. 
This usage forms a sort of intermediate 
link between the ordinary use of the 
comparative and such forms as de^irepos, 

18. vomeral] for a man to consider ; = 
ao<p<l>Ta.Tov vor)fji.a. 

19. xapiov Piav] Eminently a quality 
of pancratiasts. o-iSaplrav ttoXc/j-ov, mailed 

war (distinguished from the war of 

ao. aX|xa0' viroa-KaTTTCH tis] Pindar 
compares himself to a leaper who can 
leap far, if his theme be bright fortune 
or mighty exploits in the arena or on the 
battlefield. He wishes therefore that a 
long strip of ground should be prepared 
for his leap, his starting-point or parrip 
being the death of Phocus {avTodev) -. 
fodite magna m saliendi arenam (Dissen). 
The ground dug for the long jump was 
called to., and vnip ra icrKa/j.- 
fieva TTfdav became a proverb. The 
distances of individual leaps were marked 
by small trenches called (369poi or o~Ka/x- 
fiara. aXfj-ara fiaKpa, a place for long 
leaps, is an expression like at opviOes, 
bird-market, ol ireao-oi, the place for play- 
ing ireao-oi. In early Greek the com- 
pound vTroo-KaTTTU) occurs only here, and 
commentators have not explained the 
force of the preposition. The ground 
dug up might be regarded in relation to 
the leaper when actually in the act of 
leaping; or viro- might be on the analogy 
of inroTvwTw ; but it seems to me that 
Pindar, though comparing himself to a 
leaper, is already, in anticipation, con- 
ceiving himself as an eagle aloft, and 
that inroaKaTTTOi 'dig beneath me' is due 
to this anticipation — a suggestion, in fact, 
of the second metaphor. 

<i\ia "yovaTtov e\a<j>pov oppav] / have 
the power of light springing in my knees ; 
bpuri means power of motion. Note the 
masculine termination of t\a<pp6v. 



Kal irepap irdvroio tvuXXovt ateroi. 

irpo^pwv 8e Kal neivoLS aei$ iv UaXup 

MoLcrdv 6 fcdWiaTO'i X°P^' i ' ez; ^ fJ>e<rai,<; 

(j>6pfju<yy ' \7r0XXcov eTrrdyXwcrcrov ^pvaeep irXaKTpw Smokwv 

uyetTO iravroiwv vopaav. al Se TrpooTiarov p,ev vp,vi]crav Ato? 
apyhpievai aepbvdv %6tlv avr. p . 25 

Il?;A,ea 6\ ft$9 re vlv d(3pd Kpi]6eU 'liriroXina 86\w irehdaat 
ijOeXe %vvava Ma<yvyJT(ov gkottov 
ireiaaca ciKoirav ttoikiXols fiovXev/jiacuv, 
y\rev<jrav Be irotrirov crvveira^e Xoyov, 

2 1 . Kal ire'pav k.t. X.] Eagles poise their 
flight even beyond the oeean. irdWovTai 
smooths the transition from the leaper to 
the eagle, as it might apply to either. 

22. irp6(f>pG)v St k.t.X.] Bui for them 
too on Pelion the quire most fair of the 
Muses graciously sang, and in their midst 
Apollo, sweeping the seven-tongued Lyre 
with his golden quill, led the chant of 
divers strains. 

The imperfect tenses deide and hydro 
present the picture of Apollo Musagetes 
and his quire.— Keivois, strictly referring 
to aieroTs, shows that the Aeacids (1. 8) are 
symbolized; see Introduction, p. 85. — 
It seems probable that both here and in 
Nem. 1. 33 irpofppuv was intended to con- 
vey the idea of foreknowledge, as well as 
that of goodwill. Such a suggestion was 
peculiarly appropriate in the case of 
Apollo. [I observe that Mr Verrall 
notes a similar intention in Trpo<pp6i>us, 
Again. 183.] 

24. SiujKiov] Apollo with his plectron 
chases and agitates Phorminx, as the 
wind chases and speeds a ship. Seven- 
tongued Phorminx is almost personified.. 
vop.wv means vo^uiv KiOapipOLKuv, nomes. 

25. Atos dpx.6p.tvcuj See note on I. 
8; also II. 3. 

26. «s t« viv k.t.X.] And how delicate 
Hippolyta, Crelheus' daughter, was fain 
to bind him by guile, having won to her 
plan the chief of the Magnetes, her husband, 

by artful counsels. ^vvava. is 
equivalent to weiaaaa ware koivwvov elvou, 
having persuaded to be her partner in the 
plot (so also Mr Fennell). %vvav (S^vvduv): 
|wos; compare vedv: veos, p-eyiarav : 
p.£yujTos. Bergk, taking ^vvdva to mean 
husband, alters aKoLrav in the next line 
to "Akclo-tqi', in order to avoid the re- 
dundancy ; but the mere fact that ' A/caorou 
occurs in 1. 30 is decisive against his 
reading. It is characteristic of Pindar 
not to repeat proper names, unless 
they be very important, and even then 

Kp^is] Hippolyta (also called Hip- 
podamia) was daughter of Cretheus, sister 
of Pelias and Aeson (Jason's father). 
Many cities of the Magnetes were subject 
to Acastus, lord of Iolcus. 

29. crvv€ira£e] She framed (like a 
joiner). The variant in D oweVXe^e, 
read by Triclinius, seems due to a mis- 
understanding of the text. av/J.wrjyvvvai 
is a most appropriate word, ttoitjtos, 
invented, manufactured, not genuine. It 
is interesting to observe the force of 
\|/€vo-to.v, for which another poet might 
have written \f/ev5ij. xj/evcrrav (lying, not 
false) invests the \6yos with a certain 
independence, gives it a material existence 
apart from the speaker, as if it were a 
material frame existing independently of 
its artificer. The \6yos, when constructed, 
lies on its own account. 


&5<? dpa vv/x(f)€La<i iirelpa Kelvos ev Xetcrpois ' Ak/kttov 





€vvu<i' to 8' ivavrlov ecrtcev' iroWd <ydp vtv iravrl Ovfiw 
irapcpafieva Xtrdvevev. tov Be opyav kvl^ov alnreivol \6yof 
evdvs S' (iTravdvaro vvfMpav, ^eivcov Trarpos 'ylikov 
Selaai<;- 6 & e(f>pda$7] Karkvevcrkv T€ Foi opcnvecprjs e% ovpavov 
Zei)? aOavcvTwv fiaaiXevs, coar ev Tayei 35 

irovTiav ypv<ra\aK<ZTa>v rtvd Nrjpetomv Trpa^eiv ukoitlv, 

<yap,(3pov HoaeiSdwva weto-ais, 09 AlyaSev ttotl kXcitup Oafid 
viaaeTac 'Xadpuov AcoptaV crrp. y . 

30. dpa] apa (apa) has its frequent 
force of introducing an untrue allegation: 
saying forsooth that he attempted to lie 
ivith Acastus' bride, and board his bed. 
vvfupdas suggests the youth of Ilippo- 

31. to 8' tvavrCov k.t.X.] The fact 
was far other; for she besought him 
much and often with all her soul, beguil- 
ing him. But his mood was stung by her 
sheer words, and forthright he repelled 
the bride, fearing the wrath of the Father 
who protects hosts and gi/ests. evavriov, 
he did not tempt her, but she tempted 
him. XiTavevev, the imperfect of repeated 

32. tov 8J opydv k.t.X.] The reading 
of the mss. involves the assumption of 
fopyav, which is supported to some extent 
by the adjective d6pyr]Tos. As this as- 
sumption is possible I have not ventured 
to depart from the codices. None of the 
proposed readings is probable; Boeckh 
tov ixh, Rauchenstein tov 5' dp', Bergk 
tov 5' vw' (Pindar elsewhere uses vttokvI^w 
of love's sting), M. Schmidt tov 5£ Kbp^av 
(Aeolic for xapdiav). — Zkvi^ov might be 
rendered nettled. 

alimvoC] sheer (as it were with no 
slope to soften the approach), unreserved. 
The word suggests that the proposal of 
Hippolyta was made with a shameless 
directness. Compare atirvs SXedpos 

Tennyson speaks of ' the downward slope 
of death', aiirvs SXeOpos is death without 
the downward slope. 

33. jjeivfoxi iraTpos] Zei)s £^pioj. Re- 
spect for this god is characteristic of an 
Aeginetan hero; cf. 1. 8. 

34. 6 8' e(f>pd<r8T) /v-.r.X.] But Zeus, 
king of immortals, the cloud-awakencr, 
considered it and vouchsafed unto him from 
heaven in token that he would speedily 
compass for him, to be his bride, a sea- 
maiden, one of Nereus' daughters with 
the golden distaff's, and persuade thereto 
Poseidon their sister's spouse, wlio often 
proceedeth from Aegae to the famous 
Dorian Isthmus. 

6po~ive<pi)s ( = ve(peXrjyep^Ta) does not 
occur elsewhere, ware is regular after 
verbs of promising. 

36. TrovrCav] So mss. Heyne's irov- 
Tiav is adopted by most editors, as it 
seems to me unnecessarily. In the case 
of two nouns and two adjectives Pindar 
is usually even-handed. Peleus is to have 
a sea-bride and she is to be one of the 
Nereids. The adjective xp vcr1 l^°-Ka.Tos is 
applied in the Iliad to Artemis. In 
Nan. vi. 62 it is used of Leto; in 01. 
vi. 104 of Amphitrite. Here the epithet 
recalls xp Vffe & v Nr/pT/idW of 1. 7 to mind. 
■yauppbv means that Poseidon was the 
husband of Amphitrite. 

37. Al-ydGev] From Aegae in Achaia. 



evOa iiiv €V(f>pove<; IXat avv KaXa/xoio (3oa Oeov hetcovrai, 

ical aOevei yvlcov epitpvTL Opacrel. 

7roT/io? 8e Kpivei o-vyyevrjS epycov irepl 

nrdvTwv. rv 8' Alyivq Oeov, RvOvpeves, 

N/'/ca? iv ayKOoveaai ttltvcov ttolk'lXwv e'-v/raucra? vfxvcov, 


Perhaps Pindar represents the sea-god 
proceeding from Aegae to Corinth in 
order to suggest that he also favours the 
almost homonymous Aegina, which was 
doubtless associated in the poet's mind 
with Aegaats and Aegaeon, names of 
Poseidon, and with the Aegean sea. 
Here addressing Poseidon in Iliad 9 203 

oi 5^ tol eh "EtK'iK-qv re Kal Alyds 5Qp' 

iroWd re Kal x a P UVTa - 

38. 6v0a (aiv k.t.X.] piv followed by 
Oeov is illustrated by two Homeric pas- 
sages referred to by Dissen : a 194 5tj yap 
flip 'icftavT 1 eirL§ri/xiov elvai, <rbv ■warip', and 
f 48 77 fuv fyeipev TSavainaav einreirXov . 
Bergk reads Zvda p.dV because a para- 
phrast has oirov 5tj p.d\i(TTa, but that pd\' 
would have been altered to ptv is im- 
probable. The presence of fuv serves to 
make deov more emphatic than if it stood 
alone ; we are reminded that the yapppos 
(relation by marriage) of Aeginetan 
Peleus is a god. — Render, where merry 
routs receive him, the god, to the sound of 
the pipe-call, and vie boldly in hardihood of 
limbs. Poseidon is supposed to arrive at 
Corinth on the first day of the Isthmian 
games and to be met by festive companies 
of young men. 

40. iroTjiOs o-vyyerrjs] The fortune 
or destiny that is born with a man (not 
vis ingenita as Dissen renders), avyyiv-qs 
is almost equivalent to hereditary. For 
iroT/xos compare Ncm. VI. 5 and iv. 42. 
Pindar associated it etymologically with 
TTfTfiv, ttiVtw; the fall of fortune ; and 
this association clearly determined his 
choice of language in the following 

sentence : But at Aegina, Enthymenes, 
where thy fall was in the arms of the 
goddess Victory, thou wcrt caressed by 
artful hymns and at the Isthmus thou 
didst shoot forth to greet her. 

The emphasis laid on trorpos by the 
pause which precedes it and the metrical 
value of its first syllable (assuming 
Schmidt's metrical analysis to be cor- 
rect), supports my view that a paro- 
nomasia is intended. See above, p. 82. 

4 1 . Oeov] Rightly restored by Schmidt 
for deas the reading of the MSS. Pindar 
uses d debs, see above 1. 13 6 tSs deov. 
Beds is due to a marginal explanation of 
some one who wished to indicate that 
9eov was to be taken with Nt'/cas. 

42. Nfoas] Victory is the goddess 
won by Euthymenes (and Tytheas) as 
Thetis was won by Peleus. yf/avu is not 
elsewhere used by Pindar of winning the 
meeds of victory (like plyvvadai), and 
here it must have some special force. 
In Olynip. VI. 35 the word is used of 
Evadne's first taste of love, y\viceias 
irp&rov tyavo-' 'A<ppodiras. We may, I 
think, infer that ij/avw was specially used 
by poets of the touches of amorous en- 
counters and that here it serves to bring 
out Pindar's parallel between the prizes 
won by Peleus and by Euthymenes. It 
is to be observed that Pyth. IX. 130 
should not be adduced to shew that 
Pindar used ypavw with the dative. The 
words are 6s dv TrpQros doptliv apcpl poi 
\{/avo-eie tre'TrXois. dpupL makes all the 
difference. In the same ode however we 
find }j/e68ei diyetv (1. 46) just as in Pyth. 
iv. 296 d<ri'X'P Oiytpev, and in Pyth. X. 
28 dyka'iais dirropeaOa. 



]ad/xol t ai^as dvra. kclI vvv reus fxnrpco^ dyaXXet Ke'ivov 
6/u,6a7ropov edvos, Tlvdea. uvt. <y' . 

43. 'Io-8|xoi t' a'i£as avTa] No line 
in Pindar has experienced rougher usage 
at the hands of commentators than 
this. They have all without exception 
condemned as corrupt and altered in 
various ways the middle and latter por- 
tions of the verse, which however furnish 
a perfectly intelligible sense; and they 
have, almost without exception, allowed 
the first words Tyroi /utra't^avTa, which are 
unintelligible and evidently unsound, to 
remain. The reading of the MSS. (B, B, 
D) is 

7]toi /jLeTai^avra Kal vvv rebs fidrpcos 
dyaXKei Kelvov dfxoawopov 'idvos Hv- 
Mezger was the first to see where the 
corruption really lies and to detect that 
the scholiasts had a different reading 
before them. In the scholium on 37 we 
find T&iOvfi£vr)s 6s e'iu/c?7<ree"I<r#iua, and in 
that on 38 tlra eiroicrei dia. tl tov 'IcO/jlov 
€fivy}irdri. It is clear from this that a 
victory gained by Euthymenes at Isthmus 
was mentioned, and this is just what the 
description of the Isthmian festival would 
lead us to expect or even predict. Mez- 
ger tentatively restores 'ladfxdl r' e-rrel 
v'ikt)s, which is infelicitous and evidently 
improbable ; it is weak, and Pindar would 
not have used viK-qs after Ni/tas in the 
foregoing line, tjtol clearly has come 
from a gloss ; but /xerai^avTa could hardly 
come from /xer' Atytvav as Mezger sug- 
gests, and the supposed gloss itself ("um 
den isthmischen Sieg als den spateren zu 
bezeichnen") is an extremely unlikely 
one. The reading which I adopt assumes 
that the three first letters of the line ic8 
were through some accident lost or ob- 
literated ; that from moit<m5acant<\ 
was elicited /xera^as dvra (some Tri- 
clinian mss. have p.eTai^as) ; and that 
this was ' emended ' to /ueral^avra for the 
sake of the metre, which was completed 

by the prefixion of a convenient tjtoi 
from the margin. ai'£as shot forth, is 
appropriate to a victor in a foot race, or 
in a long jump. The lea per shoots like 
a bird ^ 861. 

We may assume that Euthymenes was 
victor in leaping, for thus the metaphor 
used by the poet above 11. 19, 20 wins an 
appropriateness which it would otherwise 
lack. This circumstance I regard as a 
confirmation of the reading in the text. 

Kal vvv T€os (iaTpws k.t.X.] That 
Euthymenes was the maternal uncle of 
Pytheas is stated by Pindar himself in 
1st h»i. v. 62: 

apavro yap vikcis airb ir ay k par iov 
rpeTs air' ladpLov rds 5' dw' evcpvWov 

62 a7\aot ira?5is re Kal [idrpcos. 
It is therefore clear that reds must be 
addressed to Pytheas and that rii<0^a? is 
a mistake for IlvOta, the vocative. This 
conjecture of Mingarelli is confirmed by 
a scholium which mentions ITi'^as as a 
variant : KaTaWrjXorepov o£ tviot. ypd<pov(rt 
Tlvd^as IV 7} firjTpus Tlvdeas. The correc- 
tion is further confirmed by the following 
lines which evidently apply to Euthy- 
menes, not to Pytheas. That Euthymenes 
won a victory at Nemea is proved by the 
plural r&s 5' in Isthm. v. 61, just quoted. 
Kal vvv 'on the present occasion'; the 
victory at Corinth is a thing of the past 
(&pav<ras), that of Nemea is recent. 
K€ivov is generally misinterpreted. It 
refers to Peleus; compare Keivois 1. 22 
and kcIvos 1. 30. [I observe that Tycho 
Mommsen also refers Keivov to Peleus, 
though otherwise his interpretation di- 
verges.] Just as in 11. 7, 8 Pytheas was 
said to glorify (yepaipeiv) the Aeacidac, 
so Euthymenes is here said to adorn 
(dyaWeiv) the Aeginetans. The render- 
ings of Dissen and of Mr Fennell give 
an impossible sense to I'tfyoy. 

9 6 


a Ne/xea p,ev dpapev fiefc r eVt^w pio$, ov (f)i\r]a AttoWwv' 

aXiicas §' iXOovras oIkol t etcpdrei 45 

Nt'crou T iv evay/cel \6<pa>. yaipw 8, ore 

ea\olcn pjapva-rai irepi irdcra tto\is. 

tadi, yXvKeidv tol MevdvSpov avv rv^a /xo^Ocov dp,oi/3av 

eiravpeo. %pr) & air 'Adavdv tgktov dd\r)Tai<riv efifiev. 
el Be Qefilariov i'/eet*?, war delBeiv, /xrjKeTC plyef BlBoi 

eir. 7 . 


We may render 11. 43 — 47 thus: Also 
7icna thy mother s brother, Pythcas, 
sheds radiance on the race of that herds 
kin. Nemea stood fast by him and the 
month of his country (Delphinios) which 
(Delphian) Apollo loves. But at home 
and on the fair-gladed hill of Nisus he 
conquered the comers of his own age. I 
rejoice that the whole city joins in the 
conflict for noble prizes. 

d"ya\\ei] Adorns, with the further im- 
plication that he furnishes material for a 
statue of song. The word answers to 
ayd'Sfj-ar' which occurs in the first verse 
of the first strophe, and occupies nearly 
the same position in the line. 

44. d'pdpev] Nemea 7oas true to him. 
All commentators wrongly interpret fa- 
voured him, which would be ijpdpe. 
Mr Tyrrell was the first to point out their 
error and to assign to dpdpev the full 
meaning of the perfect, which was re- 
cognised by the scholiast : irpoo-rjpfj.ocrTa.1 
aiir<j} wpbs t6 vixdv dei. The expression 
iv diravri Kpdrei Kepavvbv dpapora. in 01. 
xi. 91 is to be similarly explained, the 
thunderbolt which clave to him, or stood 
him in good stead. (Cp. Isthm. II. 19.) 
The phrase in the present passage suggests 
the fidelity of a bride. Dissen compares 
Nip.ed t' ovk dvn^oel (01. XIII. 34) Nemea 
countervaileth not, but this is not quite 
the same. The p.els (p-rjv) Imxwpios is the 
Aeginetan month Delphinios which was 
probably also a Megarian month; in it, 
through Apollo's favour, Euthymenes 
conquered al the Aeginetan Hydrophoria 
or Delphinia and al I lie Megarian Pythia. 

The Delphinia are referred to in Pyth. 
viii. 66. <pi\y)ff' is wont to love when it 
comes round ; this seems to be the force 
of the aorist. 

45. dXixas eXGovTas] His coevals 
who had come. Pueros Aeginetas, ad 
cerfamen qui venerant, Dissen; but Mez- 
ger is right in not limiting dXtKes to 
Aeginetans. Euthymenes conquered the 
same pancratiast competitors (hailing 
from all parts of Greece) both at Aegina 
and at Megara. eKpdrei 7oas the victor 

46. evcryicei] A Pindaric formation, 
not occurring elsewhere; for its signifi- 
cance see Introduction, p. 87. 

48. MevdvSpov crtiv Tvixq.] Compare 
avv Xapirwv rvxq., IV. 7. Menander was 
a famous Athenian trainer in gymnastic. 
For the introductory tadi compare 'taOi, 
Ke\adrjcru}, 01. X. 1 1 . The meaning is : 
/ say unto thee, Sweet is the meed that by 
Menander 's aid thou hast won from thy 
labours. The genitive /lloxOwv depends 
on both eiravpeo and dp.oi(3dv. eiraupeo, 
second aorist. In Pyth. in. 36 we find 
the aorist active, yetrovwv ttoXXoI irravpov. 

40. xp-q 8" k.t.X.] Meet it is that 
athletes should have their fashioner from 
Athens; a manifest paronomasia on 'A0a- 
vai and dOXr/rat. 

50. el 8e 0tp.Ccrn.ov I'kc-is k.t.X.] Pin- 
dar now addresses himself; Put if thou 
art come with the thought of singing 
Themislios, be cold no more for the task ; 
be generous with thy voice, spread sails to 
the topmost yard, and proclaim that as a 
boxer and in the pancration he zuas vie- 



(poovdv, avti 8 laria reivov Trpos ^vyov Kap-yaaiov, 

TTV/crav re vtv /cal Trayfcparuti (pdey^at e\eiv ^VjTriSavpw hnrXoav 

vikwvt dperdv, irpoBvpoLcriv 8 Ala/cov 

dvdewv iroidevra (pepetv a-recpavw/xara avv ^avOaZs ^Ldpicrcnv. 

torious at Epidaurus and ivon a double 
glory, and that by favour of the fair- 
haired Graces he (his statue) wears grassy 
flcnver-chaplcts in the portal of Aeacus' 

Themistios is said to be the father of 
Euthymenes and therefore the maternal 
grandfather of Pytheas. He is mentioned 
in hthm. V. 65. The phrase fx-qKiri 
ptyei arrests the attention. Be reserved 
110 longer implies that there were reasons 
for reserve in reference to somebody else. 
This suspicion is strengthened by two 
circumstances; (1) the ode, formally in 
honour of Pytheas, is far more a pane- 
gyric on Euthymenes, who is compared 
to the hero of the myth; and (2) in line 
14 sqq. a theme is introduced, to be set 
aside as deserving of silence. We can 
see that there is something between the 
lines, but we cannot trace the letters. 

81801] Hermann for 8idov. It hardly 
means utter \ rather lend, devote. 

51. l<rrCa] The phrase is chosen as 
suitable to the name Ge^-to-nos which 
Pindar, for the occasion, derives from 
Oe/xovv [aria (cf. Tr\r)<ri<TTios) to set the sails 
in motion. Kapxr)<uov is the masthead, and 
£vybv Kapxacriov the sailyard, called so 
from its resemblance to a yoke at the end 
of the pole in a car. 

52. 'EiriSavpo)] At Epidaurus were 
held games in honour of Asclepius. Cf. 
Nem. in. 84. 5nr\6av, namely in boxing 
and in the pancration. aperdv, fee of 

53. dv0€a>v iroidcvTa. crT£({>avio|J.aTa] 
A dictio insolcns with which Bergk com- 
pares 01. VII. 80 /u.tjXwi' Kviaaeaaa -jro/xird. 
The garlands were woven of grass and 
flowers. It is to be observed that iroLdevra 
is scanned as a trisyllable : Hermann 
reads troLavra. Xdpio-o-iv ; this dative 
was restored by Schmid for MSS. Xdpitriv. 
xdpLai : xdpioci : x a P l - Te<TcrL '•'• togl : -rrocr- 
<xl : irodeaai. 





The young victor celebrated in this hymn belonged to the Aeginetan 
family of the Bassidae, whose members had won many crowns, at the great 
Hellenic games, for wrestling and boxing. But a curious feature marked 
these successes; they were gained in alternate generations. Thus the 
victor's father Theon had achieved no personal distinctions, while Theon's 
uncle, Praxidamas, had been a renowned wrestler ; the father of Praxidamas 
was even as Theon, and perhaps, a generation further back, a certain 
Agesimachus may have performed some deed of glory. This coincidence, as 
we should call it, set Pindar a-thinking and gave him an idea for his Ode 1 . 
He reflected that in a peculiarity which might at first sight seem a sign of 
weakness, the Bassids really resembled the great first Mother herself. The 
fields of the Earth must sometimes lie fallow that they may gather strength 
and yield an abundant increase. Thus the Bassids imitate the Earth ; nay, 
it would even seem that the nature or essence of Earth, the common mother 
of gods and men, had passed in unusual measure, by some special favour, 
into the seed of this family. And this similitude to Earth, this partaking in 
her nature, may be considered the auspice of the house, and is the key to its 
marvellous successes. Such is the thought, which Pindar works out with 
a curious subtlety, playing upon the names epa and ala. If the last Ode 
was a Song of the Sea, this Ode is a Song of the Earth. 

The first strophe of the Ode, is one of the most solemn passages in 
Pindar. Both gods and men derive their origin from one source, the Earth; 
and there is consequently a resemblance between them, notwithstanding the 
vast distance which separates the certainties of divine existence from the 
impotence and ignorance of human life. The Greek gods were not like the 

1 Mezger describes the ode as "ein rpoird 29, 30; 6pcpa\6s 31 — 53; juercua- 

volltonender Lobgesang auf die Unver- rarpowd 53 — 57; atppayls 57 — 66. 
wiistlichkeit der im Menschen wohnenden According to my view the natural di- 

zur hochsten Entfaltung drlingenden Na- visions of the matter correspond to the 

turkraft"; and he divides it thus: three metrical systems. 

npooi/xiov 1—7; dpxd 8— 28; Kara- 


Semitic God, alone, unbegotten, uncreated ; they were far above man, but 
they were not infinitely above him ; and thus the Greek religion was a sphere 
for beauty rather than for sublimity. When we read that God made man in 
his own image, the thought strikes us as sublime ; for while on the one 
hand the omnipotence of God, compared with our own nothingness, 
annihilates, on the other hand the idea of our resemblance to the Infinite 
elevates ; and the simultaneous occurrence of these two feelings is 
the note of sublimity. But the Greek gods are not infinite. We admire 
them, we worship them, we may fear them; but, after all, we and they 
are sprung from a common mother. They are the favoured children, 
who have the sure abode ; we wander, outcasts, in a land of uncer- 
tainty and chance. I dwell on this, because the passage before us is 
sometimes called sublime, and sublime in the modern sense seems hardly a 
correct description. It is lofty (A«'|ts ity>?M) ; it is written in the grand style ; 
but the thought can scarcely be said to contain the element of sublimity. 
The brazen firmament, which stands sure, is contrasted with the ignorance 
of men touching the way by which their destiny shall lead them, from day to 
night and from night to day ; man's life, subject to changes and chances, is 
really ' nought' compared with the life of the gods. But the main thought is 
that men and gods have a common mother ; we are all the sons and 
daughters of Earth. These reflections may produce a solemn mood of mind; 
we may feel a certain dejection at the contrast, or a certain satisfaction in 
the resemblance ; but the atmosphere is too calm and temperate for the pains 
and pleasures of sublimity. 

It is worth noticing, as a literary curiosity, that, while Pindar here 
contrasts the certainty of the brazen heaven with the blindness and 
ignorance of men, Mr Swinburne, in lines which suggest this passage of 
Pindar, at least in a verbal echo, ascribes to iron heaven the qualities of 
witlessness and deafness : — 

4 Shall the iron hollow of doubtful heaven 

'That knows not itself whether night-time or day be 

' Reverberate sounds of a foolish prayer?' 1 

The fact that men are the children of Earth is illustrated by the family of 
Alcimidas the victor ; the Bassids, like the fields, alternately rest and work ; 
the nature of the universal mother is peculiarly manifested in them. And 
this special connexion with Earth has been a good auspice for the successes 
won by the active generations. The boy Alcimidas has even now come 
from Nemea, a triumphant wrestler in those ' lovely ' games, iparu>v dedXmv, 
of Zeus ; — ' lovely,' but does not that signify ' EartA-ly,' related to epn, 
earth ? and does not this omen explain the victory of the really Earth-born 
Alcimidas? Yes, his relation to Earth is the omen or bird which he has 
followed like a hunter, even as Praxidamas 2 , his great uncle, before him. 
This Praxidamas was the first Aeginetan who won an olive crown on the 

1 The Triumph of Time. statue was erected; Pausanias VI. 18, 5. 

- The first victor to whom an athlete- 




banks of the Alpheus. And Pindar chooses an unusual word for the chaplet 
of olive : he calls it epvta, shoots, suggesting that here too there is a 
mysterious connexion with i'pa. Praxidamas also won five victories at 
Corinth and three at Nemea ; his brothers too were distinguished in 
athletics ; and thus on their father Soclides, who had achieved nothing 
himself, the fame of the sons was reflected. 

In boxing, as well as in wrestling, the Bassid family was unusually 
distinguished, and Pindar ventures to say that no family had won so many 
boxing-matches on the Isthmus. It is a bold affirmation ; and he bids the 
Muse direct upon the Bassidae a glorious or glorifying breeze of verses, song 
being the true gale to waft the noble exploits of dead heroes across the sea 
of time. The Bassidae were an ancient race with a fair record of brave 
deeds, an abundant theme for poets. Or, as Pindar puts it, reminding us 
again of the Bassid omen, they offer a rich soil to those tillers who work in 
the service of the Pierides, the Ladies of Fruitful-land 1 . 

The successes of Callias and Creontidas — Bassids, though probably not 
very nearly related to Alcimidas — may be taken as examples. In the Pythian 
games, by the sanctuary of Apollo, Callias won in boxing ; the gods 
themselves protected him ; he found favour with Apollo and Artemis, the 
children of Leto. And here again the omen of Earth is true to the Bassid ; 
the two gods are called cpvea Aarovs, suggesting a connexion with the Earth 
(epa), which inclines them favourably to Callias. As for Creontidas, he had 
won victories at Corinth and at Nemea, and in both cases his honours were 
due to the mysterious distinction of his family. Not the Corinthians, nor 
yet Poseidon, are said to have honoured him at the Isthmian games, but the 
Isthmus itself, that 'unwearying bridge,' which suggests so strongly Earth's 
solid steadfast endurance. And at Nemea a like omen prospered him. 
Nemea lies under the mountains of Phlius, dark shady 'old-world' moun- 
tains, in which one might expect to come on curious traces of primeval 
Earth-worship. Such are the suggestions of the word dyvyiois — 

8acrKiois <frkiovvTos vtt ayvyiois 'optcriv, — 

and 8a<TKiois, with deep shades, contains the Earth-omen of Da or Damater 

No hymn in honour of an Aeginetan, in honour even of a Bassid, would 
have been complete without some mention of the great Aeacid family, 
of which Aegina was so proud. The Aeacids may be considered a mythical 
prototype of the Bassids ; they are both ancient families 2 , they have both 
shed great glory on the island 3 , they have both given ample arguments to 
poets 4 . And like the Bassids, the Aeacids have an omen 5 , — a bird literally, — 
the eagle of their name, which flies over land and sea (i . But they have yet 
another auspice ; their name Alanibai is connected not only with aUros, but 

1 Ui€pta = irleipa. 4 Cf. 11. 29, 31 — 32, with 44, 45. 

2 Cf. 11. 30 and 52. See note on 1. 44 6 Cf. alaav 1. 13, alaav 1. 46. 
for the parallel phrases. '' I. 47 Trirarat 5' — ovv/i' avrGiv. 

3 Cf. ewcXea 1. 28, with ivkKIol 1. 45. 


with ala, Earth, and thus, in a quite peculiar sense, they are the prototypes of 
the Bassidae 1 . Achilles' 2 victory at Troy over Memnon, the son of shining 
Morning, was achieved under this Earth-auspice; for he descended on the 
ground from his chariot and made the conflict heavy* (as though the weight 
of Earth were on his side) for the Ethiopians. 

Ancient poets have rung changes on the deeds of the Aeacidae, and 
Pindar conceives himself as following in their track along a spacious 
highroad, with a burden of his own. He is fain to bear on his back a double 
load ot earth, even the Earth-auspices of the Bassids and the Aeacids. 'But 
f with willing back, in quest of a double load, hied me as a messenger, 
proclaiming this twenty-fifth victory, won by Alcimidas for his race renowned.' 
The Greek participle, which I have rendered 'in quest of,' nedeTrwv, was 
applied in the first part of the Ode to Alcimidas pursuing his omen ; and 
Pindar has taken care to set the word in the same position in correspond- 
ing lines 4 . 

1. 13. TTcils evaywvios, os ravrav jj.edeira>v Aiodev aicrav, 
1. 56. Ovfiov. ckovti 8' eyw vcora fiedenav 8i8v)J.ov axdos- 

This artifice explains the allusion of 8l8vfiov a'x#«r. 

It is worth observing how Pindar turns aside, just before this fifty-seventh 
verse, to introduce a naval metaphor, to suit an Aeginetan audience. 'That 
wave which rolls by the rudder of the vessel from time to time, doth more 
than others, they say, shake a man's spirit.' The poet would say that 
he has a more lively interest in the Bassidae, now living, than in the 
Aeacids ; he is not an epic bard. 

The ode concludes with a mention of the circumstance that Alcimidas 
and Polytimidas (his brother perhaps) would have obtained crowns at 
Olympia, had they not been unlucky in drawing lots, and with a tribute of 
praise to the trainer Melesias who for suppleness of body is compared to a 
dolphin cleaving the water. 

From this examination it results that the poem falls into three parts, 
corresponding to its three metrical systems. (1) At the very threshold 
Pindar gives us the key to the meaning of the whole ode, and the rest of the 
first system is occupied with Alcimidas and the 'modern' Bassids. (2) The 
second system is devoted to Bassids of more ancient date. (3) The third 
system tells of the Aeacids and especially Achilles ; and then returns to 
Alcimidas and his contemporaries. The thread connecting the three parts 

1 This explains AtWScus in 1. 17:— indicates this by (pave corresponding to 
Kdfos (Praxidamas) yap 'OXv/mttiovikos Tre^avr' in 1. 14. 

iuv ALaicldais 3 Perhaps this is over-subtle; but it is 

tpvea Trpwros troenjev air' 'A\<peou. supported by axOos in 1. 56. The curious 

He won Upvea for the Ai'ct/a5cu (as it phrase fiapv ve?Kos (pave (or 5eT£e) requires 

were earth-flowers for the earth-sons). some explanation. 

2 Achilles is the prototype of Alcimidas 4 Mezger, of course, observed this re- 
(as the Aeacids are of the Bassids) ; and, sponsion, but did not discern its full 
according to my reading of 1. 50, Pindar significance. 


is the idea of the power of Earth, the common mother of gods and men, 
revealing itself in favoured human races. In the human stock of the Bassids, 
as well as in the Aeacids who were of divine origin, the authentic earth- 
qualities come out ; and Pindar suggests that his song, in which both these 
families are praised, bears two loads of earth, symbolizing the two great races, 
gods and men, who are sprung from Gaia. 

vv. 1,2. a. u i-.-.-y-^y-w-.oiu-A 

\j — w w — w — * — w — w — W W ' 

-A j (16). 

VV. 3, 4. d '. w<_; w — WW — • WW w — ww — ww — ww— A 

A ww — WW — WW Ww w w — A (l Oj- 

VV. 5 — 7' b. /^ w w — • — ww — ww— A |— ww — ww ww — • I 

\j{j w — w — w — • ww — w w — ww — w — w — A (,2 OJ. 

The structure is epodic, and the formula 

a. 8 . 8. 
a. 8 . 8. 


VV. I, 2. 

a. —ww '- w w — w w — • (j$ w — A I — w w WW w — w I (il). 

vv. 3, 4. 

Cl\ — ww — ww — WW ww— A |— ww — ww — ww — w I (II). 


VV. 5 7. b. — ww -ww— ww — ww — w — w — w I (9). 

VV. 8, 9. />'. — ww — w -ww — ww — ww — A (9). 

The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. 




''Ey dvSpwv, €V 6ewv yevos' i/c /ua? Se irvko\xGV 

fxarpos dfKporepoi' Steipyet Be irdcra KeKpi/xeva 

Svva/jbCi, <w? to jxev ov&ev, 6 Se ^«X«eo9 dacpaXes alev e'809 



1. ?v — «'v] Editors are divided as to 
whether these words mean iv dvdpwv ical 
Qt&v yivos or Iv dvdpwv, erepov OeCiv 
ytvos. I have no hesitation in adopting 
the former explanation. It is on the 
ultimate, primal unity that Pindar wishes 
to insist; he admits the vast differences, 
but he accentuates the likeness. As to 
the Greek words, one may indeed con- 
cede that they might possibly bear the 
other meaning and that the second 'iv 
might exclude, not repeat the first, but 
I submit that they do not naturally bear 
such a sense, which would almost necessi- 
tate iv 5t dewv yivos. The opposition is 
one which demands p.iv — 5£; jj.Iv may be 
left out, but both particles can hardly be 
dispensed with. Moreover the following 
irviojAev, in the first person plural, seems 
to imply the association, not the distinc- 
tion, of the two kinds of beings in the 
foregoing clause. dfifarepoi = we men, 
and the gods, who are classed with us as 
of a common race. 

2. fwvrpos] Earth, Gaia, the mother 
of Iapetos who was the father .of Pro- 
metheus. Earth was born after Chaos 
according to Hesiod's Thcogony (116) 

aurap iwetra 
~yaV eupvaTepvos tt&vtwv e'5os atr^aX^s 

ddavdroiv oi' ?x ov<XL xdpyj vupoevTos 


8ul'py€l k.t. X.] Sidpyei, separates, keeps 
apart, as it were places a wall betwixt 
(eine Scheidewand, as Mezger says), is 
equivalent to an active of the intransitive 
5ia<pipw. Suvap-is K€Kpi(ie'va is a distinct 
potver, or power in which they differ, 
and wdaa means in every particular case. 
KeKpt/xtvyv yeveyv, an expression used by 
Hesiod (Scut. Her. 65) in distinguishing 
Iphicles from Heracles, is a good paral- 
lel, quoted by all the editors. Schol. r\ 
d/jt.eTd(3\r]Tos 7) 17 kex^P^^vt^. In Netn. 
iv. 1 we met this participle in a different 

3. ws to |«'v k.t.X.] Whereas (or in 
that, explanatory) the one is nought, while 
(for the other) the brazen heaven abides 
as a perpetual sure abode ; a reminiscence 
of Hesiod {Theog. 12S) who tells how 
Earth brought forth starry Heaven 

8(pp' eiTj /xaicdpeacri deois edos dacpaXes 
A passage in the Sixth Isthmian Ode 
(1. 42 sqq.), although its connexion is 
different, has some points of similarity 
which render it worth quoting. 

dvdanoixev yap 6/xcDs a7ra^res - 

daipiuiv 5' ciiiros" rd fxanpd 5' ei tis 

irawTalvu fipaxvs i^iKiaOai x«X/co7re5oi' 
dewv tdpav. 
Here too is the contrast of mortals and 
their defective powers (ftpaxvs) with the 
guds and the brazen floor of heaven. 



ixkvei ovpavos. dXkd tl Trpoafpipo/xev epuirav 

r\ fieyav voov rjroi, (pvo~iv ddavdrois, 

tcaiTrep e^a^ieplav ov/c elSores ov8e fxerd vvktcls 

4. a\Xd ti k.t.X.] But albeit we 
(mortals) have some likeness either in 
great mind or at least in our nature to 
the immortals, although we know not 
what rule or measure, day by day nor in 
the night seasons, our master destiny has 
drawn that we should run thereby. 

irpo<x(f>ip€iv, to be like, is the conjugate 
of SicMpepeiv (implied in didpyei), and 
although this intransitive sense is not 
common, no difficulty need be made. 
Dissen refers to Frag. 43 (aptid Athen. 
XII. 513 c) 

w t£kvov 

ttovtIov Orjpbs irtTpalov XP WT ' P-dXiara 

irpo<T<pepLov wacrais Tro\ieo~aiv oplXei,, 
where however voov may be the object of 
Trpoo-<pepwv. <pvcnv is not the bodily, as 
opposed to the mental nature ; it is rather, 
as Mezger explains, the whole nature or 
Wesen of man. <£wns dvdpdbirov is equi- 
valent to ' the animal man ', man from 
an anthropological point of view. It 
must be admitted however that <pli<nv 
'tiapMveLav IXaxev {Isthm. in. 68) sup- 
ports the interpretation 'body', tjtoi 'or 
at least', because the assumption of 
similitude in <p6<rt,s is less bold than a 
comparison of intellect. 

6. \ vvktcis] Perhaps in midnight 
hours, just as p.ed' 7)p,ipav means at noon. 
More probably however it simply means 
in the night-watches, cf. /xeOrjp.(pLv6s, 
diurnus. Hartung strangely wishes to 
introduce wxLo-v for the sake of coor- 
dination with icpafxepiav. 

7. d(A(j.e tto'tjios k.t.X.] The mss. have 
ttSt/xos avriv' 2ypa\j/e. Against Triclinius' 
obvious correction dvriv' there arc three 
objections: (1) it is too obvious; (2) the 
sense demands riva not dvriva ; (3) the 
inetic requires that the second foot of 
the line should he — or ~~- or ---. 

Various emendations have been proposed. 
Hermann's otav tlv' was accepted by 
Boeckh; Ahrens proposed alaav riv'. 
Hartung reads ovdt vvx^av ti's dp.p.1 ttot- 
/xos ivtypa\pe. But none of these pro- 
posals is in the least satisfactory. The 
reading which I have printed in the text 
satisfies the conditions of the problem. 
&N&5 in uncials is very like an<\n, and 
if one of the similar syllables fell out 
&NTIN (dvrtv') would be left. (For ttot- 
fxos liva^, peculiarly suitable in this con- 
text, see Nem. iv. 43.) It is somewhat 
difficult to determine what words were 
read here by the writers of two old 
scholia which have come down : (1) KaLtrep 
ovk eldores ei're ev ripepa, ei're iv vvktI 
TroTpLos ^ypaxf/e ttjv\v ijpuv Kal 
tov This seems to point to a 
lection ei' tiv'. (2) Kairot. pi] yiyvwaKov- 
res PV Te ra 7rpos riqv 7}pepav p-qre t& did 
vvktos eaopeva p.7]5e et ns [D, but oaris B] 
i]/j.ds p.6pos KaTdKenpiKev eis ckottov riva 
Kal crddp.r\v dpapelv. The reading of D 
might point to dv tiv' of the mss. ; as for 
octis, Dissen thinks that the scholiast 
found a gap in his text, and filled it by 
this pronoun. 

ttotI (TTd6(xav] The point is not that 
we are ignorant of our goal (which is 
death), but that we know not the course 
of our lives, which may alter from day to 
day and from night to night ; — we know 
not what a day may bring forth. We 
must not then follow editors who force 
arddp-a (which in Pindar always means 
measure, rule or norm) into the meaning 
of goal (so the schol. interpret by Odva- 
tov) ; and we may ask them, what, if 
o~TaOp.a means goal, is the sense of €<pap.e- 
piav and perd vunras ? Is there a new goal 
every day and every night ? and if not, 
why should the ultimate goal be called 
t<pap.cpiav? o-rdOpa is the line by which 

a/xfMe 7roT/tto9 ava% tiv eypa-^re Spa/xelv irorl aradfiav. 

T€Kfia[pei Kai vvv 'AX/ci/ilSa? to avyyeve<i IBelv 

(iJX L K d'P7TO(p6poi<; apovpaiaiv. air (l/j,ei(3ofji€vaL 

To/ca /jl€v wv ftiov dvSpdaiv eiri)eTavbv e'/c nrehiaiv e&oaav, 

ro/ca 8' avT dvcnravo-apLevai adevov e/j,apyjrav. 

r/Xde tol Ne/tcea? e£ eparciov dedXcov 


uvt. a 


destiny determines the course of our life, 
but we have to run without seeing the 
line, and therefore know not from day to 
night and from night to day where our 
course will lie. An exactly similar ex- 
pression, in point of the Greek, occurs in 
Pyth. VI. 45 Qpaav[3ov\os naTpuav pA- 
Xtcrra 7rp6s aTa.9p.av e(3a, he walked by the 
line that his father had drawn, followed 
in his tracks. 

Mezger translates, 'obwohl wir weder 
den Verlauf des heutigen Tages kennen, 
noch auch wissen, nach welcher Richt- 
schnur nach Verfluss der Nacht zu laufen 
das Schicksal uns vorgezeichnet hat ', 
that is, we know neither the course of to- 
day nor that of to-morrow. He is right 
in his interpretation of ttotI cna.Qjx.av, but 
I cannot agree with his view of p.€Ta 


cypa\pe appe 5pap.eiv, prescribed that we 
should run, a single act of destiny at our 
birth. Mommsen and Bergk rightly hold 
that the scholia do not necessarily imply 
a reading tLp-pu, inferred by Kayser, Har- 
tung and others. 

8. T€K|Acu'p€i k.t.X.] The active of (to judge by signs) is rare; 
it occurs in 01. VI. 73 Tetcp-alpei XPV^ 
'iKao-Tov, and means 'to give a token or 
sign'. No?o too Alcimidas sets as a token 
thereof his natural quality, for in aspect 
it resembles fruitful fields which, alter- 
nating, now yield of their soil an abun- 
dant crop unto men, and anon take rest 
and gather strength. Hartung's reading 
'AXKip-ida (genitive) for MSS. 'AXKtpldas 
is unnecessary; to crvyyeves is the object 
of T€Kp.aLpci. The scholiasts read the 

nominative, 6 'A\Kip.iSas, fir/ai, aacpis 
■woid T€Kpt.i]piova9aL r}p.ds, and drfkol oe Kai 
cracpes ttoui to eavrov crvyyevh 6 'AX/a- 
p.i5r]s. ct7X' i s used like an adjective, = 
dyxi- eoiKos (cf. Homeric ayx<-o~Ta iu>Kei), 
and takes the infinitive of definition, 
ideiv. dyxov is used with the dative of 
nearness in space Nem. ix. 39. 

9. dpoupcuo-iv] Mezger has the credit 
of having been the first to observe the 
point of this comparison. The alterna- 
tions in the productiveness of the fields 
are a manifestation of the nature of 
Earth, the common mother of men and 
gods (line 2) ; and thus a peculiarity 
derived from that common mother can- 
not be regarded as a misfortune. 

10. Ptov «Trn€Tavov] Hesiod, Op. 31 

UlTlVl pLT] [3i0S ZvdoV €TT7]€Tavbs KaTO.- 


wpalos rbv yaia <pepci, Arjp.r)Tepos o.ktt}v. 
In a scholion it is explained by tol irpbs 
Tbv fiiov daif/iKr} Kai w\ovo~ia. 

11. ?p.ap»J/av] The idea seems to be 
overtake and lay hold of, clutch back, as if 
the adevos were trying to escape. 

12. tj\0€ toi k.t.X.] He came from 
the lovely games of Nemea, a boy com- 
petitor, 'who, in pursuit of this bird from 
Zeus, hath now proved fortunate in the 
wrestling bout, as a hunter moving in the 
footsteps of Praxidamas, the brother of his 
father's sire. 

This passage has never been really 
explained by commentators. Two ques- 
tions arise; (1) what is the meaning of 
ravrav p-ediiruv Aiodev aiaav? (2) what 
is the force of comparing Alcimidas to a 



7rat? evayatvws, o<? ravrav fieOeirwv Atodev aiaav 
vvv irecpavr ovk afMfiopos d/xcpi ircika Kwayeras, 

'i^vecrcv iv Hpa£i&dp,avTO<; eov iroSa vificov 
7rarpo7r('irupo<i 6fiai,/u,iov. 
icelvos yap 'O\vp,7ri6vi/co<; ewv AlaiciSais 
epvea 7rp&)TO<> eroaaev air 'AXfpeou, 

eir. a 


Dissen observed that the hunting meta- 
phor begins with peO^iriov (which we find 
with Z\a(pov in 01. III. 31). The game 
accordingly is Tavrav aurav, which Dissen 
renders 'hanc fortunam, victoriam ludi- 
cram', Mezger 'diesem (der Kampfspiele) 
Loose'. It has been already pointed 
out (on in. 16) that in Pindar af<ra does 
not always mean lot or share, but also 
omen, anspicium ; and the present case is 
an instance. Omens were so closely 
associated with the most common form 
of omen, the bird-omen, that 6pi>t.s is 
constantly used of an omen in general; 
while, on the other hand, alaa is occa- 
sionally almost equivalent to bird (see 
below, line 47). Thus, as suggesting a 
bird, it is peculiarly appropriate with 

But what is ' this omen ' ? Tavrav shews 
that it has been already mentioned. 
When we reflect that the whole point of 
the foregoing lines is a resemblance of 
the nature inherent in Alcimidas to the 
nature of the earth, and when at the 
same time we observe the unusual epithet 
applied to aidXwv, we detect the bird 
which plays hide-and-seek, like many 
other birds in Pindar. The temperament 
of earth (Zpa) in Alcimidas is an omen 
that the Nemean games will prove really 
lovely and pleasant (e pa ret) to him; and 
this auspice is from Zeus, as the god of 
those games. 

The further significance of these words 
will be seen in 1. 45 sqq. 

14. ci|jf(>L[ see on Nem. I. 29. TtttyavT'' 
is for iri<j>ai>Tai, not for Trtfyavro. The 
elision of -cu is common in Pindar: cf. 

01. XII. 6 KvXbdovT eXirides, Pyth. XI. 
53 /ui/U.0o/*' altrav. 

15. 1'xv€o-lv] Cp. Pythian, X. 12 e/x- 
fiifiaKev t'x 1 ' 60 '"' Tro-Tpos 'OXvfMnoviKa. 

16. 6|iai|uov] This word is generally 
taken as an emphatic epithet of irarpo- 
Traropos. If Praxidamas was Alcimidas' 
grandfather, it is hard to see how any 
intention of stress could justify such a 
superfluous addition as 'of the same 
blood'. Bergk's ingenious theory cer- 
tainly gives force to the word, but cannot 
be considered in the least probable. He 
supposes that Theon, who was named 
Alcimidas' father in the list of the Ne- 
mean victors, was his father by adoption; 
hence Alcimidas had two paternal grand- 
fathers (1) the father of Theon, (2) 
Praxidamas. Thus Praxidamas is called 
bp.aip.tos to distinguish him from Theon's 
father. The only ground for this theory 
rests on the circumstance that Theon is 
called Kprjs, a Cretan, in the aforesaid list 
(schol. ed. Abel p. 173). 

I believe, the scholia notwithstanding, 
that,lov is equivalent to 6paip.ov, 
brother, and that Praxidamas was the 
great-uncle, not the grandfather, of the 
victor. The genealogy was : 



'1 heon 


18. tpvta. k.t.X.] This line is defective 
in the mss., the word between irpwros 
and d7r' having accidentally dropped out. 


Kal TrevTUKis 'laOp.ol are(pav(oadp,evo<i, 

Ne/jiea 8e rpfc, eiravcre XdQav 

X(0/c\el8a, o? VTrepTaTO? ' A7 tjcrip.d'^cp vlecov yeueTO. 

eirec Fot rpel? aeOXocpopot 7rpo? aicpov dpera<; 
rjXOov, oi're irovwv iyevaavTO. crvv Oeov he rvya 
erepov ov riva fol/cov direcpdvaro irvy puayja, trXeovoiv 
rapiav crrecpdvcou p>v%q} 'EWaSo? dirdcra^. 



cnp. /3'. 


Ilartung proposed idpixj/ar', Bergk frei- 
kci>; Mr Fennell reads indpKea'. Why 
any of these words should have dis- 
appeared, is not explained. I read 
Zroaoev because its omission from the 
text is intelligible on the principle of 
parablepsia. In uncials the line was 


It is clear how easily one TOCe might 
have been accidentally omitted and the 
unmeaning 6N which survived would 
have been discarded. For this rare aorist 
see Pylh.lll. 27 roacrais, IV. 25 iirirocro'e, 
X. 33 iiriToacrais. 

The word Zpvta may well strike one as 
curious for the corona oleagina, but it is 
chosen with the special purpose of sug- 
gesting 'ipa, the Earth (like eparuv above 
1. 12, and Zpvcai below I. 36); connexion 
with the Earth is the favourable omen for 
the Bassids. 

2i. viMpTdTos] Generally interpreted 
eldest (so schol.); but (1) this use is 
hardly possible without the addition of 
some word like yeveq. (cf. A 786 yeverj 
inriprepos), and (2) ewei, which follows 
in 1. 22, has no point unless inripraros 
means best. Pindar says that Soclides, 
who was personally the least distin- 
guished, became through his three sons' 
victories the most distinguished of the 
sons of Agesimachus. This interpreta- 
tion gives the most natural meaning to 
virepTdTos, secures for yivero its full force 
and explains iirel. [After this note was 
written I discovered that Boeckh had 
proposed this explanation.] 

I follow Bergk in accepting SwaAet'dp, 
handed down in two Byzantine MSS., 
for 2,uK\eloa, which is inadmissible be- 
fore 8s. 

22. eirti Foi] B has preserved the 
right reading ot (foi) = avrf, Agesi- 
machus. The other mss. have iirel ol 
(nom. plur.). Dissen illustrates wpbs 
anpov dperds rjXOov by Isthin. III. 50 trpiv 
riXos d.Kpov [Kiadai. 

For irbvwv eyeuaavro compare Pytk. 
X. 7 yeverai yap didXwv. 

23. crvv 0eov k.t.X.] But by divine 
grace (or concurrence) no other house hath 
been ordained by the art of boxing to 
husband her more crowns, won at the city 
on the Bay of Greece. irvy/jLaxia is per- 
sonified ; the victories and crowns are 
hers; and the victorious families are the 
ra/jLiai. Thus the appointment is made 
in her own interest, and this is expressed 
by the middle direcpdvaro. 

25. (xu)(u 'EWdSos dirdo-as] Corinth. 
dirdaas has its strict force, — Greece en- 
tire; the bay of Corinth is conceived as 
Panhellenic. A modern writer might 
express the idea by using a capital letter. 
The koXitos Kpi<raTos (as it was called in 
the 5th century B.C.) might be well 
named the Bay of Greece; the expression 
could not be applied to the sinus Ar- 
golicus or the sinus Pagasaicus. fivxbs 
is the corner or head of the gulf. Aes- 
chylus calls the Propontis nv\lav lipo- 
irovriSa, and Homer's 

iuTL woXis 'Fj(pi'prj fMi'XV 'Apyeos lirwo- 
fioroio (Z 152) 
is familiar. 



'eXirofxaL /xeya Venrd'V ctkottov av Tervyjfiv 

&t (Itto to%ov iels' evOvv iiri tovtov, dye, Motcra, 

ovpov iirecov ev/cXea' ol-^ofjbivcov yap avepcov 

doihai /ecu \6yoi rd /ca\d atyiv epy etcofjucrav, 
BacralSaLaiv a r ov (nravi^ec' 7ra\a[(paT0<; yeved, 

dvr. j3 '. 

26. £\iro|icu] / hope that, having 
spoken a great word, I may hit the mark 
therewith, as one shooting from a bow. 
The great word is the boast of the two 
preceding lines, which Pindar now pro- 
ceeds to justify by recording triumphs of 
the Bassid family in the remoter past. — 
B has faro. ffKoiroO Terv\eiv, D dvra 
(tkoitov Tvxeiu, and a scholiast observes 
evioi ypa<povaiv dv rervxecv. Mingarelli's 
(TKoirov dvra rvxew is generally accepted ; 
but if it were the original reading, no 
motive can be assigned for the transposi- 
tion in the MSS. I hold that Pindar 
wrote av rervx^v, which some MSS. pre- 
served intact, while others (from which 
those extant are descended) suffered a 
corruption owing to a wrong division of 
words — av re Tvxelv. A very natural 
correction was dvra, and if this were 
written above the line or in the margin 
it might easily be inserted by a copyist. 
B presents a contamination of both read- 
ings. — For construction of av Tervxetv, 
cf. Soph. Phil. 629. 

27. £v8vv' €iri tovtov k.t.X.] The 
transition here is marked by an abrupt 
change of metaphor. Come, O Muse, 
send straight upon this house a fair wind 
0/ verses, laden with glory. Elsewhere 
Pindar has ovpov vp.vwv aii^ys {Pyth. IV. 3). 
The mss. have evdtjv, but Schmidt's cor- 
rection is certain, for (1) a long syllable 
is demanded by the metre, (2) aye ovpov 
is at least an unlikely expression. In 
1. 28 the Mss. have etkXta - Trapoixop-lvwv, 
a syllable more than the corresponding 
lines in the other strophes. The simplest 
remedy is to omit Trap, which may have 
come in from a gloss ; so Bergk, who 
also suggests <■ I'/oXf?' • diroixop-tvuiv. 

According to the scholia tovtov refers 


28. olxojie'vwv k.t.X.] For of its heroes 
dead and gone songs and tales conveyed 
the noble deeds, whereof the Bassidae 
have no scant store. 

doiSal kcu Xoyoi, Pauw's correction 
for aoidoi /ecu \6yioi, is adopted by Bergk. 
The reading of the mss. requires the 
scansion of \6yioi as a dissyllable, which 
seems extremely doubtful. The best ar- 
gument for retaining \6yioi. is the circum- 
stance that it occurs in the first line of 
the third strophe; but this argument is 
not really cogent. Pindar's system of 
responsions does not require the recur- 
rence of exactly the same word ; a cognate 
word, similar in form and sense, is suffi- 
ciently significant. 

Dissen takes lnopao-av to mean fove- 
runt, sen'arunt. But the metaphor is 
clearly preserved ; songs are the breezes 
which waft the Bassid ships. Ko/xifa in 
the sense waft is too familiar to need 

30. ira\ai(j)aTOS k.t.X.] Phey are an 
ancient family, who lade their ship with 
their own praises, and can furnish the 
tillers of the Pierides with many a hymn 
in honour of ennobling exploits. For 
vav<XTo\elv with the accusative, cf. Euri- 
pides, Orestes 741 nai odfiapTa ttjv Ka- 
kIo~tt]v vavo , To\Qv (\r}\vdev ; it is more 
usual in the intransitive sense of sailing. 
Poets are called the ploughmen of the 
Muses (cf. Nem. X. 26 MoLaaiaiv 28uk' 
apoaai, Pyth. VI. 1, 2 'Afipodiras dpovpav 
r] Xapircov avawo\i£ofj.ev), because the 
family of Alcimidas has been compared 
in 1. 9 to a tilled field (see Introduction). 
In choosing IlupLdwv Pindar had a 



thia vav(TTo\iovT€<i itriKcopua, UieplStov apoTats 
BvvaTol TTcipeyeiv tto\vv vpbvov dyepo'r^cov 
ipyfidrcov eveicev. kcl\ yap iv dyaOea 
%eipa<; IpbavTL SeOels TIvOcovi fcparrjcrev arro ravrwi 
alp,a irdrpas ^pvaaXaKc'nov irore KaXktas aScov 

epveai AaTovs, irapct KacrraKia re XapiT&H' 

eairepios 6/jL(i8a> (p\eyeu' 

7rovTov re yecpvp* d/cdp,avro<; ev dp,rptKTc6vcov 

eV. /9'. 

thought of its connexion with irUipa. In 
Homer dyipwxos is only used of persons ; 
Pindar applies it to noble deeds, cf. 01. 
X. 79 dyepux 01 ' viKai, and to wealth, 
Pyth. I. 50 ttXoutov GTe<pdvufA dyepcoxov. 
33. Kal -yap a-.t.X.] For once on a 
time Callias, who had the blood of this 
clan in his veins, at the divine Pytho, his 
hands bound tvith a strap, won a victory, 
having found favour with the scions of 
Lcto of the golden distaff. ravTas is 
emphatic and corresponds to Tavrav in 
the corresponding verse of the first anti- 
strophe; the omen of the Bassidae (al- 
luded to in dporais) is not to be forgotten. 
The collocation of al/xa Trdrpas (for al/xa 
in apposition to Callias, Dissen com- 
pares oirtpfx dno KaWidvaKTOS 01. VII. 
83) is designed to recall iraTpondTopos 
6fAa.ifj.iov of 1. 16. The exploits of the 
ancient members of the house are com- 
pared with the modern achievements 
recorded in the first part of the ode. — The 
victory of Callias was for boxing; schol. 
Ta ttvktiko, (FKEvrf fiera xf'pas Xa/3u>e. The 
old MSS. have ifj-avrwdels, but Triclinius 
read Ifidvn. 8e8t£s, which is accepted by 
all modern editors. The caestus of the 
Greeks seems to have consisted in a strap 
rolled round the hand. 

36. 2pv€tri] 'ipvos is used similarly by 
Sophocles, Oed. Col. 1108 w (piXrar' 
tpv-q. Apollo and Artemis, who presided 
together at the Pythian games are called 
in Nem. ix. 5 TivQGivos aiweipas 6^0/cXapots 
(TroTTTais. They are here called the 'ipvrf 
of Leto, to suggest a connexion with fya, 

the Earth, — the Bassid omen. See Intro- 
duction, and above 1. 18. 

37. 6(jlci8u) <J>\e , y€v] And at eventide 
by the waters of Cast alia he grew radiant 
to the dinning music of the Graces. The 
victor is saluted by the loud comus-song 
of young men in the evening and t lie- 
Graces are conceived to wrap him in a 
blaze of light. So in the Fifth Pythian 
the poet addresses the victor Alexibiades, 
'the Graces, with lovely tresses, make 
thee bright' ci 5' rfvKOfxoi cpXiyovri Xdpi- 
res. 6/j.dduj is a curious word to denote 
the comus, as 8/j.ados suggests an un- 
musical din (cf. Isthm. VII. 25 x lx ^ K€0V 
o-Tovoivra ofiaSou). (pXlyev, splendebat is 
intransitive here as in 01. II. 79 &i>d(fj.a 
5£ Xpvcrov (pXeyet. (which Sir Francis 
Doyle renders by flowers of fire). Else- 
where in Pindar (except frag. 26) it has a 
transitive sense. So the Graces are said 
to illuminate a victor, Pyth. v. 45 est 5' 
TfVKOfj.01 cpXiyovTL Xaptres. See Nem. 
X. 1. 

38. ttovtov t£ k.t.X.] And the sea- 
bridge of unwearying strength honoured 
Kreontidas in Poseidon's sacred precincts, 
at the three-yearly festival which tin- 
neighbouring peoples keep with the blood 
of bulls. The significance of ytQvp' 1 
dKdfiavTos has been explained in the 
Introduction. As to dfi(f>iKTi6vwv Dissen 
notes : constat quidem praesides Isthtni- 
orum Coriuthios fuisse, cum Coriuthiis 
vero aliae complures civiiates vide a 
mythico tempore ad hos ludos celebrandos 
conjunctae fucrunt, quae etiam postea 




Tavpo(f>6p(p TpteriiplSi, KpeovriSav 
rlfiaae TloaeiSdviov av refievo^' 
fiordva re viv ir66' a Xeovros 
vuconn 7]p€(f)€ 8a(Tfclot,<i 
QXiovvTO*; V7T wyvylois opecnv. 

irXarelai, iravroOev Xoyioiaiv evrl irp6ao8ot 


(TTp. 7 

Beiopias mittebant, ut Athenienscs. Ac- 
cording to modern mode of speech the 
Isthmian was a biennial feast. 

It is worth noticing that the Isthmian 
and Nemean victories of Kreontidas are 
mentioned in the same verses of the 
second Epode, as the victories of Praxi- 
damas gained at the same places in the 
first Epode. Cf. 1. 19 with 1. 40, and 
1. 20 with 1. 42. The Olympian victory 
of 11. 17, 18 was the preeminent distinc- 
tion of Praxidamas ; the Pythian victory 
(33 — 37) of Kallias corresponds. 

39. KpcovrCSav] Creontidas is the 
proper name of an individual, not (as the 
scholiast says) a description of Callias 
('son of Creon'). Bergk observes that 
the name Creontidas is on a scarabreus 
discovered at Aegina. Rauchenstein con- 
jectured KpeovTidav of the Corinthians. 

41. PoTava k.t.X.] And once on a 
time the herb of the lion covered his brow, 
when he was victorious beneath the deep 
shades t of the old-world mountains of 

In Isthm. in. 11 Nemea is described 
Kol\a X^octos ^aOvaripv^ vanq.. Bergk 
wishes to introduce iroa. in 1. 41 for 
7r60' a, but this is quite uncalled for. 
d porava \Iovtos is the parsley, which 
woven in a garland formed a sort of roof 
for the victor's head. 

42. vikuvt' T|'p€<j>€ Souj-kCois] This 
verse presents an interesting critical pro- 
blem. The Mss. have vikcloolvt tpe\pe 
Saaxlois. Triclinius read 2pe\p' &<tkIols, 
and this led to Schmidt's reading viko.- 
aavr* ?pf</>' aa/doii. On the other hand 
Hermann, followed by Bergk, seeks the 

error not in Saasiots but in the first word 
of the line and reads vikwvt' ijpe<pe 5a- 
(tkiois. We have already met the imper- 
fect and present tenses used of the victor, 
vlkS. he is the conqueror, evlKa he was the 
conqueror, so that vlkwvtcl (impft. part.) 
would be quite in Pindar's manner here ; 
further it was liable to be interpreted in 
the margin by an aorist participle, if not 
'emended'. It might be observed in 
support of daffKiois that it occurs as an 
epithet of opt] in Euripides, Bacchae, 218 ; 
and that, had dcrdou been the word of 
Pindar, it was hardly likely to become 
ScmtkLois. But what decides me in favour 
of Hermann's restoration is the circum- 
stance that Pindar alludes throughout to 
verbal connexions between the Earth and 
the places where the Bassidae, her true 
children, win their laurels or parsley, and 
the mss. reading 8a-cna'ois presents us 
with an allusion to Aa, A1716, Ai7/r>?T7?p. 
The choice of the word ibyvyiots in the 
next line (see Introduction) emphasises 
the point by taking us back to the days 
of ancient Earth worship. Bergk reads 
ihyvyioC, and proposes <b\vylois (dark). 

44. ir\a.T€icu k.t. X.] Broad on all 
sides are the approaches for tellers of tales 
to adorn this island clad with glory. 
Compare Isthm. III. 19 'iari fxoi deQv 
'iKari fwpia iravrq. KiXevdos. Here he 
says, the ways are broad; in a similar 
sense in Isth. 11. 33 he writes, the way is 
not sleep (ovdt wpoaavrqs). Dissen com- 
pares a line of Bacchylides, el de \t~yei tis 
dXXws, trXarua xtXevdos. 

Observe that the lines in strophe and 
ant. 7 in praise of the Aeacidae are 

NEMEAN VI. evtckea TavSe Kocp-elv' eVei a<f)iv Ata/ctoat 
eiropov egoxov alaav dperd<; aTroSeiKvv/xevoi p,eyd\a<i. 
Trerarac S' iirl re ydiva Kal Bid 6a\daaa<; 

T7]\606V OVVpJ CIVTWV' KCLl C<? A.l6loTTa<i 

Me/jbvovo<; ovk dirovoaTi]aavTO<; etraXTO' fiapv oe acpiv 
vel/cos 'A^iXei)? (pave ^afxd^e /ca/3a? «</>' dpfidrwv, 

1 1 1 



l\. 46 a/)frds p.e- 

I. 4* ei'icX^a. 
1. 45 AlaKldai. 

1. 46 (cT0£f) ^7TO- 

pov i^oxov al- 
1. 52 ira\aio- 

parallel in thought and phrase to strophe 
and ant. /3 in praise of the Bassidae 

I. 29 d.9t5al nal Xo- 1. 44 Xoylotcriv. 


II. 29, 30 ret na\a. 
...§pya...a t' ov 

1. 28 evicXed. 

1. 30 Baacrioaiaiv. 

1. 32 wapexeiv 7ro ' 
Kins vfxvov (Ilie- 
plduv dporais). 

1. 30 Tra\al<paTos 


45. Iiref o"4>iv k-.t.X.] /w- /c them {the 
bards, \6yiot) the Aeacidae brought a pre- 
eminent auspice by giving proof of great 
excellences; yea, it flies afar, their name, 
over land and across the sea, and it 1,'inged 
its way to the bourne of the Ethiopians 
■when Memnon returned not. The ataa 
of the Aeacidae is the eagle, as we have 
seen in the Fifth Ode; and their eagle- 
name flies over land and sea. This con- 
sideration establishes owp.' in 1. 48, 
against Bergk's reading kX^os, for which 
he seeks to find support in a scholium. 
For the expression cf. Agamemnon 581, 
virep OaXdaaris Kal x^ovos iroTui/xtvois. For 
the death of Memnon see Nem. III. 63. 

49. £iraX.To] So Schol. tovt^cttiv iwd\- 
0i}, e/SXiyflr? for MSS. ettoKto (aorist of 
i(pd\\ Two considerations decide 
in favour of ^ttciXto, aorist of iraXXcu 
(twaX™ : TrdXXu : : dXro (Z-aXro) : aXXo- 
(xai): (1) the hrl in iirdXro has no force. 
(2) vdXXopai is the word used by Pindar 
for the rush of the eagle; Nem. V. 21 Kal 
Trtpav ttovtolo iraXXovr' alerol. 

;o. v6iKos k.t.X.] This line, as it 

stands in the MSS., will neither give sense 
nor scan : 

veiKos tp-Trea 'Ax«XeiV x a Ma< Kaphas 
d(p' appdroiv 
(variants : ivrec\ 'Ax'XXetvs, Ka/3/3as). 
Countless emendations have been pro- 
posed, but not one of them is quite 
satisfactory. We have two clues, the 
metre and a scholium. (1) The metre 
required is 

(2) The scholium is: fiapelav Se Kal eira- 
xBri p.dxv ^ la (piXoveixiav avrofc eire'dei^ey 
(lege dTrt8ei£ei>, Bergk). The metre sug- 
gests that the verse began with ve'iKos 
'AxiXevs, that a verb of trochaic quantity 
fell out after 'Ax'Xei/s, and that epirecx' 
was foisted in from the margin in the 
wrong place. The scholium indicates 
that the lost verb meant shewed; conse- 
quently Dissen and Bergk read ve'iKos 
'Ax'Ws Se?£e. But Mr Fennell (with 
whose view of the passage I do not 
otherwise agree) appositely remarks that 
the scholiast's iir^dei^e is a reason for 
avoiding Se?£e. Here as elsewhere the 
art of Pindar himself enables us to correct 
errors in his text. (pave is the word 
required here, and (pave is rendered al- 
most certain by vvv Trt^avT* in the cor- 
responding line of the second antistrophos 
(1. 13). Findar thereby suggests a com- 
parison between Alcimidas and Achilles. 
As to the last words Dissen and most 
editors adopt x a M a ' Kara^ds. But as it 
is in the highest degree improbable that 
Kara/Ids should have been altered to 
/c<x|3/3a$, I have no hesitation in adopting 



<paevvd<; vlov evr evdpi^ev 'A009 aica avT. 7 . 

ey^eo? ^ciicotolo. Kal ravrav pev TraXatorepot 

6Bov dpa^LTov evpov' eiropai Be Kal avros eywv fieXerav' 

to Be Trap 7roBl veto? eXiaaopevov aiel 

Kvpcvrwv Xeyerat iravrl pudXio-ra Bovelv 55 

dvpuov. e/covTL 8' e<yd) vujtw peBercwv BiBup,ov «^#o? 

dyyeXos efiav irepinov eV el'/coai tovjo <yapvwv 

ev^o<; d<yo)va)v diro, toi)? eveiroiaiv iepov<i, eir. 7 . 

' AXKipiBa to 7' eirapKecrev 

the reading of Hermann and Sclineidewin 
Xa/J.8,fe Ka(3as. Kajrerov in 01. VIII. 38, 
is an exact parallel to /ca/3as. 

51. d.Ka ^Y\ 60S taKOTOio] With the 
point of his -wrathful spear. Compare 
Horace, Carm. I. 3, 36 iracunda ponere 
fulmina. The mss. have alxm, which 
does not suit the metre. Editors follow 
Schmid in reading a/c/tg, but it does not 
seem likely that a usual word like aK/xa 
should have been thus corrupted. I hold 
that at'xM? was a gloss on the rare aKa, 
which I restore also in Ne?n. x. 60. 

52. Kal ravrav /c.t.X.] And this high- 
way the ancients discovered ; and I follow 
them, with a burden of my own. 656s 
d/xa£n-6s is one of the 'broad approaches' 
of 1. 45 ; and consists in praising the 
Aeacidae by narrating the deeds of 
Achilles at Troy (ravrav). ira\aiorepoi 
means, not more ancient but, ancient as 
opposed to its correlative ve&repot.. The 
ancients sang of the Aeacidae; I, a 
modern, sing of the Bassidae, who are 
also an ancient race (1. 32). jxeXtTav is 
the cura carminis or theme. Dissen's non 
sine studio, suggesting subjective care or 
zeal, is hardly to the point; rather ipse 
quoque havens quod mediter. Compare 
the use of yuAw in Homer : 'Apyoj iraai 
fxtXovcra p 70, avOpunroiai /uAw, 1 20. 

54. to 8J imp iro8C /c.t.X.] But the 
wave which at each moment rolls close to 
the rudder of the vessel, according to the 
saw, most deeply shakes the spirit. A 

proverbial sea-metaphor is introduced 
but without disturbing the metaphor 
of the highway, which is continued in 
1. 57. Dissen and others take ttovs 
here to mean keel; its regular nautical 
meaning sheet being inappropriate. In 
the scholia it is explained as rudder: 
ttovs p£v veibs to TT7]8a\iov, and this ex- 
planation, I believe, is correct. This 
passage and Odyssey /c 32 (alel yap iroda 
vrjbs ivwp.cov ovSe to) &\\u> 8u>x eTapwv) 
taken together entitle us to conclude that 
7roi''s had the meaning helm as well as 
sheet. For the sense of the lines cf. 
Nemean iv. 91, 92. 

56. €Kovn /c.t.X.] But with willing 
back, undertaking a double load, I went 
as a messenger, proclaiming this twenty- 
fifth glory won in the games, yclept 
' sacred \ — even this -which Alcimidas 
secured for his glorious race. 

The double burden is the praises of 
the Bassids and of the Aeacids (see intro- 
duction, p. 101). Were it not for his 
special intention of connecting the Bassids 
with Earth, Pindar could not have used 
language suggesting that his song was a 
load, &x&os, which always implies op- 
pression. (Cf. for example, Agamemnon, 
176 el to fiaTav dirb <ppovTl5os &x^ os XPV 
/taXeiV (.T7) As it is, <xx""s is 
happy, suggesting axOos dpovpas and the 
heavy quality of earth. 

59. 'AXKiuiSd] This Aeolic form of 
the nominative has been restored by 


K\etra yevea' Svo /xev Kpoviov Trap refievei, 
ttcu, ere T iv6(T(f>icre kcu UoXvri/jiiSav 
K\apo<i 7rpo7rer?}? avOe 'OXvfiTriaSo*;. 
SeXcpcvl Kev Ta^o? oY a\/i,a? 
I'crov <jirolp,t MeXrjaiav, 
Xeipwv re koX la'yyos avioyov. 



Bergk for 'A\KLfj.i5as. eirapKea-e (only 
here in Pindar) is explained by irpoaidrjKe 
in the scholia. 

61. 8vo |i€v ic.t.X.] A precipitate lot 
(that is, drawn too soon) withheld from 
t/hY, boy, and from Polytimidas two 
Olympian crowns, hard by the temple of 
the son of Cronus. The combatants in 
wrestling matches were paired by draw- 
ing lots. When the number of com- 
petitors was odd, one drew 'a by' and 
was called tcpeSpos. In the case of 
Alcimidas and Polytimidas it would seem 
that really inferior boys had the luck to 
draw byes, and because they were fresh 
defeated their superior opponents who 
were wearied by the labours of previous 
contests. My rendering of irpoircrris im- 
plies that the drawer of the last lot had 
the advantage of being the Z<pe8pos. If 
it were proved that the first lot was the 
'by', we should have to interpret irpo- 
7rer>79 in the more general sense of ran- 
dom. — voacpifa, to rob of, is used with 
two accusatives (cp. Soph. Philoctetes, 
684) as well as with ace. and gen. 'OXv/x- 
iriados (viKas) of an Olympian victory. 

A scholiast gives a curious explanation 
of K\apos — 77 ■7rpoe£ai'077<m rdv Tpix&v. 
aireKpldrjcrav yap ws ov TraioiKrjv Zx 0VTV > 
rfKixlav 5ta to irpoT]vdy)Kivai r&s rpi'xaj. 
irpb wpas yovv rb dvdos avroLS tt?s 77/377?, 
<prjul, avveKK-qpbidy) ' outos yap kX%>os 

64. 8«\(j)ivi t«v k.t.X.] To a dolphin 
darting through the salt sea -uould I liken 

for swiftness Melesias, charioteer of hands 
and strength. Compare Simonides, fr. 
149 (206) TraXaia/jLocrvvris 8ei;ibi> yvloxov. 
See further Appendix A, note 7. 

65. I'o-ov o-7roi(Ai] This is my own 
correction of the reading of the MSS. laov 
eiiroifj-i, which does not suit the metre. 
In his 4th edition Bergk reads eiKa^oi/xi 
dubitanter, and suggests e^iaKoipi or avr- 
i<TKoi/j.i in the note. But these conjec- 
tures cannot be entertained as there is no 
apparent reason for their corruption, 
c no 1 mi was doomed to be read eTTOiMi 
which was of course interpreted eiiroipu. 
arrot/uu is aor. optative corresponding to 
ZvweTe (B 484, &c.) as (ein-)airoLpT)v 
corresponds to 'ienrecrde. The present is 
preserved in iv-viiru (iv-aivoo). 






The victory of Sogenes of Aegina in the boys' pentathlon at Nemea, in 
the year 461 E.C., was a consolation, late and all the more welcome, to his 
father Thearion, a man who had been himself disappointed of winning the 
fame which he desired. It appears that Sogenes was the son of his old age, 
born after a long childlessness — perhaps elder sons had died— and called by 
the significant name ' Saviour of the family,' as a sacred vessel containing 
the future of the /race. An old man, dejected by a life of disappointments 
and perhaps weakened by ill health, Thearion must have been cheered and 
elated by the news of his son's victory, rendered unusually conspicuous by 
the accidental circumstance that Sogenes was the first Aeginetan who won 
in the pentathlon at Nemea 1 . 

Pindar, a friend of Thearion, was employed to celebrate the occasion, 
and wrought, in a more than ordinarily elaborate hymn, all that song can 
work of consolation, for a man whose past life was somewhat heavy to 
remember, and whose future was not his own. In fact this Seventh Nemean 
Ode is for Thearion a song of consolation, immortalising the new hope of 
an old man, who makes, as it were, a fresh start in life through the success 
of his son. 

And this Ode had a special personal interest for the poet himself. Some 
words in a paean 2 , which he had recently composed for performance at 
Delphi, had wounded the susceptibilities of the Aeginetans, sensitive regarding 
the honour of their national heroes. Having occasion to mention Neopto- 
lemus, whose death at Delphi was enveloped in some mystery, he had 
spoken of him as ' slain in strife with servants of the temple, in a matter 

1 Schol. irpCiTos 6 ?L.wy{vr}s AlyivrirCov 53rd Nemead] institutum esse constat 

tv'iKrjcre 7rai"s uiv irevTaO\u} Kara ttjv vd' siquidem Eurybaies Argivus Nemeae quin- 

Nf/ueaoa ' irtdi] 5£ 6 TrevradXos irpGiTos quertio victor ante proeliwn Marathonium 

Kara rh\v 17' Ne/xcaoa. vd' is Hermann's a Sophctne Alheniensi occisus est, ti\/. 

emendation for 18', but there is no reason Pausan. 1. 79, 4; Herod, vi. 92, ct 

for changing 17'. As Bergk says, quin- ix. 75. 
quertii certamen multo ante [before the - Sec note cm line 64. 



concerning due honours.' The mere words seem innocent enough, but 
there were tales in circulation touching the hero's mysterious death, not 
quite flattering to him, one legend especially charging him with the intention 
of sacrilege, and the susceptible countrymen of the Aeacids perhaps dis- 
covered in the paean a suggestion of this enormity. At least they accused 
Pindar in strong language of having traduced the fame of Neoptolemus 1 , 
and the opportunity of injuring a rival was doubtless seized eagerly by other 
poets 2 who were his competitors for the favours of rich Aeginetan families. 
We may suppose that a cloud overcast for a while Pindar's reputation at 
Aeg-ina, where he had extensive connexions : that victors shewed their 
dissatisfaction by not employing him to celebrate their achievements ; and 
that Thearion was the first who ventured to ask him for an Ode, at some 
personal sacrifice too, for his fortune was only moderate 3 , and the price of 
immortality from the greatest lyric poet of Greece was perhaps a serious tax 
on his purse. Pindar embraced the opportunity to right himself in the eyes 
of his Aeginetan critics, explaining that he meant no wrong to the fame of 
their hero ; and he has dexterously interwoven this motive with the . main 
theme of the poem, making Neoptolemus a mythical prototype of Sogenes. 

This Ode has won the reputation of being encompassed with insoluble 
difficulties, but it carries its own explanation with it and yields readily to a 
really close study. All that has been said here 4 , can be deduced directly 

1 e\/ci5crai Zireai, 1. 103 (an expression 
as strong as our mauled). 

2 Especially, I believe, Bacchylides. 
See note on 1. 102 sqq. 

:i 1. 58, £oik6tcl Kcupbv 6\(3ov. That the 
expenses involved in paying the poet 
and the chorus were no mere trifle to 
Thearion will appear in the course of 
the analysis. 

4 Hermann rejects the notion that 
Pindar is apologising for a paean, and 
finds the whole idea of the Ode in a 
consolation, 'to Thearion. L. Schmidt 
combines, as I have done, both ideas. 
Dissen, accepting the story about the 
paean, assumes that the house of Thearion 
was unpopular at Aegina and that Pindar 
by the myths of Ajax and Neoptolemus, 
who were illtreated by contemporaries, 
bids Thearion be of good cheer. Momm- 
sen, as usual, tries to find political ten- 
dencies in the Ode and supposes that 
Odysseus and Ajax signify Athens and 
Aegina; but this theoiy was easily dis- 
posed of by Rauchenstein, Philologus, 
xiii. 421. 

Mezger divides the Ode thus : 

apxa 1 — 16; KararpoTrd 17 — 24; dfx- 
<pa\6s 24 — 74; /xeTaKaTarpoTra 75 — 79; 
crtppayis 80 — 101 ; e^odiov 102 — 105. 

Both dpxd and a<ppayis deal with the 
divine blessing which has been vouch- 
safed to the house of Thearion, (1) 
through Ilithyia, (2) through Heracles 
(cf. dX/ca, responding in v. 12 and v. 96). 
Both kolt. and /xer. deal with song, the 
former emphasizing its necessity, the 
latter representing the Muse weaving a 
crown. The 6/j.<pa\6s consists of two 
parts, the first mythical, the second con- 
cerned with the present. 

He finds the leading idea of the song 
expressed in w. 7 — 10: (1) the Aeacids 
favour the Aeginetans in their agonistic 
ambitions and enterprises, and (2) there- 
fore Sogenes, sealed for such glory from 
his very birth, is now celebrated in the 
island which is distinguished for its love 
of song. These two elements of the 
Griindgcdanke are worked out in the two 
parts of the 6^</>a\6s ; so that in the 
mythical narration Neoptolemus' fund inn 



from Pindar's words ; for, even if a scholiast had not preserved in a note the 
verse of the obnoxious paean, we should have known from the last lines of 
the Ode that Pindar had offended Aegina by some unguarded word con- 
cerning Neoptolemus. 

An invocation of Ilithyia, the goddess who presides over the births of 
children, alleviating the mother's labour, and extends a beneficent influence 
over the troublesome years of infancy, was chosen by Pindar as an appro- 
priate introduction. For as all the hopes of Thearion were concentrated in 
Sogenes, he owed a peculiar debt to Ilithyia for having preserved the boy, 
to be a strong youth, through the dangers that surround children before and 
after birth. She is daughter of Hera, who presides over marriage, and 
beside her at the bed of travail stand the Fates who know the future ; these 
associations are mentioned in the invocation. She watches over the being, 
whom she ushers into the world, during all his days and nights— friendly 
nights, for the Greeks propitiated the dangers and darkness of Night by 
calling her ' the friendly season ' — until she hands him over to the guardian- 
ship of her sister Hebe, to describe whose gleaming limbs, strong for all 
active masteries, Pindar compounds a new adjective, dy\a6yvios, which 
suggests a work of plastic art. 

But the lots of men vary ; Thearion, we can read between the lines, was 
not like Sogenes ; and Sogenes, as a glorious conqueror in the pentathlon, 
must thank the indispensable favour of Ilithyia. 

After these verses of thanksgiving — naturally occurring to a really religious 
mind looking back at a childhood which was now drawing to a close under 
happy auspices— the poet passes to the victor's country. - Sogenes is a 
victor, and is now being celebrated in a song. Both circumstances are 
natural, for he dwells in a city, where there is a lively spirit of ambition for 
success in the national games of Greece, nourished as it were by the 
Aeacid heroes themselves ; and the same city ' loveth dance and song.' 

But we are sped quickly over this praise of Aegina, — with a Pindaric 
rapidity, one might say— to a main thought of the poem, the power of so?ig 
to illumine. Great exploits are buried in darkness, unless they are rescued 
by a poet, who reflects them into some perpetuating mirror, the streams of 
the Muses for example, or the shining surface of the headband or fillet worn 
by Memory, their mother. But while the flowing waters of the Muses (a 
feature in Pindar's poetical world) are a reflecting surface, the liquid 
substance, inviting as it were actual contact, suggests a second metaphor ; 

as umpire is the most important moment, the Ode, as any one who reads it carefully 

and in the second division Thearion's may see for himself, 

intelligence, revealed in a recognition of The three divisions which I indicated 

the value of song, assumes the prominent in the general Introduction nearly corre- 

place. spond to the main divisions of Mezgcr. 

The expositions of Dissen, Schmidt, (i) System i. (2) Systems 2 — 4. ($) 

and Mezger are all instructive, but they System 5 (beginning at 1. 80). 
are very far from completely explaining 


and a successful combatant is said to 'cast a honeyed argument' into 
the streams of song. The thoughts and language of these lines are echoed 
again in the progress of the poem ; the darkness, the streams of the 
Muses, the honey (with a savour of wine or sleep), the gleam of Memory's 
fillet, recur, as we shall see 1 . 

A certain abruptness in Pindar sometimes gives us the impression that 
he has passed to a new subject, without having smoothed the way for the 
transition ; whereas a closer examination shews that the new thought is 
really confederate with those which have gone before. And so, here, having 
declared that song is as a light shining in darkness, he proceeds to say, in 
the epode, that wise men consider the wind which is to blow three days 
hence, and will not damage their true interests by any shortsighted calcu- 
lations of mere lucre. They are really wise ; for rich and poor must alike 
stand in the presence of Death. At first hearing, these words sound like a 
riddle ; are they connected or not, one asks, with the things said about the 
power of poetry? The next sentence helps us to solve the difficulty. 'I 
trow,' Pindar proceeds, 'that through the sweet speech of Homer the report 
of Odysseus' experiences has exceeded the reality.' This shows that he is 
still dwelling on the potency of poetry ; and it becomes clear that the wise 
men are they who are content to sacrifice an ample sum of gold for the 
sake of future fame— the wind that cometh on the third day. And the 
remark is specially intended for Thearion ; he is one of those wise men ; and 
the poet indicates this by a favourite artifice 2 . 

But the mention of Homer and Odysseus leads to a new subject. 
Homer is not Pindar's ideal poet ; in fact Homer affords an example of the 
power of 'sweet verses' misused. Pindar was a countryman of Hesiod and 
he did not forget the mythical contest between Hesiod and Homer; he 
conceived the poet of the Odyssey as a sort of ' sophist,' one who deceives 
his readers by cunning words, the friend of the crafty Odysseus. And so 
here, with a clever play on words, he introduces the story of the death of 
Ajax, to whom, in consequence of the wiles of Odysseus, the Greeks had not 
adjudged the golden arms of Achilles. Ajax is the type of the brave, but 
ineffectual hero. If the masses, who made the award, had been keen enough 
to see that Ajax was the true eagle (Ai'ar cuVos-), that hero would not have 
slain himself. Homer himself was blind (Pindar hints), and a mass of men 
is blind also :i . 

1 (jkotov (1. 13) and pocucri (1. 12) recur " 'ip.adov ovb' virb idpSei fiXafiev (1. 17) 

together in ukothvov (1. 61) and pods is the second line of the first epode. In 

n 6 2 ), the second line of the third epode, speak- 

p.eXi<p P ov* (I. 1 1) is echoed in /xeXi (1. $$, ing of Thearion, Pindar writes 

corresponding line of antistrophos). fffoemv oi'/c airo^XaivTei eppevwv. 

To XHrapa/MTi/Kos (1. 15) answers Xnrapy This responsion serves to indicate that 

(1. 99, corresponding line of antistrophos). Thearion is specially alluded to in 1. 17. 

To iXxal (1. 13) answers aX K di> (1. 96, 3 See note on 1. 24. 
same foot in same antistrophic line). 


It is clear that the story of Ajax is introduced with special application to 
Thearion, whose life had been 'brave' but ineffectual, and who, as some 
lines indicate, was sensitive to calumny and disparagement. Ajax is said to 
have been the bravest, after Achilles, of those who came to Troy to recover 
Helen. Troy, where so many heroes of Greek legend won their laurels, is 
a figure or type of the games of historical Greece ; and the circumstance 
that Ajax, albeit valiant, never returned to his home with booty and prizes is 
an indirect consolation to Thearion for having contended in games without 
success. It seems, moreover, to be suggested by the use of a somewhat rare 
adjective that the death of Ajax was easy; a smooth sword (Xevpou £i<}>os) 
pierced his heart. 

The ineffectually of Ajax, the prototype of Thearion, is contrasted with 
the success of Neoptolemus, who serves as a parallel to Sogenes. The 
transition from the first myth to the second is managed by another reference 
to the equalising power of Death. It was said above that Death takes not 
account of wealth ; now it is said that Hades regards not renown. Yet 
there is a distinction even in death. Those favoured heroes, who visit 
Apollo's temple at Delphi, the centre of the earth, as guests of the god 
himself, may be said to have won true and abiding honour. For at Delphi 
there was celebrated a feast called the 'Entertainment of Heroes,' at which 
Apollo was supposed to entertain those who in their life-time had made a 
pilgrimage to his Delphic shrine. This feast was honoured with games 
as well as sacrifices, and the Aeacid hero Neoptolemus had received the 
privilege of acting as an ideal president of the gymnastic contests. 

For the body of Neoptolemus lies in holy ground — in an immemorial 
grove — hard by the temple ; he is the representative of the Aeacids at 
Delphi. He sacked the city of Priam, winning spoils and glory ; but as he 
sailed homeward, winds drove him from his course, and instead of reaching 
Scyros, he found himself in Epirus. There he became king of Molossia 
and was succeeded by a line of Neoptolemids. But his own reign was 
shortened by an accident. He visited Delphi, to make a rich offering of 
his Trojan booty to Apollo ; and in a brawl touching sacrificial meats he 
was killed — by a priest of the temple, according to the legend, but Pindar 
is careful here to call the homicide 'a man' merely, in order to avoid the 
least appearance of charging the hero with sacrilege. And emphasizing the 
innocence of Neoptolemus, he adds, ' The hospitable Delphians were made 
heavy at heart exceedingly.' But the unlucky stroke proved happy in the 
event, for Neoptolemus received the high honour of burial in the precincts of 
the temple and of becoming the president of the games at the Feast of Xenia. 

This myth serves the purpose of explaining to the Aeginetans Pindar's 
true view of the life and acts of Neoptolemus, whose memory he was said 
to have treated with scant courtesy; but, for the comprehension of the 
whole hymn, this is an aspect of only secondary import. Our chief concern 
is to determine the drift of the myth, in relation to the rest of the Ode. Two 
things are clear: Sogenes is compared to Neoptolemus, and Neoptolemus is 
contrasted with Ajax. Ajax was ineffectual and did not come back from 

INTR OD UCT/ON. 1 1 9 

Troy; Ncoptolemus sacked Troy and returned with the prizes of victory. 
In the same way Thearion had failed, Sogenes had won. It would be 
inconvenient to anticipate, but we shall shortly see that the parallel between 
Sogenes and Neoptolemus is carried out in detail, so that even the 
sovranty in Molossia is not insignificant. 

At the beginning of the third strophe, after the mention of Neoptolemus' 
death, we hear the sound of a new note — friendship which is sanctified 
by hospitality: 

PapvvQev 8e irfpicraa AeX0ot £erayerai, 

and this note of hospitality resounds again and again from this point to the 
end. Neoptolemus is a president at the Xeniaj and though Pindar does 
not use the word, he renders the idea even more prominent by an allusive 
phrase, evawpov is 8Uav, meaning that the hero's office is to preserve that 
justice whose name is lovely, the right of hospitality {8iKau &viav). We 
shall soon learn how this idea bears on Sogenes and his father. 

We are now reaching the middle of the Ode where Pindar has chosen to 
end his mythical narrations. In the land of Greek legend the stories of the 
Aeginetan cycle form a great high-road, tempting for a poet to pursue ; 
but that Greek moderation, which so carefully defined the proportions of all 
artistic work, reminds him that the sweetness of honey may cloy, and the 
delectable flowers of Aphrodite 'the Foam-born' queen, may pall through 
intemperate use. The recurrence of the metaphor from honey suggests 
that the deeds of Neoptolemus, like the exploit of Sogenes, are a ' sweet 
argument' for the Muses, and helps to indicate the intended parallel. 

But Pindar in this passage implies, I believe, a 'darker purpose.' He 
cries to Aegiha, that he is emboldened to proclaim for the brilliant deeds of 
her heroes a high-road of praise, starting from their home (oUodev) ; and the 
form of expression suggests that the adventures of Neoptolemus are not 
conceived as occurring on the high-road, nvpia 686s. This conjecture is 
confirmed by the line which describes Neoptolemus' return from Troy (1. $7), 

"S,Kvpov pev apaprev, Xkovto 8' els 'Ecpvpav nXayevres 1 . 

He 7iiissed Scyrus strongly suggests deviation from a 686s oKvpuTa- 
o'iKa8e. Now the stress laid on the circumstance that Neoptolemus did 
not return home, has probably a reference to the victor. In a subsequent 
verse (91) Pindar gives Sogenes an indirect admonition to be an obedient 
boy and honour his father. It would seem that Sogenes had been some- 
what intractable 3 , infected with the 'taints of liberty'; and perhaps, after 

1 For the reading irXayiures, see note. previous relations of Sogenes to Thearion 

2 aKvpuTa 686s (paved road) =Kvpla 656s had not been of a duly fdial character; 
(high-road); cf. Pyth. v. 93 iwiroKpoTov probably the young man had left his 
<TKVpwTai> 686v. father's home and been living on terms 

3 Such a conjecture had been thrown of some estrangement." For further con- 
out by Mr Arthur Holmes, who observes firmation see below, p. 123. 

that 11. 90 sqq. "lead us to infer that the 


his victory at Nemea, he had not returned immediately, like a dutiful son, 
to his home at Aegina. One might imagine that he paid a visit to Corinth, 
that city of pleasure, so attractive and dangerous for young men, so dreaded 
by solicitous parents lest it should prove the 'blastment' of youth. And if 
this were the case, it would be quite in Pindar's way thus quaintly to 'breathe 
his faults ' and to press home the allusion by that ambiguous name Ephyra, 
which, meaning in regard to Neoptolemus a town in Epirus, might suggest 
Corinth, called in Homer Ephyra, to the guilty conscience of 'the wild boy.' 

The word ' honey,' which has already taken us back to the early stanzas 
of the Ode, prepares us for further echoes of the thoughts there expressed. 
In the invocation to Ilithyia it was said that men's endowments and 
destinies differ. And the myths have illustrated this remark in the different 
careers of Ajax and Neoptolemus. It is therefore fitting and really artistic 
to remind us of this truth again, before we hear of the non-legendary careers 
of Thearion and Sogenes in the second part of the poem. But Pindar does 
not merely 'repeat himself; he adds something new. 'In his nature and 
in his life each man differs from another ; but no man can win happiness 
entire; or at least, though a few may have gained it for an hour, Fate has 
bestowed it on none as a lasting gift.' A few may have gained happiness, 
unchequered and complete, for an hour ; Pindar is thinking of Cadmus and 
Peleus, who married goddesses and beheld the celestials at their weddings. 
But only for an hour ; Cadmus and Peleus saw sorrow and heaviness before 
they died. This is meant as a consolation for Thearion, whose life has not 
been happy, and Pindar turns to address him. 

Fate, he says, has endowed Thearion with three things — in moderate, 
not abundant, measure ; a sufficient fortune, an ambitious spirit, and in- 
telligence. Like Ajax he was brave and yearned for distinction ; and like 
Ajax (we read between the lines) he failed to win the golden armour. 
Unlike Ajax however, he is possessed of intelligence; he is one of those 
wise men (as we have already seen) who consider the wind that cometh on 
the third day. 

But besides these gifts of Fate, which could hardly be thought to have 
distinguished Thearion above his fellows, but were merely, as we say now, 
' respectable,' he possessed a quality which gave him a real claim to a 
poet's praise, — hospitality. Pindar, his guest-friend, had experienced his 
kindness at Aegina, and solemnly sings, ijelvos et/i'j striking again the note 
which he had sounded before in regard to the relations of Neoptolemus 
to the Delphian priesthood. But the note is repeated still more distinctly in 
the next line but one ; Thearion's renown for hospitality is not only true of 
him, but is what we should expect of him ; he is merely true to his own 
family name ; he is Thearion, the Euxenid, that is, 'the Hospitable.' 

And here again Pindar suggests a comparison with Ajax. The fate of 
Ajax was due to the circumstance that the blind crowd did not recognize 'the 
literal truth' (erav dKaOeiav) that he was the eagle. Let Thearion, unlike 
Ajax, be superior to cavil, and instead of repining that he was not successful 
on the plain of 'Troy,' let him pride himself on a noble quality which 


'literally belongs' to him (irrjTviiov k\(os). We heard how the stream of 
the Muses, somewhat as a mirror, rescued doughty deeds from obscurity ; 
we have seen how Ajax had no friendly Homer to reflect his fame; and now 
Pindar, resuming the metaphor, declares that he will rescue Thearion from 
' dark blame ' — the oblivion whereto cavil might consign him — by ' streams 
of water.' ' This ' he adds, ' is a meed meet for good men ' — for good men, 
even though they be not great. 

And now, with an apparent abruptness, we are taken at the beginning 
of the fourth strophe to the western coast of Greece, — Epirus. Pindar was 
a proxcnos of the Epirots, whom he describes as Achaeans dwelling on the 
Ionian sea, and he declares, that, by virtue of this relation, he will receive 
no blame from them, though they, more than all men in Greece, might be 
expected to be jealous for the honour of Neoptolemus. But what, we ask, is 
the meaning of this allusive reversion to the subject of Neoptolemus, intro- 
duced here, along with some declarations of proud self-assertion 1 , between 
an address to Thearion and an address to Sogenes? The words trpo^evla 
TTf-rroida — this recurring note of 'hospitality' — supply us with the key 2 . 'I 
am the £eiw>y of the Euxenidai,' Pindar has already said to Thearion ; and 
now he would convey to Sogenes, ' I am the friend of the Epirots, and they 
will not misapprehend my words touching Neoptolemus ; even so, I am the 
friend of the Euxenids, and therefore, O Euxenid Sogenes (1. 70, compare 
1. 91), do not misapprehend my indirect strictures on certain escapades, of 
which you know.' By this means Pindar, in passing from the father to 
son, indicates the parallel which he has instituted between Neoptolemus 
and the victor; and at the same time implies that he does not consider 
Neoptolemus quite immaculate. 

An incident in the pentathlon suggested a metaphor to Pindar for clothing 
his explanation to Sogenes 3 . It happened that one of Sogenes' competitors, 
who expected to win in the spear-throwing and was formidable in wrestling, 

1 'My regard is clear and bright, 6>/nart day) he will proclaim whether my 

SipKOfxaL \a/j.TTp6v.' This is equivalent to speech be out of tune and my words 

a declaration that he will not treat awry.' \payiov oapov, see note on 1. 69. 

Thearion or Sogenes, and that he did These words are meant more for Sogenes 

not treat Neoptolemus, as blind Homer than for Thearion, as the sentence naduv 

treated Ajax. — ewi-rruv is closely connected with what 

He goes on to disclaim excess or follows, see note on avepel. ypaycos, 

violence, and expresses a wish that the thwart, oblique, may be intended to 

time to come may prove kindly, choos- contrast with evdvirvoov Zeipvpoto of 1. 29, 

ing, with Greek moderation, the adjective and suggest that, like that breeze, the 

ev<ppwv, which suggests, not the light of 'swift tongue' of Pindar 'blows straight '. 

day, but the kindliness of an innocuous - The emphasis on irpo^eviq. is indi- 

night. And Pindar makes a confession cated by the metrical responsion of irpo- 

here that his Odes really require study, wptQiva. ^elvov in a similar position in 

and are not for all who run. 'If a man the second line of the 5th strophe, 

understand me (fiaOdov — as a 'wise man 3 For this interpretation, I must refer 

will, who knoweth the wind of the third to note on 1. 70. 


stepped inadvertently beyond the line behind which the akontistai were 
supposed to stand, and was thereby disqualified. Knowing that he had no 
chance of sufficient distinction in the other events (quoit-throwing, running 
and wrestling) to win in the pentathlon, he retired from the contest, and the 
consequence was that Sogenes had one opponent less to conquer in wrestling. 
The labour of the wrestling-contest, in the heat of the day, was severe, and 
for the victor the defect of one formidable competitor was really a stroke of 
luck. So Pindar makes use of this agreeable reminiscence, in deprecating 
any offence which the tone of his Ode might possibly cause to the boy. 
Comparing his 'swift tongue' to the javelin, he denies that he has advanced 
his foot beyond the designated mark ; and recalls how the javelin-throwing 
had released Sogenes' body, before it was bathed in sweat and broiled 
in the sun, from the toils of wrestling. 

But in this passage there is another thought implied, not indeed directly 
expressed, but indicated unmistakably by the choice of words. 

prj reppa 7Tpo/3as liicovd' core ^aXKonapaov opaai 
doav jKaxrcrav os e< a' eVe/x^ey naXaiapdraiv k.t.X. 

We are forced to notice the collocation of doav and opcrai (not just the 
word we might expect for hurling a javelin, though optveiv is used elsewhere 
of exciting the tongue), and the strange, perhaps unparalleled, use of 
iKnepnciv. We can hardly avoid the conclusion that Pindar chose these 
expressions with the design of recalling those west-winds which conducted 
Ajax on his swift ships to Troy town : 

av vavcrl nopevaav evdvnvoov Zecpvpoio no final 
npos iXov noXtv. 

By these echoes Pindar would suggest that Sogenes is contrasted with his 
father Thearion as Neoptolemus is contrasted with Ajax 1 . Ajax was swiftly 
conducted to the city of Ilus, but he never returned ; whereas Neoptolemus 
sacked the city of Priam and did return. Now it would have been hardly 
graceful to say in so many words that Thearion had appeared in some lists as 
a competitor for glory and had returned uncrowned, whereas Sogenes had 
been victorious. Accordingly the meaning is conveyed by an indirection. 
Ajax went to Troy by virtue of swift winds ; Sogenes returned from Neinea 
by virtue of a swift spear. That is as much as to say ; Thearion failed, but 
Sogenes succeeded. 

This comparison of laurels won at Nemea to laurels won at Troy is 
continued in the following line, ' If toil there was, greater is the delight that 
ensueth,' reminding us of the city of Priam, where the Danai toiled-. 

'If toil there was, greater is the delight that follows. Let me be. If, 

1 The contrast of Ajax and Neopto- sacked the city ; Ajax only went to it. 

lemus is indicated by llpidfiov nbXiv inel - el irovos fy 1. 74, t$ ko.1 Aavaol 

np&Oev in I. 35, closely following on the nbvqaav 1. 36. 
npos "IXou 7ro/Ve of 1. 31. Neoptolemus 


lifted too far, I uttered a loud scream, with a victor certainly 1 deal not 
roughly in paying a gracious debt. It is a light thing to twine garlands. 
Sound a loud note ! Surely the muse is welding together gold and white ivory 
withal and the delicate flower which she has filched from the foam of the sea.' 
The special bearing of these lines on Sogenes is indicated by Pindar 
in his own way. The delight which follows toil is an echo of the delight 
bestowed by those flowers of Aphrodite, which pall on the senses through 
immoderate use. The third line of the fourth antistrophos 1 , 

el novas riv, to repnvov irkcov TrcbepxerciL 
corresponds to the third line of the third antistrophos, 

kol fieXi kcu ra rkpirv avQe 'Aqbpodlaia. 
It is clear then that by the loud scream (avUpayov), for which he half 
apologises, the poet means his saying about honey and the flowers of 
Aphrodite ; and we are led to detect therein a reproof to Sogenes. The 
mutining of the blood, so often a consequence of protracted athletic labours 
' in the morn and liquid dew of youth,' had seduced Sogenes into ways of 
pleasure which his seniors could not approve of ; and Pindar gently remon- 
strates. 'You arc entitled,' he says, 'to the delight which is the meed 
of labour ; but the delight, which you have chosen, soon cloys. Take rather 
the delight which I can give you, the fairer reward— not the flowers of the 
foam-goddess 2 , but rather the foam-lily, the coral which the Muse filches 
from the sea, and welds into a chryselephantine crown.' To quote a modern 
poet, ' the foam-flowers endure when the rose-blossoms wither.' 3 

The past and present fortunes of Sogenes— his childhood under the 
protection of Ilithyia, and his victory — have been touched on ; and now 
Pindar turns to consider his future, in the last part of the Ode. The 
house of Thearion in Aegina was adjacent to two temples of Heracles, and 
it is in the hands of his 'neighbour' Heracles that Pindar lays the prosperity 
of Sogenes' manhood. But in true Pindaric style, instead of connecting the 
close of the hymn directly with the foregoing stanzas, he turns away from 
Sogenes and begins an apparently new subject, the praises of Zeus. The 
victories of Aeginetans were generally, perhaps always, celebrated in the 
Temple of Aeacus, and it was usual for the victors to dedicate their crowns 
there. Aeacus was a son of Zeus, and there was therefore an additional 
reason (besides the fact that the Nemean games were held in his honour) for 
celebrating the king of the gods in the Aeaceum — ' on this floor ' (8ane8ov av 
roSe) 4 . 

1 This responsion is noticed by Mezger, perhaps the colour as well as the delicate 

but not rightly interpreted. texture of white coral — a true foam-lily. 

2 av6e 'A(ppo8icna; the Greeks always 3 Roses were the flowers of Aphrodite, 
connected 'A(ppo8lT7) witli d</>pos. The The line is from Swinburne's 'A For- 
cxprcssion was chosen for the sake of the saken Garden.' 

contrast with Xeipiov avdefiov (see note, * odireoov echoes Tlv0ioi<n Sairtdois of 

1. 79) which the Muse is described as 1. 34, and connects Neoptolemus witli 

wovrias {'(piXo'icr' e{pcras. \eipiov suggests Aeacus. 


The introduction of Aeacus has a fitness and necessity of its own ; but it 
is also a means for introducing Heracles, his brother and guest-friend. 
Now the Euxenidae are citizens of the state whereof Aeacus was prince, 
and therefore they may claim the friendship of Heracles— with more 
particular reason too by virtue of their name, Evtjepidai. 
era pev 7ro\iapxov evcovvpa narpa, 

'HpaxXeej, creo 8e tt p oTrpecova ph £elvov a§eX<peoi> r. 
That the 'clan of fair name' means the Euxenidai is clear from three 
indications 1 . In the first place noKlapxov responds to noXiv in the corre- 
sponding line of the first antistrophos, where the Aeacids are referred to : 
ttoXiv yap (piXopohnov olnel 8opiKTV7rcov 
'Sogenes dwells in the city of the Aeacids,' and Aeacus is the 'city- 
prince' of Sogenes' clan— these statements are the same fact from opposite 
points of view. In the second place, the collocation evwvvpm Trarpa echoes 
Evtjfvlfta ndrpade of 1. 70. In the third place, we have already met evvwpov 
referring to the fair name gelvos, in connexion with the Xenia at Delphi ; 
and we may infer that here, similarly, it designates the Euxenidai. But 
apart from these indications, the argument of Pindar requires this interpre- 
tation ; for his object is to bring Heracles into connexion with the family 
of Sogenes. 

But not only by virtue of the ancient guest-friendship existing between 
Aeacus and Heracles, sons of Zeus, but also by virtue of the casual 
circumstance that his father's house in Aegina adjoins two Heraclea (one 
on each hand, like the arms of a yoke projecting on either side of a chariot- 
pole), may Sogenes depend on the aid of him 'who subdued the Giants.' 
With Heracles, his neighbour, to prosper him (Pindar suggests, with indirect 
admonition to the lad) Sogenes were fain to dwell in that rich street, where 
his fore-fathers had dwelt, hallowed by the two shrines, 'fostering a spirit of 
tenderness ' (the Roman pietas) ' to his father.' The less cogent argument 
from neighbourhood, which had not the binding sanctity of the relation of 
hospitality, is dignified by an echo from the old Boeotian poet, who in his 
work on husbandry had occasion to refer to good and bad neighbours 2 . 

Now throughout this stanza the parallel between Sogenes and Neopto- 
lcmus is sustained. As the son of Achilles was the guest- friend of 'the 
hospitable Delphians/ and still presides at the Xenia 'of lovely name'; 
even so the son of Thearion has the advantage of an ancient tie of 
hospitality with Heracles, less likely to fade away owing to the fact that 
he is one of the Euxenids, a clan 'of lovely name.' And as Neoptolemus is 
buried close to the house of the Pythian god, Sogenes' dwelling is hard by 
the shrines of Heracles in 'a hallowed street.' And the street is described 
as rich— enriched doubtless by the Euxenids, even as Delphi received in 
the treasure-house of Apollo rich offerings from Neoptolemus :! . 

1 Sec note (in 1. 85. 3 ei/KTrjpova 1. 92; Kriav' aKpodivlwv 

2 Line 87. 1- 4 1 - 

INTR OD UC 77 ON. 1 2 5 

Heracles (Heracles Alexikakos\ in his capacity of helping men against 
harm) is invoked to preside over the future life of Sogenes, as Ilithyia had 
presided over his childhood. And thus the Ode closes with an appeal 
to Heracles, rendered effective by echoes of that address to Ilithyia at the 
beginning — an artistic device aided by the kindred associations and con- 
nexions of the two deities. For Heracles was in name connected with 
Hera, Ilithyia's mother, and was the husband of Hebe, Ilithyia's sister. 
We remember the saying that each man is yoked to a different destiny, 
and that through Ilithyia's help Sogenes had distinguished himself from 
others by excellence in athletic contests. Well, — Heracles is now asked 
to Jiar7iess the youth of Sogenes and the old age of Thearion to a life 
of ' steadfast, durable strength.' Dwelling together in their Aeginetan house, 
they are to be as it were the two trace-horses of that fanciful car, whose 
pole, their house, is joined to the two temples as the arms of a yoke, the 
car itself being the filoros ('inreSoo-devijs, 'life enduringly strong.' 

The wonderfully careful choice of language in this passage is charac- 
teristic of Pindar : 

el yap (r<f)i<Tiv ip.Tredocrdti'ea [Siotov apfioaais 
rjfia Xt7rap<5 re yijpa'i diairXeneiv 
ev8al[iov' iovra. 

€fj.Tre8oa6evt]s, an adjective coined for his purpose, echoes two expressions 
occurring in other parts of the Ode, whereof one referred to Sogenes, the 
other to Thearion. The second half of the compound echoes nm fieya- 
\o<r6eveos "Upas of line 2 ; while the first half recalls rtXos ep.ne8ov <Spe£( 
of line 58. Again Hebe, the goddess of youth (fj^a), was celebrated in the 
opening invocation, while Xnrapco is an echo of the shining fillet of Memory, 
which was especially meant to console Thearion (1. 15). 

But Pindar has not exhausted the resources of the myth of Neoptolemus, 
and, looking still further into the future, he prays that the children's children 
of Sogenes may possess for ever the honour which the family now enjoys, 
and honour fairer still ; we are not to forget that Sogenes is 'saviour of the 
race.' In this prayer the words which had been used of Neoptolemus' pos- 
terity reigning in Molossia are repeated 2 . 

And it is just this echo, bringing us back involuntarily to thoughts of 
him, that renders the transition to Neoptolemus, in the last four lines of 
the Ode, unstrained and really artistic. Otherwise, they would be almost 
offensive, as an abrupt 'appendix.' In these lines Pindar disclaims the 
charge of having traduced Neoptolemus, and refers to the want of inventive 
power shewn by his rivals, who perhaps had tried to poison Aeginetan 
opinion against him ; they can never find anything newer to say in praise of 

1 This function is indicated by a\K<xv, function for Thearion and his son. The 

1. 96. &\k&v responds to &\ko.I 1. 11 (as thought is emphasized by the further 

Mezger noticed), and the responsion indi- responsions of irpoi-tviq. (65) and t.dvov 

cates that Heracles and Pindar (both (86); \nrapaiJ.irvKos (15) and \nrapqj (99). 
^etVoi) are to perform somewhat the same '-' See note. 


Aegina than that Aeacus was the son of Zeiis 1 . It seems probable that 
Bacchylides was the rival at whom this arrow was chiefly aimed ; Pindar's 
words at least are remarkable enough to justify the conjecture that some 
special allusion is intended. ' To repeat the same words three times or four, 
like rhymeless-barkers repeating to children, "A son of Zeus Corinthus 
hight," argues lack of wit.' fia-^vXc'iKas, which I have rendered rhymeless- 
barkers, was certainly coined by Pindar to convey some point, for which the 
dignity of poetry demanded a decent veil. I believe that na-^vXuKas is a 
parody on Bacchylides (BaKxvXfS^s) to which it corresponds in scansion. 
The malice of Pindar, who may have had good cause for offence, might 
have resolved the name of his rival into two parts, suggesting the wild 
utterances of intoxication and the barking of a dog. fj.d\jr was just the word 
to parody the former, while -vXaicas rendered evident an imputation which 
accident had laid, and Pindar had discovered, in -vXidrjs. 

All the 'stages' of life, from the portals of birth, where stand Ilithyia 
and the Moirai, to the bourn of Hades, are touched upon — the tenderness 
of childhood, the strength and waywardness of boyhood, the gleaming limbs 
of youth, the trials of manhood, old age ; but one relation of life, applying to 
all seasons, may be almost said to dominate the Ode, — the friendly intercourse 
of men, sanctified by Zeus Xenios. Such a relation existed between Neopto- 
lemus and the Delphian Xenagetae ; Neoptolemus presided at the games 
of the Delphic Xenia ; Pindar is the proxenus of the Epirots ; he is the 
friend {xeinos) of Thearion ; Heracles was the xeinos of Aeacus and may 
extend his friendship to the descendants of Aeacus' subjects. This motive 
is suggested by the name* of Thearion's clan the Enxenids, who might be 
expected, in loyalty to their name, to develope this graceful side of life. 

One might compare this elaborate Ode, a characteristic work of Greek 
art, to a chryselephantine statue, in which every line of carving is calculated. 
To use Pindar's own figure, in the verses of white ivory and rhythms of 
ringing gold, forming a true crown of Memory, are reflected, as in a mirror, 
the gleaming limbs of Sogenes, the strong young wrestler (round whom, 
less distinctly seen, delicate desires hover), and in the background his 
home at Aegina — we can see the house adjacent to the two temples, in a 
quiet street, — as a hallowed place, suggesting immemorial religious obser- 
vances, performed in common with the other houses of the Euxenid clan, 
at a hearth now depending on him for its future existence. 

The whole life of the boy, past, present and future, is the warp of the 
work (to adopt another Pindaric metaphor) whereinto is woven the history of 
Neoptolemus, skilfully sketched as a parallel to Sogenes. And over the 
cloth, thus wrought, are embroidered 'foam-lilies,' with an amorous perfume 

1 That this is the real meaning of that Zeus was the father of Aeacus, an 

Pindar's 'last words' on the subject of assertion which is curiously introduced 

Neoptolemus, I am convinced not only by the word Xdyovri (1. 84) — clearly an 

from the words themselves, but from the allusion to the iterations of other poets, 

assertion at the end of the third epode See note on 1. io,S. 


of the foam-born goddess herself in some of them ; such as the sheen of 
Memory's fillet, the argument of honey, the luminous streams of music, the 
criticism on Homer, the flowers of Aphrodite, the yoking of the father and 
son as two steeds of a chariot. And Death, whose existence is recog- 
nised as a significant fact of life, is hushed away in the sanctuary of 
Apollo — where dead heroes still prolong a curious Greek existence—, and 
Sogenes might contemplate, without shrinking, the day (not definitely 
referred to, but thus happily suggested) when he himself should lie in 
hallowed ground, in the precincts of the temple of Heracles, close to the 
house of his fathers. 




w. I — 2. a. w ww — w — ■— w — w — A — ww — wwww — w — ■ — ww — w — • (15) 

7/. 2. b. — w — w — A (3) 

w. 4) 5" " « — vu — w — • — w — w — \j — w — w — • — w ww w — w w — w — • — w (15) 


W. 6, 7- C. — w w — • — w — w WW w ' — ww — w — • ww W WW w — w ^13) 

W. 8, 9- c • SJ '- J w w — ^ — • WW ^ — "-> — — — ww — w — •— w — ww — w (l3) 

We have thus two parts of which the first is mesodic. 

i5( = 7 + S).3- i5( = 7 + 8), 
i3(=6+7)- i3( = 6 + 7)- 


W. I, 2. CI- -^-w — w— •— ww— • J WW w — A I ww w — ww— •— w— A (l2) 
VI). 3) 4- (?'. — v^ — w w — • WW w — w — A JJ w — w w — • WW w — w — A (12) 

V. $• 0. ww w — w w — w — • ww w — ww— w — w— • — A (lo) 

The structure is epodic. Schmidt argues that as the last verses of the 
strophes are acatalectic, the first syllable of the epode cannot be an ana- 
crusis, and assumes a Vorpattse, which enables him to constitute the 

epodic symmetry. 

i2( = 5 + 2 + 5). i2( = 6 + 6) 

io( = 4 + 2 + 4). 

The rhythm of this ode is logaoedic. We may assume that the musical 
harmony which accompanied it (as also Nem. VI.) was Aeolian. 




'QXeidvia, irapehpe Motpaf (3a6v<i>p6i>wv, arp. a . 

iral fxeya'Koadeveos, aicovaov, ' Hpa?, yeverecpa reKvcov' nvev aeOev 

ov <f)('w<;, ov fxeXaivav SpcifcevTes evabpovav 

redv d8e\<f)€av ekd^opiev dy\a6<yviov "H/3av. 

avcnrveofiep o ov% (nravres iirc Ftcra* 5 

i. 'EXeiOma, k.t.X.] Ilithyia, as- 
sociate of the deep-thinking Fates, daughter 
of Hera whose strength is vast, hearken, 
thou who bringest children to the 
birth. In Hesiod Theog. 922 Ilithyia 
(EiXeidma) is counted among the daugh- 
ters of Hera, the goddess who protected 
marriage. In Homer, A 270, the con- 
ception is plural ; fioyocrroKOi elXeidviai, 
"Hpy)s 6vyarlpes. The worship of Hera 
at Aegina is said to have been derived 
from Argos, where she was held in 
higher honour than in any other part 
of Greece. The association of Ilithyia 
with the Fates is so natural that perhaps 
it hardly needs illustration, but I may cite 
Olymp. vi. 42 

6 H.pv(T0K6/ 

wpavp-qrlv t 'EXeldviav irapiarauiv re 
fia6v(pp(j)v (equivalent to padvp.rjra or /3a- 
OvfiovXos) occurs in Solon. 

2. (jt€*ya\oo-0€V€Os] The force of this 
adjective is that the odivos may be com- 
municated ; cf. below line 98. -yevempa 
does not occur elsewhere either in this 
sense or in the sense of mother; in 
Euphorion, 47, it means daughter, just 
as -ytvir-q^ means (1) father, (2) son. 

dvev o-€0€v K.T.A.] That is, avev (ridev 
owe eXa.xop.ev '"Rfiav dpaK^vres (paos re ko.1 
/j.eXa.Lvai> ev<ppbvav ( = aeo 'iicari eXdxop-ev 
k.t.X.). Not without thy grace saw we 
light and black night and enjoyed the 
presence of thy sister, bright-limbed Hebe. 
The thought is that we reach the season 
of Hebe by living through a series of 
days and nights. Rauchenstein is cer- 
tainly wrong in finding a reference to 
the darkness of the womb in p.tXo,iva.v 
ev(pp6i>ai>. Compare below 1. 67. 

4. "Hp<xv] A daughter of Hera and 
so Ilithyia's sister. Her limbs are 
bright and glorious; probably Pindar 
had some work in marble before his 
mind. Mr Fennell makes the sug- 
gestion that the epithet is 'causative 
= bestowing victorious limbs '. Such an 
interpretation transports us from the 
realm of poetry to the realm of prose. 
Hebe is not a mere abstraction. 

Observe that adeX<peav is trisyllabic; so 
d8eX(peoiaiv, /sih. VII. 35. The form 
d5eX<p6s is not found in Pindar. 

5. dva"irv€op.€v k.t.X.] Jhtt we draw 
not the breath of life, all as one, for the 
same ends, dvanfew, simply respire. iv\ 
?<ra (Triclinius' correction for mss. iw' 

nemean vrr. 


elpyei 8e 7T0T/x&> %uy£vd' h'repov erepa. avv 8k 
teal 7rat? 6 ^)eapiwvo<; cipera /cpidels 
ev8oi;o<; delherat, 'S.wyevT]^ perd TrevraedXois. 


avT. a . 

TToXlV yap (plkopoXTTOV ol/C€l hopLKTVTTWV 

AictfciBdv p,a\a 8 edekovTi crvpuireLpov dycovia 6vp.ov up,<peTreLv. 10 
el 8e rv^rj tis ep8(ov, pbekltypov alriav 

i'<ra) with a view to equal destinies. This 
sentence illustrates the difference of 
■wavrts and airavrcs, both of which mean 
all, but while the latter emphasizes 
the unity, the former accentuates the 
plurality. The thought that a number 
of men should have exactly the same 
destinies, groups those men closely to- 
gether, hence airavres ; if Pindar had 
used a positive expression, he must have 
said avaTrveofxev iravres ewl 'irepa. 

6. cip-yci 8c k.t.X.] But each of us, 
yoked to his destiny, is severed from his 
fellow by a different lot. 

The MSS. have $vybv 6\ and most 
editors follow Schmid in reading £vyc'v8', 
which is a very slight change ; e was 
liable to confusion with O. — Each man 
has his individual ttot/ulos, to which he is 
yoked, and the things for which he is 
destined are 'irepa (not iaa) from the lots 
of others. Thus individual lives are 
differentiated ; and e'ipyei expresses the 

<rvv 8c tCv k.t.X.] apera in games is 
the mark which differentiates Sogenes, 
and his destiny is determined by the 
special care and favour of the goddess 
Ilithyia, whose services to him are 
expressed in his name, Zw-ye'vris. KpiGcCs 
resumes the sense of e'lpyei; Sogenes is 
distinguished by valour, and wins a song 
as glorious among pentathlon-victors. 
Dissen is wrong in supposing an opposi- 
tion between irorp.^ and crvv rlv. — The 
note of the scholiast is worth quoting : 

eVioi bk <pa<jL wpos roi'vofxa rod Uluyivovs 
irapeiKK^adai rr\v WChaiQviav. elvat yap 
avrrjv tsuyevrj riva dia. to to. yevofxeva 


avaadifciv. tov oiV Ylivoapov ipvxpevaa/xevov 
wpos Toi'uofia ttjs Y,i\etdvias p.e/j.i>rjcr9ai. 
The frigidity is a matter of opinion, but 
the supposition of the eVtot touches :he 

y. ttoXiv •ydp k.t.X.] For he dwells 
in the song-loving city of the spear-clash- 
ing Aeacids. <pCK6ixo\irov and Soplktuituiv 
(both 6t7rat elprju^va) give or suggest the 
reasons (introduced by ydp) for Sogenes 
receiving a song of triumph and winning 
a victory. 

io. p.d\a 8' cOc'Xovti k.t.X.] Right 
fain are they (the Aeacids) to foster a 
spirit conversed in the art of the games. 
The word crt>|rircipov is coined by Pindar 
to combine the two kindred ideas of 
avvovra and 'ijx-Kupov. I have ventured 
to render it by coining the expression 
conversed in, which suggests conversant 
with (o-vvovra), and versed in (jijx-Ktipov). 
The subject of eOeXovri is clearly AianlSat, 
not as Dissen TroXirai (implicit in ttoXis). 
For dvfxbv a/j.<pe'wea> compare 1. 91. 

ii. cl 8c /c.t.X.] A successful exploit 
is an argument, sweet as honey, cast into 
the streams of the Muses (lit. by a suc- 
cessful exploit, one casts etc.) ; for mighty 
deeds of prowess are wrapt in deep dark- 
ness, if they remain unsung; yea, for 
fair works we know one, one only mirror, 
if, by grace of Memory with the shining 
headband, they win the meed of toils in 
lines of sounding song. 

The adjective iJ.e\i<pptov, honey- hearted, 
(not sweet to the heart, as Liddell and 
Scott explain) is used in Homer of sleep 
and wine. ali-Cav is a cause or argument 
for song. The streams of the Muses are 



pooler i Moiaav ivifiaXe' ral /xeydXai >ydp aXicai 

CTKOTOV TToXvV VflV(OV €%OVTl &eOfjL€Vai' 

epyoi? 8e /carols ea-otrrpov laap-ev evl aw rpoirw, 

el ^Avap,oavva^ etcan XirrapafiirvKo^ 

evprjrcu diroiva pbb^Qwv K\vral<i eirewv aotSat?. 


crocpol oe fMeXXovra rptralov dve/xov 
efiaOop, ovo' inro KepSei fiXa/Sev' 
dcpveos irevij^po^ re Oavarov irapos 

€7T. a. 

conceived as already flowing; the p.e\l- 
(ppup atria determines that the flowing 
element shall be as honey. Compare 
below 1. 53. For the absolute use of 
ti»x«" cf. 01. II. 52 to 5e rvxeiv irapa\vet 

12. d\i<ai] Compare below d\Kav, 
1. 96. The sentiment of these lines is 
reproduced in a stanza of Horace (iv. 
9, 26) 

omnes illacrimabiles 

urgentur ignotique longa 

nocte, carent quia vate sacro. 
The metaphor of the mirror begins with 
ctkotov. For ix €LV o-KOTov Dissen cites 
Euripides, Incert. fr. 51 ^ 5' evKdfieia 
ckotov ix eL Ka Q' EXXctSa. 

15. Mvajioervvas XuraprifnruKOs] The 
striking adjective Xiirapd/xTrvi;, which 
Pindar seems to have coined, is chosen 
on account of the metaphor. The head- 
band of Memory is conceived as a bright 
surface which reflects. In Pyth. III. 89 
we find xP v<ja l xlr ^ KUlv MoktSi' (in 01. VII. 
64 this adjective is applied to Lachesis). 
\nrapa/j.wvKos is emphatic, compare below 
line 99. 

17. cro<j>ol 8c /c.t.X.] Wise men learn 
to know the wind that is to blcnv on the 
third day, and are not perverted at the 
beck of gain. Difficulties have been dis- 
covered in the words virb Kepbei (3\d(3ev, 
and (3d\ov of Triclinius (which might find 
a doubtful support in \dfitv of D) led to 
Donaldson's dirb nepbei ftaKov. But /3Xd- 
(3ev is demonstrated to be ri^ht by airo- 

fiXaiTTei in the corresponding verse of the 
third epode (1. 60); cf. Mezger, p. 374. 
Dissen and Mezger however are hardly 
to be followed in their assumption of a 
tmesis and a verb viropXaTrru. It is 
quite legitimate to suppose that Pindar 
might have coined such a verb if he had 
wished to express some subtlety for 
which /3\a7TTw was inadequate ; but it is 
clear that in the present case the com- 
pound verb would have no force. And 
even if we could think some shade of 
meaning into it, the interpretation would 
be infelicitous; for we should thereby 
lose the poetical phrase £7™ icepbu, which 
is more suggestive and 'elegant' than 
Kepbei alone. Gain is the seducer, the 
influence which causes the /3Xa/3?7; and 
1171-6 expresses a little less than subjection, 
a good deal more than accompaniment. 
In fact vtrb Kepbei suggests phrases such 
as ecpofiydep v<p' "EKropi and <Zpro Kvp.a 
woiy viro, on the one hand, and on the 
other hand vir' avX^rrjpi irpoo-0' Zklov 
(Hesiod, Se. Her. 283). 

flXdfiev was the reading of the 
scholiast who wrote : ovx virnovvrai 
7rp6s rb napbv dyaOov, and again oi'»x' 
did rb irapbv Kepbos, Kepbos be to rod 
nXou ei'biov, e^p-idOriaav rbv p.erd ravra 
ttXovv k.t.X. 

19. dejmos irtvixpos t« k.t. X. ] The 
rich man and the poor man hie together 
to the presence of Death. The mss. have 
Oavarov irapd crap.a. ' The reading of 
Hermann Oavarov rrdpa Oap.1 must be 


afxa veovrat. eyco 8e ir\eov eXirofiai, 20 

\6<yov 'OSucrcreo? rj irddav Std rou dhveirr) 'yevea^ , 'O/jLrjpov. 

eVel yp-evSecrl Fot iroravd '/z<£t ^layavd 

<rrp. ft'. 

rejected because 6ap.d (as Dr Ingram 
has shewn) can only mean often, which 
has no sense here ; and for the same 
reason Bergk's Oavdrov iropov o~dp.a (cf. 
crapuvd' dafiivd, avvex&s" AaKwves, Hesy- 
chius) cannot stand. Wieseler's Oavdrov 
Trepan &/j.a has found favour with many, 
but on closer examination its specious- 
ness disappears. In the first place, the 
textual critic asks, why should such a 
very simple and common phrase have 
been corrupted in the MSS.? In the 
second place, we have to assume that 
Trepas davdrov (that is, the end of life 
which consists in death ; would not 
Pindar have written either re\os davdrov 
or Trepas /3tou?) is used in a very rare 
construction ( without a prepo- 
sition, H 335) with a verb of motion. 

The reading which I have adopted 
davdrov Trdpos a/xa veovrat both satis- 
fies the critical conditions of the prob- 
lem and ascribes to Pindar a simple 
poetical picture instead of a common- 
place phrase. The preposition or adverb 
7rapos is generally used of priority in 
time; it is comparatively rarely employed 
to express relations of space. Hence a 
scribe, unfamiliar with the more ancient 
usage, in deciphering an uncial MS., read 
TT&pOC&MA as 7rap<x crdp.a (aap.a = arnxa, 
a tomb), regarding as a mistake for A. 
In the case of nepas d/xa such a mis- 
reading would have been unlikely because 
7repas was familiar ; in the case of Trdpos, 
it was natural, because Trdpos, in the 
sense of before (temporal), yielded no 
sense. For Trdpos in front 0/"with genitive, 
cf. Euripides, Phoenissae 127 1 dvrels 
rwvde dup-druv trdpos, Orestes in <3 
reKvov, e"i;e\d', "Eipfuov-q, 86/j.a)i> Trdpos (note, 
after a veil) of motion), 121 6 56p.wv Trdpos 
pUvovaa, &c. irdpos calls up a picture 

of the rich man and the poor man stand- 
ing together in front of Death. 

Bergk's suggestion iropov is at least 
more poetical than Wieseler's irepas; 
it reminds us of Tennyson's 'dolorous 
strait '. 

20. iyu 8c k.t.X.] I trow that the tale 
of Odysseus surpassed his suffering on 
account of the sweet minstrelsy of Homer. 
eXwo/xaL I imagine. The MSS. have 77 
Trddav which I retain ; Triclinius' irddev, 
with which we should have to understand 
a, is hardly possible. 

22. iirtl k.t. X. ] For his falsehoods, 
through -winged artifice, wear a flower 
of dignity ; but craft deceiveth and leadeth 
astray by words, and the heart of 'most mot 
hi company together is blind. Foi, that 
is 'O/xr/puj. For Trorava' p.axavq. of poetry 
compare Pyth. vin. 33 (tw rebv xpf°*> 
w 7rcu, vewrarov na\Qv tfxa iroravbv ajx<f>l 
/xaxava. Dissen illustrates frrso-ri by 
Aristophanes, Clouds 1025 ws i)56 aov 
roicri Xo'70(s auxppov eirecrrtv dvOos, com- 
pare the scholium, rots yap vepl 'Odvaaeus 
KeKrjpvy/j.i'vois aefivorrjs ris eirrivdei. 

The MSS. read irOTava jxaxava, Her- 
mann inserts re, Schmid ye. The passage 
quoted from the Eighth Pythian suggests 
that *|x4>i fell out, and if we write the 
words in uncials we find this suggestion 
palaeographically sound. 

The close succession of im, im, led l>\ 
'parablepsia' to the omission of <biM ; 
and thus produced the same effect as the 
omission of m<J>i. For the scansion of 
■trorava dfx<pi cf. 01. XIII. 99 drj dp.<por{pw- 
Oev (the certain and universally accepted 
correction of mss. 5' dp.cpore'pwdev by 
Boeckh and Hermann). I would write 
however 5t/ 'puporepudev, regarding it as 
a case of prodelision. 




ae/xvov eirearl ti' aocpia Be KXetrrei 7rapd<yoiaa piv6oi<;' rv(p\6v 

€ X €t 

rirop o/xtXo? dvBpwv o 7t\€lctto<;. ei <yap rjv 

irav akaOetav IBefiev, ov tcev ottXcov ^o\&>#ei<? 25 

6 Kaprepo<; Ata? eira^e Bid (frpevwv 

\evpov ^l(f>o<;' ov Kparitnov 'A%tX.eo? drep pdya 

%avd(o Mei^eXa Bdfjiapra KOfjbicrai doais 

23. o-o<j>(a] This ffo<pla, craft, skill 
in poetry, is other than that of the wise 
men of line 17. 

24. el -yap t^v k.t.X.] Bergk's brilliant 
emendation erav, for edv of the MSS., 
has elucidated this passage. For the 
rare word iros ( = £tv/j.os, err/Tv/Acis) Bergk 
gives abundant authority. In a scholium 
on Homer A 133 we read: 2<ttiv irbs ko.1 
arj/j.aivei rdv dXyjdrj, ii; ov ko.1 irXeovaa p-ip 
rod e ereos* tovto vapd rb £w to virdpxu, 
e/xt* e£ avrov irbs 6 dXr]6r]s. Joh. Alex. 
de ace. p. 29 u>s era TT]/j.evi8Coi> (so Bergk 
for Hrjfievlbos) XP V<T€0V yivos. Corp. Inscr. 
Gr. I. 569 crcupws era t elaaKOve ko.1 
\6yots irelpav p.a.dthv k.t.X. Compare also 
'Etcu0iXci a name of Persephone. Bergk 
restores the word in two other passages 
of Pindar; (1) Nem. X. 11, q. v.; (2) 
Isthm. II. 10 prjfi' dXa0eias <eras> ay- 
Xttrra fSaivov. 

In the pi-esent passage erav has that 
shade of meaning, which Mr Verrall has 
shown to be constantly associated with 
trvfios and eTi^rvfios (cf. also below 1. 63 
kX^os irrjTv /j.ov), an allusion to the signifi- 
cance of a name. Pindar alludes ( 1 ) to the 
fancied connexion of the name Ai'as with 
aleros, the bird which Homer called 
TiXaoraTOS ireTerjvwv (9 233), and which 
in Pindar is the auspice of the Aeacids 
(the family of Aias) ; this true bird of 
Ajax is opposed to the l %vinged artifice' 
of Homer the poet of Odysseus. (2) He 
alludes to the name "OfM7]pos, which ac- 
cording to an Ionic Vita Homeri meant 
blind in the Cumaean Aeolic dialect, 
and which he associates with the b/xiXos 
of blind heart. Had it been possible to 

descry the literal truth, it would have 
been recognized that Ajax was the true 
eagle and that the adherents of Odysseus 
were as blind in heart, as his poet in 

Render : For if they could have dis- 
cerned the truth assured by his very name, 
the staunch Ajax would not, in wrath 
for arms, have planted the smooth s~word 
blade in his breast, — Ajax the most valiant 
in battle, save Achilles only, of those who 
•were borne on swift ships in course direct 
to the city of Plus, by conduct of the 
Zephyr, to recover his wife for fair-haired 

26. 6 KapTepos Al'as] Cf. 6 Kaprepbs 
BeXXepo<t>6vTas, 01. xni. 84. Compare 
the verses on the death of Ajax in 
Nemean VIII. 23 sqq. and Isthm. III. 34. 
Horace calls Ajax heros ab Achille 
sea/ndus, Sat. II. 3, 193, a tradition 
derived from Homer, B 768 

dvdpQv 5' av /xey' apio-ros Zr)v TeXa^tictos 

&<pp' 'AxiXeis H7)Vi€V b yap iroXv 

(pipraros riev. 

27. Xevpov] This adjective is gene- 
rally used of sand or rocks. See Intro- 
duction, p. 118. — Ajax fell on his sword, 
which he fixed in the ground (cf. Soph. 
Aj. 828 irewTwra r$8e irepl veoppavTU) 
£t<pei), and 2ira£e (which meansy?.*^, not 
plunged) suggests that the sword did not 

28. KOfiicrou] Infinitive of purpose 
or end. Pindar generally prefers forms 
in -lijai (Ko/xt^ai) and -a£cu from verbs 
in -/fw and -afw. See above note on 
11. 24. 



av vavcrl iropevaav evOvirvoov Ze<fivpoio irofiiral 

7rpo? "I\oi» ttoXiv. ciXXa kolvov yap ep^erai avr. /3'. 30 

kv/jL WiBa, ireae h dSofcrjrov iv tcai hotceovra' Tifid 8e yiverat,, 

29. evOvirvoov] An adjective coined 
by Pindar. Its purpose is to contrast the 
direct journey to Troy with the wander- 
ings of the returning squadrons, referred 
to below in line 37. For the Zephyr 
wafting the fleet to Ilion cf. Aeschylus, 
Agamemnon 1. 674 Ze<pvpov ylyavros avpa. 

30. dXXd koivov k.t.X.] But to all 
alike cornel k the wave of Hades (to swallow 
them), yea it falleth unexpected on one 
man and also on him who expecteth it. 
So Mezger. (For iv with the accusative 
cf. Pytli. 11. 10 5i<ppov iv 6' apparel. For 
K<xl occupying the same position as re, 
Latin que, cf. vvv iv xal reXevrq. 01. 
vii. 26.) Dissen's rendering caditque 
in ingloriosos el gloriosos assigns an un- 
supported meaning to ddoKrjros ; and there 
is the same objection to Mr Fennell's 
'ingloriously even on a glorious hero'. 
Mezger's view is supported by the schol- 
ium ifnriiTTei 6 davaros 6p.oius tcai irpeafiv- 
ripots ko.1 veuripois. (This scholium sup- 
ports the suggestion, put forward in the 
Introduction, touching family sorrows of 

31. tijuL 84 yLvtrai k.t.X.] But those 
have honour, whose fame a god causes to 
wax fair and fine, even the dead war- 
riors, who come to the great navel of large- 
bosomed earth. 

The MSS. have redvaKoruv poadowv 
toI yap piiyav 6p.<paXbv evpvKoXirov £/xo\e 
Xdovos, iv llvdioiai 5i Sairidois k.t.X. 
The scholiast testifies to the reading 
p.6Xov and Didymus read (3oa8owv wapa 
p.iyav k.t.X. Much has been written on 
these lines and many emendations have 
been proposed. In the first place, the 
metre shews that yap is corrupt and that 
a pyrrhic preceded p.iyav; we can hardly 
hesitate to accept Didymus' napa, as the 
corruption is explained by the close simi- 

larity between TTAP and TAP. In the 
next place it is clear that this corruption 
led to the punctuation after fioadouip, 
which is evidently the antecedent of rol. 
In the third place, the singular Z/noXe and 
the strange (I believe, impossible) antici- 
pation of Neoptolemus in this sentence 
were consequences of the false punctua- 
tion. In fact the key to this passage is 
the recognition that the tale of Neoptole- 
mus cannot begin until 1. 34 with iv Ilv- 
Qioiai di oairidois. Such emendations as 
fibvos for HfioXe, yanidois for daTredois, 
llvdloiffi re for Uvdloici di are quite 
arbitrary. Mr Arthur Holmes proposed 
fioadoov Xoyov. 

As to the warriors who come to Delphi, 
I may translate the note of Dissen : ' At 
Delphi were celebrated £eVia at which 
the god was supposed to entertain those 
heroes who formerly in their lifetime 
had come to Delphi on various occasions 
to worship him. There was a solemn 
procession at which many victims were 
killed (cf. below 1. 46 iipwiais irop.irah 
toXv8vtois)\ Schol. ylveroa. iv AtX<poh 
r/pwcrt $ivia iv oh doKe? 6 deos iwl £ivia 
KaXuv tovs T/'pwas. In Homer j3oa96os is 
an epithet of a chariot (hastening to help) 
P 481; cf. N 477; and here too it 
has its proper meaning of helper, refer- 
ring especially to the heroes who aided 
Menelaus in recovering Helen, — those 
who hastened to Troy on swift ships, 
floats av vavcri (cf. (ioa-dowv). 

The epithet dppov is applied to glory 
won in war or games; cf. Kudos aflpov 
Isthm. 1. 50 and 01. v. 7. Observe that 
ti/j.6. is represented as superior to X070S; 
it is conferred by a god, not by a poet 
('Xoyov habet Ulysses at non npAv\ 



a>v 0ed<i afipov av^ei \6yov redvaKorwv^ 

j3oad6a)v, rol irapcl fieyav op,cpa\6v evpvKokirov 

fjb6\ov %dov6<?.— iv Hvdloiai Se ScnriSois 

KeiTai Hpid/jbov iroXtv Neo7rToXe/xo? eirel nrpadev) 35 

ra koI Aavaol Trovrjaav' 6 8 aTroirXecov 

Z/cvpov fiev a/xaprev, ikovto S' els 'Ejcpvpav irXayevre^. 

MoXocrcria S' ifx/3aalX€vev 6\lyov eV. /3'. 

yjpovov' clrdp yevos alel <pepev 

33. eipuKoXirov] Pindaric coinage. 
Cf. evpvarepvos of Fata in Hesiod, Theo- 
gony, 117. 

;,4. ev ITv0ioio-i k.t.X.] But Neopto- 
levins licth in hallowed Pythian ground, 
after sacking the city of Priam, where also 
the Danai toiled. But he, sailing home- 
ward, missed Scyros, and they came to 
Ephyra, driven from their course. 

The place of Neoptolemus' burial is 
mentioned below 1. 44 — an ancient grove 
close to the temple, ddiredov is the 
ground of the dXaos. — Dissen explains 
the consecution KeZrai eirel irpddev thus : 
'nunc opus fuit hac laude [Troiae exci- 
dium] ad dignitatem et praestantiam 
herois declarandam, tantopere fato hono- 

37. Eicvpov |x€v] Cf. T 326. Ephyra, 
a town in Epirus, capital of Thesprotia; 
see Strabo Vll. 324: vTrepKeirai tovtov 
tov koXttov Kixvpos, r) irporepov 'Ecpvpa, 
7r6Xts QecnrpwTwv. See Introduction, p. 

ir\cry«VT€s] The MSS. give irXayxdiv- 
res (and irXaxOevTes). Boeckh, in order 
to rectify the metre, transposed ikovto 
and TrXayxOevTes (augmented ikovto be- 
coming unaugmented Ikovto), but this is 
'robbing Peter for the benefit of Paul', 
as the final syllable of a/xapTev is thereby 
lengthened. In any case the hypothesis 
of a transposition, when there is no 
special reason, is improbable and uncriti- 
cal. Bergk's irXdvaiaiv cannot be ac- 
cepted, for there is no reason why it 
should have been tampered with. 1 have 

adopted my own conjecture nXayevTes, 
an unfamiliar second aorist of 7rXafw, 
which was naturally changed in the pro- 
cess of transcription to the familiar first 
aorist nXayxO^vTes. In regard to this 
form it is to be observed that, while the 
second aorist passive of irX-qo-o-w is in- 
variably eTrXrjyrjv, its compounds eKwXrjo-- 
o~t>) and KaTaTrXrjaaio have e^eirXdyqv and 
KaTeivXdyqv in Attic (i^eTrX^yrjv and 
KaT€Tr\rjyr]v in older Greek). Why these 
double forms ? Had irXrjo-o-w two second 
aorists eTrXijyrjv and eirXdyr]v, of which 
the latter became wholly obsolete in its 
simple verb? But eirX-qy-qv can hardly 
be a 'new formation', for it is the form 
in older literature, and -enXayrjv is first 
found in Attic writers. I believe that 
iirXdyrjv is the second aorist of irXdfa (a 
verb, indeed, etymologically related to 
Tr\r)oo-w), and that it contaminated the 
Attic conjugation of eKTrXrjTTU, owing to 
the connexion between the meanings of 
eKTr\rjTTeo-8at., to be driven out of one's 
senses (cf. irXdytos), and of TrXd^eadat, to 
be driven out of one's course. The 
difference between eirXdyrjv and enXdyx- 
6t)v (which has perhaps been intruded 
into the place of eirXdyyjv in other pas- 
sages also) is that the former has a passive, 
the latter a middle meaning. 

38. Mo\o<ro-ia] There was an Aea- 
cid dynasty in Molossia; Neoptolemus 
was succeeded by his son Molossus. — 
cp.j3aaiXe6u is a Homeric compound. 

39. aToip -yevos k.t.X.] But his race 
after him for ever had this prerogative 



tovto Fot yipa<;. <*>X ero ^ ""po? deov, 

Kreav dywv Tpotadev aKpoQivLwv' 

'iva /cpedtv viv virep /na%a9 ^Xaaev avrnvyovr dvt)p p.aya^p^ 

fidpvvdev Se irepicrad AeX^ot tjevayerat. crrp. 7 . 

dWa to fAopcrifiov direhwiceV exPV v ^ T ^' evSov d\o~ei iraXaLTajw 
AlaKtSdv tcpeovrcov ro^otirbv e/xfievai 45 

6eov Trap curet^ea Sop,ov, ijpcoiais Se iro/JLTrals 
dep.L(Tfc67rov ol/celv eovra iro\vdvTOL<; m 
€v(t)Wfiov e? hiicavj rpla teiiea htapKeaet' 

(that is, his descendants were kings in 
Molossia). &,T&p=autem, <pipev = habebat, 
foi Dat. commodi. — This remark is not 
without its special purpose; see below, 
1. 100. 

41. KTtav ayu>v k.t.X.] Taking with 
him rich first-fruits of the booty won from 
Troy, as an offering to Apollo. 

42. I'va Kpewv /c.t.X.] Where (at Del- 
phi) he engaged by chance in a combat 
touching flesh-offerings and was smitten 
by a man with a knife. The man who 
slew Neoptolemus was Machaereus, a 
Delphic priest. — The anastrophe of inrep, 
separated by viv from its case, is unusual, 
perhaps unparalleled (worl at iravra Xoyov 
in Pyth. II. 66 is the extremely doubtful 
reading of Boeckh). With p.axo.% ivrt- 
tvxovt' cf. avriaaai. 7ro\e/xoto. By avrt- 
tvxovtcl, instead of avriaaavra, Pindar 
expresses that the conflict was casual, not 

Various traditions concerning Neop- 
tolemus' visit to Delphi are given in the 
scholia, but need not be quoted here. 

43. pdpvv0€V 8« k.t.\. ] And the hos- 
pitable Delphians were vexed exceedingly, 
fiapwdev for e(3apuvdr]oa.i>. ^evayerai oc- 
curs only here. 

44. dXAd k.t.X.] He (Neoptolemus) 
hozvever paid the debt of fate. But meet 
it was that there should be one of the 
Aeacid kings in the precincts of the grove 
most ancient, hard by the god's fair-walled 
house, and should dwell there to preside at 

the processions of heroes, honoured with 
many sacrifices, for enforcement of aus- 
picious guest-right. 

For Ivdov aXffei cf. ZvSov riyei Nem. 
in. 54. — 6e(uo-K6irov does not occur else- 
where, but may be compared to another 
Pindaric compound 8epu<TKptu>v, Pyth. v. 
29. Neoptolemus presides at the ^evia, 
to enforce the laws of guest-right, which 
Pindar, alluding to the Euxenid name, 
calls evibvvp.os diKa: see below 1. 85 ei)w- 
vvp-ip narpa. — Various views have been 
held regarding the punctuation of 11. 47, 
48. Some place a full stop at ito\vOvtois, 
reading 1. 48 as one sentence, but this 
does not yield a fair sense. Others punc- 
tuate at evwwfiov. The recognition of 
the true meaning of evdivv/ios 5ka decides 
for Hermann's punctuation, which I have 
followed. — Pausanias (x. 24. 5) mentions 
the tomb of Neoptolemus, and adds kcu 
ol Kara, iros evayifrvatv ol Ae\(poi. 

48. rpCfx. k.t.X.] Three words will 
suffice; no false loon is the witness; he 
(Neoptolemus) presideth over doughty 
deeds. \j/«v8is (not found elsewhere) is 
contemptuous, like ydo-rpis. As a rare 
word it is designed to attract attention 
and to suggest that Pindar does not imi- 
tate the Homeric if/ev5e<n of line 22. — The 
idea of Hermann (adopted by Mezger) 
that the following words Atyiva — inybvwv 
depend on epyp.aaii>, and that the new 
sentence begins at dpavu is certainly 
wrong. Neoptolemus is an ewitTTdT-qs of 



ov yjrevbis 6 pbdprvs' epyp,a<riv irriararel. 

Atytva, rewv Atd? T iicyovwv dpacrv fxot rob' eiirelv 


(paevvals dperais oBbv KVpiav Xoyoiv dvr. y' . 

otKodev ' aXXd yap avairavcns iv iravrl yXv/cela tepyrp ' Kopov 

€ X et 
zeal pbeki Kal rd rkpivv dvde 'AcppoBlcrta. 

<pva S' e/cacrro? hiCMpepopbev fBuordv Xa^ovre^, 

6 p,ev rd, rd S' aXXoi' rvyelv 8' ev dhvvarov 55 

evhaipioviav drracrav dveXopuevov' ovk e%a) 

eirreiv, rivt rovro Motpa reXos ep.ireSov 

wpe^e. Seapicov, rlv 8' ioi/cora Katpbv oXjBov 

the games, not a mere -rrpovTaT-qs or special 
defensor in the interests of Aeginetans. 
'4py\i.a.<riv means the exploits of all com- 
petitors in the games celebrated at the 
Delphic xenia. Those who are familiar 
with the manner of Pindar will recognise, 
I believe, that Aiyiva begins a new 

50. Afyiva A.-.T.X.] / am emboldened 
(9pao~v fj.oi rode = Herri fioi rode to ddpcros), 
O Aegijia, to proclaim for the bright deeds 
of bravery of the children of thee and Zens 
a stab lis hed highroad of praises leading 
from their home, dpercus is Dative, as 
Dissen takes it, not instrumental. — Mr 
Fennell is right in comparing xvpiav 686v 
with 656v d/xa^Tov (A'cm. vi. 53), but the 
former is somewhat stronger. The idea 
i> that the deeds of the Aeacids are a 
highroad in the land of Greek myth. 

;2. d\\d "y^p k.t.X.] But I 'will not, 
for in every 'work rest is su>eet : yea, 
honey can pall and the delicious flowers 
of Aphrodite's garden. For the signifi- 
cance of these words see Introduction; 
also above 1. 1 1 (ixe\l<ppov ') and below 
1. 74. — Mr Fennell reads Tepwvavdea, a 
compound which, had it been found in 
the mss., we should be strongly tempted 
to emend. lie does not translate his 
reading, but I suppose that it means 'the 
uses of Aphrodite, whose flower is de- 
light". The text is quite sound, the 

grammar being rd Tipirv dvtiea, dvde 
'A<ppo5L<ria. That the pleasures of food 
and love have a limit is a commonplace; 
the proverb is introduced here in words 
which fit it for a figurative application. 

54. <J>vd 8' 2k<xo-tos k.t.X.] By our 
individual natures we differ and the gifts 
of life are variously allotted to men ; but 
that one man should win the prize of 
happiness complete is impossible ; I cannot 
say to whom Fate hath proffered this con- 
summate gift as a sure possession. 

Pindar returns here to the reflexions 
of 11. 5 — 6. — The singular number of |3io- 
rdv is due to eVacrros. /3iord itself is a 
collective word which includes many ex- 
periences ; hence the plural rd in line 
55 — the things which make up the indi- 
vidua? s (Biord. dveX.€o-9ai is often found 
in Herodotus of winning victories, dira- 
crav has its strict force, in all its fulness. 
For Moipa compare 1. 1 ; for t'lxireb'ov 
(predicate extended) see 1. 98. Compare 
Introduction, p. 125. 

A passage in the Third Pythian, 1. 86 
sqq. illustrates Pindar's thought : 

aiup 8' dff(pa\r)s 

ovk tyevT' oilr' AiaKlda irapd Tlrfkei 

oiSre Trap' avridio} Kd5p.u)' Xtyovrai 
fxdv fipOTwv 

6\j3ov viriprarov o'i crx^f, dire k.t.X. 

58. 0€apUv k.t.X.] But to thee, O 
7'ltearion, she gives a meet measure of 



SiSooai, roXfxav re /caXcov dpopivw eV. 7'. 

crvveaiv ovk dtro^XdirTet (ppevwv. 60 

%elv6s elfii' (TKoreivbv dtrkyuiv yjroyov, 

v8a,To$ u*T6 pods (pl\ov e? dvhp dycov 

K\eo<i ir^Tvpou alviaco' irori^opos 8' wyadolcri paados 01)7-09. 

icov 8' €771)9 'A^at09 ou p,ep,-tyeTaL p, avr/p 

arp. 8'. 

weal, and, having endued thee with a 
spirit fain of fail - adventures, she perverts 
not the understanding from thy breast. 

Kcupos] due measure (to /xeaov), not 
necessarily of time. Christ's KXdpov is 
not needed. Compare Pyth. I. ,^6 ovtoj 
5' 'lepcovi Qeos opOwrrjp tt4\oi...wv iparai. 
Kaipbv SiSous (gratifying his desires in due 
measure). ro\fj.av is the temper which 
undertakes courageous deeds. diropXaTr- 
T«i means disables and expels from, 
(ppevdv depending on dirh. The expres- 
sion corresponds to (3\d(3eu in 1. 18 (the 
second verse of the first epode) ; Thearion 
was one of the wise men who gauge the 
wind of the third day. See Introduction. 

6 1 . ijtivos cl|u k.t.X. ] / am your guest- 
friend. Averting the dark shadow of 
blame, as by streams of water directed 
upon my friend, will I sing of a glory 
true to the letter. This is a meed that 
cometh to good men. The meaning of 
k\«'os €tt]'tv|xov is evident from the atmo- 
sphere of its environment (if I may be 
allowed the expression) ; — %eivos in 1. 61 , 
TTpo^evLg. in 1. 65 shew that the k\cos 
literally true is the name of Sogenes' 
clan, Ev£ei>l5ai (see below 1. 70) which is 
called a evJivvfios irdrpa in 1. 85. For the 
force of eTrjTv/xov, as shown by Mr Verrall 
for Aeschylus, see above, note on 1. 25. 

The streams of water signify neither 
the abundance nor the gratefulness of 
the praise as Dissen and Mezger re- 
spectively hold. The surface of the 
water is to be a clear reflector of the 
fame of the Euxenidae, which will thus 
shine through the darkness. The similar 
collocation of poala t and gkotov in 11. 

12,13 proves this beyond all doubt.— The 
circumstance, that the last syllable of eifii 
would naturally be lengthened before <tk 
while the metre requires its brevity, has 
caused the suspicion of commentators to 
fall upon <tkot€ivov. It is possible that it 
may be a gloss on some rarer word of 
identical meaning ; but it would be hazar- 
dous to emend. Tverpai-q re o-kitj in Ilesiod, 
Works and Days, 1. 589 may be quoted 
in defence of the metrical liberty, and 
(Xkotov in 1. 13 distinctly supports <jkotu- 
vbv. We certainly cannot accept Bergk's 
KeXaivov or ipeftevvov. 

64. €wv 8' eyyvs k.t.X.] But if an 
Achaean man be near, who dwelleth on 
the Ionian sea, he "will not blame me; I 
trust in my office of proxenos. In the 
streets of Aegina there were many foreig- 
ners, and Pindar might count on the 
possibility of an Epirot (Molossian) being 
actually there when the ode was sung. 
A man from Epirus would be jealous for 
the honour of Neoptolemus (see below 11. 
102 sqq.). Mr Arthur Holmes, 1 believe, 
was the first to point out the meaning of 
'Axa'os dv-qp. — For xnr€p compare the 
passage of Strabo quoted above on 1. 37, 
and ib. 326 to. virlp tov 'loviov k6\ttov, 
also Thucydides, 1. 46 &rn 5^ Xifirjv ko.1 
7r6Xis iiirip avTov Keirat a7r6 OaXdffarjs 
(quoted by Dissen). Mr Holmes (The 
Nemean Odes of Pindar with special 
reference to Nem. VII.) has this note on 
birip: ' If virip be really to Trepi what the 
highest vertical point of a curve would be 
to the curve itself, what preposition could 
more exactly describe the position of 
Kichyros, the city of Thesprotia, here 



'lofta? VTrep dXos ol/ciwV irpo^evia nreTroiO'? ev re 8afJ,6rai<i 65 

ofAfxari hepKOfJLca Xafinpov, ov-% virepfiakutv, 

fiLaia iravT £/c 7roSo9 epvcrai<i, 6 &e \017r09 evtypwv 

7totI xpovos Gpiroi. [iddoov Se tls avepel, 

supposed to be mentioned? We know 
from Strabo that Kichyros stood upon a 
cliff ; the sloping of the coast might well 
represent the higher portion of the curve 
whose lower portion would be the reflec- 
tion in the waters '. — The MSS. have sal 
wpo^evia, a long syllable too much for the 
metre. Hermann omits kcu, while Momm- 
sen reads ko.1 £evia. The omission of kclI 
is clearly a gain for the structure and 
style ; and I think nal can be explained 
as a gloss on re : iv re 8a/j.6rais = nai kv 
da/xoraLS. — This passage shews that Pin- 
dar was proxenos for the Epirots. Dissen 
observes ' suspicor Pindarum hospitia 
gratuita habuisse per Graeciam qualia 
Amphictyones alio tempore decrevere 
Polygnoto; cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 
2, 33'. But this passage does not prove 
the suspicion. 

From a scholium on 1. 64 we learn the 
fact that offence was given to the Aegi- 
netans by a Paean of Pindar : nadoXov 
yap awoXoyeiodaL ^ovXerai. irepl rod Neo- 
trroXe'p.ov Oavdrov trpbs tovs Alyivrjras ' 
eneivoi yap fini^vro rov Ilivoapov on ypd- 
<pwv AeXcpois rbv Tlaidva £(f>rj' dfi<pnro- 
Xoiffi p.apvdp.evov pLoipiav wepl Tifiav 

65. 'iv T6 8a|xoTaLS k.t.X.] And 
amongst my fellow citizens my glance 
is clear, for I have not broken bounds 
and have removed all violent uses from 
before my feet; but may the time to come 
draw nigh with kindly purpose. The 5a- 
/uo'tcu are the Thebans as opposed to 
%kvoi. With ojijiaTi k.t.X. cf. Nem. X. 40 
ju.77 Kpinrreiv (pdos o/j./xdruv, where the con- 
nexion however is very different, Xa/nrpov 
SipKeadaL is the clear gaze of a free soul. 
tiirtpPaXcov = inrepfiaXwv /xirpov, excedens 
moduin (Dissen). Donaldson appropri- 
ately cites a gloss of Hesychius, i/nep- 

(3oXla- Kdpos, vfipis. — epixrais £k 7ro56s 
refers to dragging away impediments 
from one's path. 7toti — Zpiroi, tmesis. 

68. |ao.0wv 8e k.t.X. ] But whoso 
understandeth me will proclaim, whether 
I come with the discords of crooked parley 
on my lips. 

dvep€t] The MSS. have a? epel which is 
supposed to be an instance of the Homeric 
construction of av with the future indica- 
tive. But i) this construction is extremely 
doubtful, out of Homer. The few in- 
stances cited from Attic prose writers 
are clearly due to errors in the MSS. 
The passage in Euripides' Electra, I. 484 
(k<xv '£t en cpbvtov o\j/ al/xa) is ob- 
viously corrupt (see Weil's note). (2) If 
we allow that Pindar may, in this single 
passage, have adopted this epic con- 
struction, it is hard to see what force 
the words av epel can possibly have. 
(3) Even without av, epel would be in- 
tolerably weak, and the statement point- 
less. (4) As the text stands this sentence 
is isolated; some connexion with what 
follows seems required. — It is hardly 
necessary to mention the suggestion that 
av should be taken with /xadwv. 

The difficulty has arisen from a slight 
error of a copyist who divided avepel into 
two words, just as, below 1. 89, he divided 
dvexoi into av '4x 01 ( see n ote). In Pyth. 
1. 32 (and x. 8) we find aviewe, aorist of 
dvayopevu, used of the herald proclaiming 
the victor in a contest, dvepe?, the future, 
has a similar force here ; for these words 
(fjLadwv k.t.X.) are closely connected with 
the following lines. When the opponent 
of Sogenes overstepped the line marking 
the beginning of the spear-throw (see 
next note), the question arose whether he 
was disqualified; and when the judges 
gave it against him, their judgment must 



el irap /xe\os epyopial ■^r/iyiov oapov ivveireov. 
Ev^eviSa ircvrpaOe "Scoyeves, virop.vvw 


have been made known to the spectators 
by a *%)i/£. Pindar applies this incident 
to his own case (see Introduction), and 
avepel introduces the metaphor of the 
following lines. p.a6Ccv Si tls dvepe? means 
when the truth is ascertained, proclama- 
tion will be made; zvhether etc. This 
restitution can hardly be called a change. 
It removes all difficulties of construction, 
and restores the continuity of thought. 

For irap jw'Xos cf. 01. IX. 39 to navxdv- 
6ai irapa Kaipov paviaicnv inroxpeKei, un- 
seasonable vaunting sounds a jarring chord 
of madness. — Hesychius gives the gloss 
\pdyiou ' wXdyiov, Xo^bv, eirtKeKXinevov. It 
is only to be wondered that B has pre- 
served the right word, uncorrupted. 
Schneider's ipoyiov and Ahrens' \j/eXX6v 
are worthy of Byzantine scribes. 

70. EvfjevtSa k.t.X.] Sogenes, of Eu- 
xenid clan, I swear that I overstepped not 
the line when I propelled my swift tongue 
like a bronze-lipped spear, -which released 
thy neck and thews from the sweat of 
the wrestling-bouts, ere thy body met the 
rays of the burning sun. 

The MSS. have diro|Avvw, which would 
mean, I swear that I propelled not. With 
Bergk I follow the reading of the scholiast 
utto/j-vvu. |Ai] refers only to wpo^ds ' with- 
out having overstepped'. T^p|ia is the 
line which must not be overstepped by the 
throwers. The mere use of trpofiaivu 
('step in front of) excludes the old idea 
that r^pfxa meant ' the limit of the throw ' ; 
in such a sense, wpopds assuredly could 
not take the place of inreppaXuiv. 

In this difficult passage German criti- 
cism has conspicuously failed, and more 
light has been thrown on the problem of 
the pentathlon by the researches of Prof. 
Gardner, Mr Fennell and Dr Waldstein 
than by the learning of Hermann, Dissen 
and Dr Pinder. There can be no doubt 
that Pindar's words contain an allusion 


to some circumstance connected with 
Sogenes' victory, and there might seem 
to be a choice between two alternatives. 

(1 ) Sogenes' victory in the spearthrow- 
ing was decisive for his victory in the 
pentathlon, and the wrestling test was un- 
necessary. The order of the five events in 
the pentathlon was as follows: aXpt.a, &kwi>, 
diaKos, 5p6/j.os, Tra\r] (leaping, spear-throw- 
ing, disc- h urliiig. rutin iug, zurcstling) . The 
order olkwv, 6'ktkos is generally reversed, 
but Dr Waldstein's observation that ' the 
Diskos as compared with the Akontismos 
was papvs, while the Akontismos was light 
and required above all steadiness of eye 
and arm' (apud Fennell, A T emean and 
Isthmian Odes, p. xx) is decisive for the 
priority of the spearthiowing. If one 
competitor won three of the first four 
events, he was declared victor and no 
wrestling contest took place (a case of 
Tpia.yp.6s, or dirorpid^aC). This might 
have been achieved by Sogenes. If so, 
the question arises, why does Pindar 
specially mention the spear throw, the 
second event, as decisive? This difficulty 
might be removed by the supposition that 
Sogenes' strong points were leaping and 
running, and that his victory in spear- 
throwing was an unexpected stroke of good 
fortune. This good fortune might have 
been due to the circumstance that a 
superior opponent overstepped the line, 
and thus repp-a irpofids would have a 
special point. 

Against this view the word €^'ir€ji\(/ev 
seems to me to be decisive. eK-rrip-wu is 
by no means a synonym of etcXvu. Such 
a phrase as (Kirip.irnv kclkov could not be 
used if the evil had never existed ; and in 
the same way iKirip-neiv iraXaicrpxiTwi> 
would be a false phrase if no wrestling 
had taken place. This consideration 
is fatal also to the theory of Mr Fennell, 
(who takes 6s e&irep.\l/(i> "which is wont 


/X7] repfxa 7r/?o/9a? aKovf? wre %aXtco7rdpaov opaai 

donv fXwcraav, 09 etc a eirepu^ev iraXaicrfMarcov dvr. B' . 

av^eva teal aOevos dBiavrov, aWwvi trplv deXiw yvlov epbtreaelv. 

el 7r6vo<; tjv, to repirvov irXeov ireBep^erai. 

ea /£€" vlkqovtI ye ydpiv, el rt irepav aepdels 75 

dvetcpayov, ov Tpa%v<; el fit rcaradefiev' 

elpetv (TTe<pdvou<; iXacppov. dvafidXeo. M.oi<rd tol 

KoXXd j^pvabv ev re Xevicbv eXecpavd' dp,a 

to dismiss") that Sogenes 'discharged 
his spear in the pentathlon with his foot 
advanced beyond the line, which marked 
the beginning of the throw, and so having 
failed to gain the third victory was 
obliged to go on to the wrestling '. This 
view moreover attributes to Pindar the 
statement, 'I have not overstepped 
the mark, as you did'. But though I 
am unable to accept Mr Fennell's inter- 
pretation of this passage, I must grate- 
fully acknowledge the instruction that I 
have derived from his learned essay on 
the Pentathlon. 

(2) The expression i^tirt^ev iraXaicr- 
IxliTuiv clearly implies that Sogenes 
wrestled, but a fortunate accident re- 
leased him from the labour betimes ; and 
the fact that he wrestled is confirmed (as 
Mr Fennell points out) by ei wovos rp> 
1. 74. The fortunate accident was of 
course connected with the spear-throw- 
ing. An opponent of Sogenes trans- 
gressed the line behind which he should 
have stood and was disqualified for an 
event, in which perhaps he hoped to win. 
He consequently retired from the compe- 
tition, and Sogenes was released from the 
necessity of contending with an additional 
adversary, probably a dangerous adver- 
sary, in the wrestling. This view is held 
by Bergk, and it demands a slight altera- 
tion in the reading of the MSS. The 
second personal pronoun <re is required 
after i^lwefi\(/€v, and so Bergk reads 6 a 
for 8s, translating id quod te discedere fecit. 
But 6 would almost necessarily mean to 

6.K0VTO. opacu, not rb ripixa irpo^rjvai. 8$ 
is right ; the spear, that is the spear- 
throwing (owing to the accident which 
befel his rival), delivered him from 
one wrestler. The mistake lies in e%t- 
Tre/j.\f/tv, a most natural and simple cor- 
ruption of Zk a £ire[jL\pev, from which in 
pronunciation it can have but very 
slightly, if at all, deviated. 

71. x a ^ K0 ' n '*P ( 3- 0V ] The expression 
Xa.XKOTrdpq.ov olkovto. occurs in Pyth. I. 44. 
In Homer the epithet is only used of 
helmets, dodv is used on account of the 
metaphor; cf. Nem. X. 69 Akovti 6o<£. 
For op<rai with yXQaaav, cf. 01. XIII. 12 
To\fj.a Te noi evdeia yXuavav opvvei Xt'-yeiP. 

73. aSiavrov] That is, dviSpuri. 

74. el irovos t\v k.t.X.] If toil there 
was, greater is the delight that follcweth. 
repirvbv answers to repirva. in 1. 53 (see 
Introduction) . 

75. ea p.6 k.t.X. ] Let me be. If, lifted 
too high, I uttered a loud scream, to a 
victor certainly my art is not rough in pay- 
ing her gracious debt. It is a light thing 
to twine garlands. Sound a loud prelude; 
surely, the Muse is welding together gold 
and -white ivory and the delicate flower 
which she has filched from the foam of the 
sea. 'ia. /ie implies, ' I will not deceive or 
disappoint you'. For dviKpayov cp.£ 467. 

77. avapdXeo] addressed by the poet 
to himself. Schol. dvrl tov dvaicpovov Kai 
apxov ti X^ytiv eXacppios wepl tQiv ore- 

78. \P" cr ° v ] 1° no other passage in 
classical Greek poetry, as far as I know, 



Kal Xelpiov avdepiov irovTias vfyeXola iep<ra<;. 

Ato? Se fte/MvcifMevos d/i<f>l Ne/zea eV. 8'. 80 

7ro\v(f)arov dpoov vfxvcov Sovei 

davya. /3aai\T]a 8e Oecov Trpeirei 

ScnreSov dv rohe yapvefxev d/xepa. 

OTTt' XeyovTi yap A.laic6v viv inrb /xarpoSoKOfi yovacs (j^vrevcrai, 

ira fxev nroXlap^ov ev(ovvp,a> irciTpa, 

arp. € . 85 

is the first syllable of xP l,cro 's shortened. 
The v of x/H'ceos, on the other hand, may 
be regarded as common; in Pindar it is 
found short ten times (e.g. Nem. v. 7). 

79. Xeiptov av06f«>v] white coral, ' the 
foam -flower'. Xeiptov is adjectival ( = Xei- 
pivos), and while it suggests the lily means 
slender or fine. Compare xp° a XetpLOiVTa 
delicate skin, N 830; oira \eipi6ea<ra.i', of 
the thin small voice of grasshoppers, 
r 52. Compare also Hesychius Xeipws' 
6 l<rx"bs Kal uxpos, and Xeipioevra ■ awaXd, 
Xei6iot> yap to &i>6os ' did [read &vdos did] 
tt]v Xeiorrjra... 

This foam-flower corresponds to the 
avdea 'A<ppo5lcria, flowers of the foam- 
born queen, of line 53 (see Introduction). 

80. Aios 8t k.t.X.] Zeus is mentioned 
because he was celebrated by the Nemean 
games (ap.<pi, in connexion with, in regard 
to). Sovelv, to shake or set in motion 
occurs in Pytlt. I. 44 axovra iraXdpa Sovtwv 
(making the spear vibrate); Pyth. VI. 36 
of a soul shaken by passion, bov-qdeiaa 
<pprjf (cf. ib. iv. 219). In Pyth. x. 39 we 
find it used of lyres and flutes : 

Traura 5e X°P 01 trapdevwv 
Xvpdv re /3ocu Kavaxai r' av\Qv dovtov- 
which we might render, alt the air is 
shaken by dances of maidens and loud 
notes of lyres and ringing music of flutes. 
Dissen's interpretation of dovei in the 
passage before us, as a metaphor from 
spear-hurling, can hardly be accepted, 
especially in view of the passage cited 
from the Tenth Pythian. We may trans- 
late : 

/;/ praise of Zens, whom A r emea calls 
to mind, let the sounds of many voices 
vibrate to low music. Meet is it on this 
floor with utterance soft to sing the king 
oj the gods. 

•7ro\v<|>aTOS 8poos] is the sound of voices 
singing in harmony. ao"i'x? and dp-epa 
owl are expressions appropriate to the 
music of the lyre, as distinguished from 
the music of the flute. 

83. 8aire8ov] The floor of the Aeaceum, 
where the victory of Sogenes was cele- 
brated. This is clear from rode ; the 
connexion of thought being that as Zeus 
is the father of Aeacus, it is meet to cele- 
brate him in the house of his son. 

84. [AaTpoSoKois] /xarpodoKos (accent 
so) is not found elsewhere, inro, by virtue 
of; compare Isth. V. 44 e&xais inrb Oecr- 
veaiais. viv is the subject of (pinevo-ai. 

85. tra |«v k.t.X.] A prune for a 
family of truly auspicious name (lit. a 
ruler of their city for a true fair-named 
clan). Aeacus was the first dpxbs of the 
7roXis to which the Euxenidae belonged. 
The MSS. have ipa which yields no sense. 
Pauw proposed re£, but the following 
clause excludes the second person here. 
Hermann's eq. has found more supporters ; 
but there are two objections to it. (1) 
ea was not likely to become e//£ ; (2) the 
remark that Aeacus was a iroXiapxos for 
his own tvarpa, the Aeacids, is weak and 
irrelevant. He was more than iroXiapxos 
for the Aeacids, he was their irpbyovos', 
there is some meaning in calling him a 
iroXiapxos for other families of Aegina. 
It is clear that the warpa meant is that of 



'Hpa/cXee?, creo Be irpoirpewva fiev %e2vov dBeXcfieov r. 

dv8po<; dvrjp Tl, <pal/j,ev K6 yeirov efifievai 
voip cpiXycravT drevei yeiTovi ^ap/xa ttcivtcov 
eird^iov' el 8' avrb teal Oeds dve%oi, 
ev tlv k edeXoL, TlyavTas 09 eBdfjbacras, einv^w^ 
vaieiv irarpl ^.(oyevr)<; drdkov dp,<pe7ro)v 
Ovfjiov 7rpoy6va>v ev/CT7]p,ova ^adeav dyvtdv. 

iirel TeTpaopoicnv c5#' dpp,aTQ)v ^uyol<i 


I Be 


avr. e 

the Euxenicls ; and a connexion between 
the Euxenids and Aeacus is a necessary 
link in Pindar's argument, (a) Heracles 
is the ^eipos of Aeacus ; (/>) Aeacus is the 
prince of the city to which the Euxenids 
belong; hence (c) Heracles may be ex- 
pected to interest himself in the Euxenids. 
Line 85 expresses (b). This interpreta- 
tion is confirmed by the adjective evwvv- 
/jlos, which here refers to the name Ei)£e- 
v 18 at, just as in 1. 48 it referred to the 
^eyiaat Delphi. Heracles and the Euxe- 
nids are conceived to be joined by the 
bond of %evia, even as the Delphians and 
Neoptolemus. (See Introduction.) 

The word, then, replaced by ip.q must 
be a word likely to be corrupted and 
must be compatible with the reference 
of warpS. to the clan of Sogenes. era 
(see above, note on 1. 25) satisfies these 
conditions perfectly. It emphasises the 
reference in evwvtifup, — a clan whose 
actual name is auspicious — and answers 
to err\rvp.ov kX4os in 1. 63. 

86. 'HpaKXees K.r.X.] 7'hy own dear 
guest-friend and brother, Heracles, irpo- 
•rrptuSva £«ivov corresponds to Trpo^evla. 
(same position in line) 1. 65. rrpowpewv, 
a word only found here (perhaps con- 
nected with proprius ; compare dwtwv : 

A 8£ ■y«u€Tai k.t.X.] But if a man hath 
any fruition of man, we sJiould say that a 
neighbotir is to his neighbour a priceless 
joy, if he loved him with steadfast heart. 

yetierai would be in prose d7ro\atfei. 
Pindar is thinking of Hesiod, Works and 
Days, 1. 344 

irrjixa Kai(bs yelrwv, oacrov r dyadbs fity' 

^ixfiopi rot rifx.TJs out' Hfi/Mope ydrovos 
Alcman, fr. 50 (Bergk. P. L. G.) /ieya 
yeirovi yelrwv. For vow drevi'icL Hesiod, 
Theog. 1. 660. — For other reminiscences 
of Hesiod cp. above vi. 3; note on iv. 
59; Isih. V. 66 ka.ji.Trwv be /xeXtrav i'pyot.s 
bird^wv HaLoSov /xaXa rifiq, rovr' twos. 

89. cl 8' avrd k.t.X.] But if a god 
also should uphold this truth (principle), 
or be true to this sa7v. /ecu deos opposed 
to dvijp. avro is the sentiment of the 
preceding statement, ave'xoi, is a certain 
restoration of Thiersch for dv ?x 01 - 
Bergk however reads dXfyoi. 

90. «v tiv k tSe'Xoi k.t.X.] testing 
on thee, who didst subdue the Giants, Soge- 
nes we7-e fain to dwell happily in the 
wealthy, hallozved street of his ancestors, 

fostering a spirit of devotion to his sire. 

Observe that narpl Zwyevrjs responds 
to wdrpade Zwyeves in 1. 70; and that 
d/j.(peirwv Ov/xov repeats dfuptrreiv of 
1. 10. For the significance, see Intro- 
duction, pp. 119 and I8i. 

93. eird k.t.X. ] This passage has 
usually been misinterpreted. (1) Dissen 
translates, quum quadrigalibus vclut cur- 
ruttm in jugis domum habeat inter delubra 
tua ab utroijue la/ere. This no doubt is 



iv T€/j,eve<Tcn So/xov e-^ei reois, dp,<f>orepa<; Icov yeipos. w fid/cap, 

rlv $ eireoiicev "Hpas iroaiv re nreidefxev 95 

Kopav re y\avKW7ri8a — Svvacrat, 8e — fiporotcriv aXtcdv 

dpuayaviav hva(3dra>v da/id StSSfiev. 

el yap acfiicrcv ifnreSoadevea fitorov dpp,6crai<; 

rjfia \tirapu> re yyjpai hiair\eKOL<; 

evhaifiov iovra, iraihwv Be 7ral8e<; e%oiev aiel IOO 

the general meaning ; but he is wrong in 
assuming that the reference is to waggons 
with two yokes. (2) As there was only 
one yoke in the fourhorsed chariot, Mr 
Fennell attributes to £vyois the meaning 
of fifytoi, the two middle horses harnessed 
to the yoke; compare Pollux, 1. 141 cSx 
oi /ue> virb T(li firyy ftryiot, 01 8i eKarepwOev 
irapriopoi. But this use of firyd has no 
authority. Nor does Euripides' phrase 
Terpafi'i; 6'xos (a car harnessed to four 
horses) prove 'that %vyd was used cata- 
chrestically for horses ' here, or even that it 
might be so used. Mr Fennell supposes 
that the house of Sogenes is compared to 
the dp/xa, and the temples of Heracles to 
the two yoke-horses. The preposition iv 
does not suit Mr Fennell's theory, as he 
confesses himself. Mezger's note on this 
passage is vague, but his view seems to 
be similar. 

The passage admits of a simple inter- 
pretation, if we hold fast to Pindar's 
language. £vyoi> must mean yoke and 
h implies the very closest proximity. 
The relation of Sogenes' house to the 
temples is compared to that of a chariot- 
pole to the two arms of the yoke, which 
is attached to its extremity. The plural 
fryois is used to suggest the apparent 
plurality of the yoke, its two arms, and 
corresponds to refievr]. We may translate: 
For he hath his house at the precincts of 
thy temples, which face him, like the yoke- 
arms of a fourhorsed chariot, on either 
hand as he goeth forth. 

94. (2 [j.aKap k.t.X.] But thee, 
blessed lord, it besee/ueth to persuade both 
the spouse of Hera and the owl-eyed maid 

— thou canst, an thou zvilt, — to bestow 
full often upon mortals mighty help 
against difficult distresses. Heracles is 
invoked in his capacity of aXe^'/ccu-os; 
Athene is to be persuaded on account of 
her title 'AXaXKop-evrjis, connected (rightly 
doubtless) with dXaXjcetj'. Hence the 
choice of aXxdv which responds to dXtcat 
in line 12. — Bergk saw that 5vva<rai 8e is a 
parenthesis, and that di56/xeu depends on 
ireidiiiev ; but he is wrong in doubting 
da/xd. A modern writer would inevitably 
say del; Greek reserve limited the prayer 
to dafxd. 

98. el ■ydp k.t.X.] // were well, if thou 
shouldst harness their youth and happy eld 
to a life of steadfast strength, and eked it 
out in happiness to the end ; and if their 
children's children possessed for ever the 
honour 'which is noiv theirs and honour 
nobler still hereafter, eLnredoadevris, only 
here (cf. fxeyaXoadevris 1. 2, and iixvedov 
1. 57). Another dVa£ eip-qfxivov com- 
pounded of Zinredos is found in 01. I. 59, 
also qualifying fiiov, e/u.Tre86fj.oxdos. dp|xo- 
crcus is the participle (Bergk, reading 
8iair\iK€iv, makes it optative) ; for the 
metaphor from a chariot (carried on from 
1. 93) see Introduction, p. 125. 

99. TJPq.] We remember that Hebe 
was the wife of Heracles and the 
daughter of Hera (1. 95). — diatrXeKeiv, like 
irXeKeiv and KarairXeKeiv, might be used 
with fiiov in the sense of didyeiv. Pindar 
has it of wearing a dirge, in Pytli. xn. 8, 
dprjvov diairX^aicr' 'Affdva. — Xivapui yqpa'C 
[lauta senectus) is Homeric; see X 136. 
Xiwapw responds to Xiirapd/xwvKos 1. 15. 

ioo. ttcuScov 8t k.t.X.] These words 



yepa? rohrep vvv /ecu apeiov oiriBev. 

to 6° ifibv ov irore (pdcyei /ceap 

arpoTTOiai NeoirroXefiov eXicvcrai 

kirecri' ravra Se rpls rerpaKt t apLrroXelv 

diropia re\i6ei, tckvolctlv are ixa-tyvXdica<; Ato? K.6ptv6o<;. 

67T. e 


respond in meaning to 11. 39, 40. ytvos 
answers to iralduv wcuSes, alei to cue/, 
yepas <pepev to yepas exoiev. 

102. tcj 8' epiov at.t.X.1 Never will 
my heart confess to having wrought wrong 
to Neoptolenms by verses inflexible (i.e. irre- 
vocable). But it argues lack of wit to say 
over the same words three times and four, 
like barkers rhymelessly repeating to chil- 
dren, ' Corinth us is a son of Zeus'. aTpo- 
•jtoicti, not indecoris (Dissen), but that can- 
not be turned aiuay. For dp/rroXeiv cf. 
Sophocles, Philoctctes, 1238 j3ov\ei rph 
dvajroXelv p.' ewri; p.a\pvXaKas is accus. 
plural, co-ordinate with the unexpressed 
subject of dp.iroXe'tv. It is usually taken 
as nominative to an understood dp.iroXei. 
Mr Fennell holds that it qualifies KopivSos 
which he apparently regards as coordinate 
with (to) TavTa dp-TroXeiv. Schneider 
proposed pa\pvXaKais agreeing with tIk- 
vots (crying for nothing). — In these words 
Pindar clearly refers to rival poets whose 
uninventive genius he depreciates; and 
|xav|ru\aKas (a word coined for the occa- 
sion, perhaps on the analogy of p.a\f/L- 
cpwpos, see Hesychius sub voce /xaxf/icpwvop) 
gives a clue to the identity of the person 
against whom this shaft is chiefly aimed. 

/xa\f/-v\a,Kas suggests its metrical equiva- 
lent Ba.KX-v\i5ris ; and while -vXct/caj 
corresponds closely enough to -vXidrjs for 
the purpose of a parody, Bclkx- suggesting 
the wildness of intoxication is rendered 
by pd\f/. See Introduction, p. 126. 

Aios KoptvOos, a proverb, explained 
thus in a scholium : The Megarians, who 
were a Corinthian colony, were treated 
arrogantly by the Corinthians, and when 
they became strong enough revolted. 
Then the Corinthians send envoys to 
Megara, and these irpoaeXdovTes eh tt\v 
eKKXTjcriav aXXa re iroXXd 5ie^i)X0ov Kal 
rtXos on cW'cu'ws dv o~Tevd£euv ewl roh 
yevopivois 6 Aids Kopivdos, el /jltj Xtj\j/octo 
Slktjv Trap' avrwv. e<p' oh vapo^vvdevTes 
01 ^leyapeh tovs irpeapeis Xi'fois eflaXov ■ 
Kal p.era puKpbv eTri(3o7]t>rjcrdvTCov tivQv tois 
Kopiv6iots Kal pax 7 !* yevop^v-qs viKTjcravTes, 
(pvyrj twv Kopivdliov airofpvyovTwv ecpaTrro- 
p.evoi, Krelvovres dpa iraleiv top Aids 
K6piv6ov exeXevop. bdev (prjcrlv 6 Arip.uv 
eVi Kal vvv eirl tu>v ayav pev aepvvvopevwv, 
KaKQs be Kal SeiXws drraXXaTTOVTWv tt)v 
irapoLpiav Tavrrfv Terdx0o.L. — For the point 
of the proverb in this passage, as an 
allusion to Xtyovri yap A1W0V k.t.X. in 
1. 84, see above, Introduction, p. 126. 




The Ode in honour of Deinis, who won a footrace at Nemea about the 
year 491 a.d. 1 , is intended for his country Aegina perhaps more than for 
the victor himself. It was written in the day of her humiliation ; and the 
death of Megas (Meges), the father of Deinis, gave Pindar an opportunity for 
introducing some mournful Lydian measures, which might at the same 
time convey his sympathy to the island in her distress. The allusions to 
the political situation could scarcely be clearer than they are without 
becoming more than allusive. 

When the ambassadors of Darius visited Greece in 491 to demand 
earth and water as tokens of subjection, Aegina had submitted, and Athens 
had eagerly seized the opportunity of humbling her rival, by accusing her at 
Sparta of treachery to the cause of Hellenic freedom. The Spartans 
listened to the charges and the result was, chiefly owing to the activity 
of king Cleomenes, that ten of the noblest Aeginetans were sent as 
hostages to Athens. It was said by a political opponent that Cleomenes 
was bribed by the Athenians-. At this time then the Aeginetans felt that 
they were compassed about by enemies, and might be glad to receive 
expressions of sympathy from a poet of fame. 

Pindar makes the sorrows of Ajax the central point of his hymn. He 
often takes this hero as the type of a true man succumbing to envy, and 
unable, from mere want of words, to meet the arts and policy of a fluent 
rival. In this case the story of Ajax was particularly suggestive, for 
Odysseus was a suitable prototype of the Athenians, so noted for their 
readiness of speech and wit. The case of Ajax shews that the art of 
cajolery by cunning words is of ancient date. But it is some consolation 
to reflect that the power of words to heal pain is of ancient date too ; 
and Pindar suggests that he comes to minister a song of healing to the 
wounds of Aegina. It is also a consolation to remember the power of 

1 Mezger was the first to determine tion of Aegina after 457 H.c. 
the true date of this ode and explain the - The full account of these events will 

political allusions (pp. 325, 326). Dissen be found in Herodotus vi. 49, 50. 
thought the hymn referred to the condi- 

B. IO 



her great hero Aeacus, and that the men of Athens and Sparta were once 
upon a time proud and eager to acknowledge his lordship. Such are the 
chief elements from which this Ode is constructed. We shall now see how 
the poet has worked them out 1 . 

A bright prelude, invoking Hora, the maytime of life, — closely associated 
with the sweet and bitter uses of love, — is in keeping with the youth of 
Deinis and meant perhaps to turn his thoughts from the grave of his father 
to the advancing hours. But the ambrosial pensioners of Aphrodite's 
train carry us back to the bridal bed of Zeus and Aegina, where Aeacus 
was conceived ; and the transition to the great hero of Aegina is managed 
with Pindar's unfailing skill. We hear how the prince, in whose temple the 
Ode is being sung, grew up to excellence in body and mind, and became 
the king of Vine-land (Oenone) — the old name of Aegina. And his greatness 
was so eminent that the most noble of neighbouring lords voluntarily 2 
became his vassals — including the Athenians 3 and the Pelopids of Sparta. 
And now Aeacus is invoked in behalf of Aegina and her citizens, to secure 
them the continuance of this prosperity 4 . The poet is not singing merely 
a song of triumph ; he comes rather as a suppliant 5 to clasp the knees 
of Aeacus, while he offers his Nemean hymn which he describes as a 
Lydian headband of music, richly embroidered— a characteristic metaphor 
taken from the band round which the wreath of victory was twined. This 
wreath of victory furnishes an opportunity for the supplication ; and the 
impression conveyed is that when Deinis and Megashave introduced Pindar 
into the temple of Aeacus, their occupation is almost over ; Deinis is lost 
among the citizens of Aegina, of whom solely the poet is thinking, until he 
addresses Megas in line 44 s . 

The protection of a god may secure the permanence of well-being: this 
is Pindar's thought in supplicating Aeacus and he illustrates it by the case 
of Cinyras 7 , the beloved of Apollo, who had been blessed with passing great 
wealth in Cyprus of the sea. And Pindar indicates that the prosperity of 
Cinyras is to be compared to the prosperity of Aegina, not only by the 

1 Mezger divides the ode thus : 
irpooip.wv 1 — 5; ap\d 6 — 18; kclto.- 

rpcnrd 19 — 22; 6fJ.(pa\6s 23 — 34; /uLeraKa- 
TaTpoird 35 — 39; a cp pay is 40 — 51. 

If we discard his nomenclature, this 
division is reducible to a triple division 
corresponding to the three metrical sys- 

2 The spontaneity is emphasized by 
afioaTt at the beginning of the sentence 
and e/oWes at the end, 11. 9—10. 

3 The application to contemporary 
Athens is suggested by crpards. See 
note 1. 1 1. 

4 That this is the object of the suppli- 

cation is shewn by yap in 1. 17. 

5 hiras is emphasized by its position 
in the sentence. 

6 The only direct references to the 
victor and his father are in 1. 16 and 11. 

7 The reference to Cinyras forms the 
first line of the second system. By this 
Pindar gains two advantages; (1) the 
first and second systems are formally 
connected by oairep; (2) the wealth of 
Cinyras, compared to a fruit-tree, re- 
sponds, metrically, to the vine-tree, which 
in the first line of the 3rd antistrophos 
symbolizes Aegina. 


expression ' Cyprus of the sea,' but also by a hint that the Cyprian goddess, 
so gracious to her priest Cinyras, had also been especially favourable to the 
union of Zeus and Aegina (irotp.(ves Kvnplas hmpav, 1. 7 1 ). 

And now approaching the main theme, the tale of Ajax, which, being 
interpreted, will explain why he should now clasp the knees of Aeacus in 
supplication, Pindar professes to be apprehensive of publishing a new version 
of an old story, lest envy, like some fell disease, should fasten on him. For 
he too has envious rivals to complain of, like Ajax of old, — like Aegina 
now,— like all who are worth envying. 

Ajax, according to Pindar's new version 2 , is the man of valour who 
really deserved the golden arms of Achilles. But unfortunately he had no 
powers of speech ; and his rival Odysseus, by flattering words, seduced the 
Greeks into giving their votes in his own favour. The votes are represented 
as given secretly 3 — as though the Danai were really ashamed of an act of 
injustice, knowing well that Ajax was the better warrior. 

Such is the power and such the antiquity of lldp(paais, compared to a 
false physician, who is attended on her rounds by flattering tales. She is 
said to treat with violence the illustrious, while to the obscure she can give 
an artificial frame of glory, though they are really unsound patients 4 . 

And now we reach the third part of the Ode, where those who have 
suffered like Ajax through the arts of the false physician may find salve for 
their wounds from the true physician. Pindar at least is not like the Danai, 
— is not a friend of Parphasis 5 . Some pray for more land (and we read 
between the lines ' like Athens coveting Aegina') ; some pray for gold (and 
we think of Sparta receiving bribes) ; but the prayer of Pindar is that he may 
please the citizens of Aegina, and be just in his praise and in his blame . 
For just praise is really important. Excellence or ' virtue ' in its Greek 
sense, dperd, may be compared to a plant whose growth requires the dew of 
friendly praise. For this simile Pindar selects the vine, indicating thereby 
that his words are meant for Vine-land, Oenone, and that the growth of 
Aeacus, who had so many friends among the surrounding princes, was 
a type of the growth of aperd". 

1 Observe too that Cinyras is compared G Line 39 aivtuv aivr)ra k.t.X. is in- 
to a tree laden with fruit, and cf. notes tended to contrast with 1. 22 airreTai 5' 
on 1. 18 and I. 40. eaXcDc k.t.\. 

- Elsewhere (in Nem. VII.) Pindar 7 Compare 1. 7 

repeats this new version: but it is clear Hfi\a<7T€v 8' vibs Olvuivas j3a<n\evs 

from his words that in this Ode (491 r..c.) x 6t />' Ka ' pov\ais a/no-roy 

it was put forward for the first time. and 1. 40 

3 Kpv(picu<n iv \pa<pois, by ballot-pebbles atil-erai 5' aperd, %Xw/)cus etpcrais us 
cast secretly into the voting vessels. ore devdpeov 01 v as, 

4 See notes on 11. 22, 32, 37, 48 for the (where oiWs is my emendation). The 
metaphor of the physician which pervades comparison to a tree with fruit is an echo 
the Ode. of the reference to Cinyras (<pvrevdeis 

5 He prays against the contagion of 1. 17, ('ppiire 1. 18). 
envy 11. 36—37. See note. 

10 — 2 


Yes, friends are useful, and not only in days of difficulty and distress, 
though of course chiefly then ; but also in the hour of joy can friendship 
render pledges of her loyalty 1 . And this is, after all, an occasion of joy, the 
victory of Deinis, clouded indeed by the death of his father Megas. The 
power of friendship or the art of the most friendly physician cannot bring 
back the spirit of Megas from the underworld ; but the Muses can help at 
least to assuage the pain. 

And Pindar here uses one of his most remarkable expressions, — 
ringing almost as a gauntlet of defiance cast at the feet of Athens and 
Sparta. He will not offer his services to Aegina covertly, as the Danai, in a 
bad cause, served Odysseus by secret pebbles ; but he will support her by a 
loud, really clamorous, stone of song — a stone that crieth out. And the 
same stone served too as a sort of funeral stele for Megas. Aegina and the 
Chariadae (the clan of Megas and Deinis) are here closely associated, and 
we may suspect that this clan was in a special manner connected with the 
political difficulties of Aegina ; one might even conjecture that the death of 
Megas had been in some way brought about by the rupture with Sparta. 

The ministry of song is like the art of the physician ; and the poet 
may expect to exorcise pain by his literal charms' 1 . The word Qepamtw 
has a double sense, of which Pindar takes advantage to make his 
point 3 . It may mean to attend as a physician, or to pay court to and flatter. 
And these meanings express the distinction between the friendship of the 
Danai for Odysseus and the friendship of Pindar for Aegina. 

The contrast is carried further. The antiquity of Parphasis had already 
been declared, but one must not on that account be dejected. One must 
remember that the hymn of victory, the sovereign healer, is also ancient of 
days 4 . 

It will be seen from the foregoing analysis that the Ode falls naturally 
into three parts, each occupying a metrical system, (i) In the first part 
Aeacus is put forward as a hope and divine security for Aegina against all 
distresses ; and the poet offers to him his poem, as a suppliant. (2) In 
the second part, the myth of Ajax illustrates the power of envy, and shews 
the ways of Parphasis, the false physician. (3) In the third part we learn 
that there is also a true physician, here represented by the poet, whose 
musical offering to Aeacus is at the same time a charm to heal the wounds of 

This hymn, then, is the ministration of a friendly physician. The note 
of friendship 5 lurks even in the opening lines, in that joyous atmosphere 

1 Pindar is a voluntary and loyal friend where it is shewn that irp6<x<popov throws 
of Aegina, as the surrounding princes a reflex light on airrop-at in 1. 14. 

were loyal friends of Aeacus. Triard in 4 t))> 76 yua^ Btj rraXai, 1. 51 and rjv /ecu 

the last line of the third antistrophos irahai 1. 32. The contrast expressed in 

(1. 44) corresponds to irelOeirO' in the these words was observed by Mezger. 

last line of the first antistrophos (1. 10). 5 The Pindaric plural (piXorares, used 

2 This is the force of £iraoi5a?s 1. 49. in the sense of gpura, suggests (piXla as 
; Ikpantvcrav 1. 26. Sec mite on 1. 48, well as (f>i\oTi]S. 


where tender beings hover about the goddess of love or sit, delicately 
enthroned, on the eyelids of boys and maidens. The peculiarly solemn 
invocation to Aeacus, the dexterous allusions to the conduct of Sparta and 
Athens, the comparison of the tree at Aegina to the tree at Cyprus, the 
elaborated character of Parphasis, the bold metaphor of the loud stone of 
music, — all these thoughts, like the leaves of a garland arranged round a band 
or mitra, depend on a subtle thread, at first not apparent, but hidden away, 
as it were, in the Lydian warp. This thread is the contrast between the 
true and the false physician, or the friend and the flatterer, worked out by 
a skilful use of words which had special associations with the operation of 
disease or the ministration of medicine — the disease here being envy, which 
Pindar regarded as perhaps the most dangerous of all moral maladies. 



v. I. 2. a. 

-u-v/w- w — — — ww — ww— - — — w — — — w — -— — w— - — — ww — f\ ID. 

V. 3. b. — w — w — w w - w w — w w — • A A 9. 

vv. 4. 4. 5. a'. 

V w w — w w — \j— ■ — w w — - w w — w - w — w — w — • — w — w — w — — I u- 

The structure is mesodic, and the formula 

8. 8. 9. 8. 8. 



vv. 1. 2. a. 

"T f\ — • — ww — ww — • — w w — A I — w WW — WW — A 14- 

vv. 3. 4. a ' . 

-T w w — " — w — " — — ww — w w — w — w — w — — — " w — w — A 14. 

v. 5. b. — • w ww — ww — • — w — A I 7- 


V. 6. C. — w ww — • — w — w — ww — ww—-— A IO- 

V. 7. C'. — w w w -w — w — w— A| IO. 

The first part of the epode is epodic, the second antistrophic. 

The rhythm of this ode is dactyloepitritic. The musical accompaniment 
was (partly at least) in Lydian mood ; see 1. 15. 



"flpa TTOTVia, Kapvt; 'A^poSiTcis ap,j3poaiav (friXoTciroov, crrp. a . 
7rapdevi]ioL<i viocs iraiBcov t icpifrura y\e<fcapois 

1 I have followed Schmid in correcting The superscription does not occur in the 
Aavia, a mistake of the Byzantine scribes. older MSS. 

I. "Clpa. k.t.X.] wpa is the season of 

youth in its ripeness, here personified. 

In the Tenth Olympian the victor is 

described (1. 103) as idea kclXov wpa re 

Kexpap-ivov ; his comeliness is tempered by 

puberty ; and in the next words a irore 

auaidea Tavvp.r]5ei iroTfxov aXaXxe avv Ku- 

Trpoyevtl (she who once, in conjunction 

with Aphrodite, secured immortality for 

Ganymede) wpa is almost personified. 

iroTvia is used by Pindar of the nymph 

Libya (Pyth. IX. 55), the Grace Aglaia 

(01. xiv. 13), the Muse (Nem. III. 1), 

Persephone (fr. 37), d/cris 'AeXi'oi' (p. 107, 

9), and once of Aphrodite, with a genitive 

case (Pyth. iv. 213 /3e\e'we). Mr Myers' 

translation, Spirit 0/ youth, is attractive, 

but suggests modern associations. — The 

plural of <Jh\<$tcis (a word which implies 

sexual enjoyment ; compare the Homeric 

<f>i\oT7]Ti Kai evvfj) occurs three times in 

Pindar: (1) here, (2) Pyth. IV. 92 6<ppa 

tis ro.v ev ovvarij) 4>l\ot6.twv eiuipaveiv 

iparai, where \pavw suggests love touches, 

(3) Pyth. IX. 39 Kpvirral K\cu8es ivrl cro- 

(pols lleidovs iepav (pCKoTaruiv. dfj.pp6cri.os 

denotes the peculiar effluence exhaled by 

divine persons or things. It is rarely met 

in Pindar. In fr. 198 we read of the 

delectable ambrosial water issuing from 
the fair spring of Tilphossa (/xeXiyades 
ap.fip6ffi.ov vdwp) ; in Pyth. IV. 299 of a 
fountain bubbling with ambrosial verses, 
7ra7ai' dpfipocriwv iwewv, where the adjec- 
tive could hardly have been used but for 
the image of the spring. Each verse, 
eVos, is a bead of water with a divine 

Render: Sovran Youth, herald of 
Aphrodite's ambrosial Loves, ivhose seat is 
on the young eyelids of maidens and of 
boys, him thou dost bear aloft with hind 
constraining hands, but another with touch 

2. €<J>i£oio-a] The seat of desire (as 
of sleep, Pyth. ix. 24 and Moschus 11. 3 
vttvos fiXecpapoiviv i<pi£wv) is the eyelids ; 
cf. Soph. Antigone, 795 vlkS. 5' evapyr]$ 
j3\e(pdp(j}v i/j.epo$ euXinrpov vvpupas. — The 
received reading are irapOevrjiois involves 
the insuperable difficulty of a sentence 
without a verb (are /3a<rrdfeis being 
equivalent to a participle coordinate with 
icpl'CoLua). It is clear that a word has 
fallen out before walb'wv and that are is an 
awkward insertion to rectify the metre. 
The line began with rrap&evriiois (B 
7rapdev7]ioi<rt, D irapdevloiai) and it is not 



tov fAev dfiepot? dvd<y/ca<; X e P <Tl /Sao-ra^eis, erepov 8' erepai<i. 

dycnrard 8e naipov fir) 7r\ava0ivTa 7rpo<; epyov etcaarov 

toov dpeiovoav epwjwv iiracpaTelv Svvaadai' 5 

avr. a . 

oIol Kal Aio? Alylvas re XeKTpov 7rot/j,ev€<i dfi(p€7r6\riaav 

Kv7rpla<; Soopcov' eftXaarev 6' vio<> Oivwvas fSaaiXev? 

X^ipi Kal fSovXat'i dpcaro<i' iroWd vlv iroWol \irdvevov IBelv 

difficult to discover the word which has 
been accidentally lost. By writing the 
words in uncials we can see how easily 
viois might have been omitted by a copy- 
ist (by parablepsia). 

V€ous is not superfluous ; cf. Nem. in. 72 
iv iraiai vioun wah, and Pyth. x. 59 
viaiaiv re /xe\r]/j.a. We have 
the opposite of ' young eyelids ' in Pyth. 
IV. 121 k5' dp' avrou irofxcpoXv^av daKpva 
yripakiuv y\e<pdpojv, tears welled from his 
aged eyelids. 

3. dvcryKas] Compare Spenser's, ' deare 
constraint.' — The mss. reading can be 
defended by Pyth. IV. 234 dvaymai ivre- 
<nv instruments of constraint (wherewith 
Jason binds the necks of Aeetes' oxen). 
Observe that dp,epos is treated as an adj. 
of two terminations ; in Nem. VII. 83 and 
IX. 44 we have the usual feminine forms. 
Pa<rTa£«> (gestare) is used here in its literal 
sense, bear (as in Pyth. IV. 296) ; but 
Pindar elsewhere has it in the figurative 
sense of exalting (—/xeyaXuveiv), 01. XII. 
19 and Isth. III. 8. This transition sug- 
gests the idea of 'chairing'. eTtpcus is 
euphemistic for rough (schol. oKX-qpals) ; 
we may best render it in English by a 
negative word, untoward, ungentle. 

4. d-yairaTd] It is good and pleasant ; 
for plural cf. d-nropa, above IV. 71. |atJ 
irXavaGeVra is not quite p.rj dixaprovra, nor 
is dp.apT€v quite the same as iirXavddr) in 
Nem. vii. 37. dfiaprelv is to miss the 
destination, w\avy)&rjvai to deviate from 
the road, here Kaipos, due measure. 

The (piXorares, pensioners of Aphro- 
dite's train, lose their personality and pass 

into the fywres, objects of love, in line 5 ; 
again in line 6 these Zpures partly resume 
their personality and become the shep- 
herds who dispense the gifts of the Cy- 
prian queen. 

5. dpei-ovwv] praestantiorum ; 'die 
besseren Liebesfreuden ' (Mezger); cf. 
dfiipois, 1. 3. tiriKpareiv, potiri. 

6. otoi Kai k.t.X.] Even such loves as 
ministered round the couch of Zeus and 
Aegina, dispensing the gifts of the Cyprian 
dame ; and a son grew up, king of Oenona 
(Vineland), most mighty and wise. 

In 01. X. 8 woifxriv is used figuratively 
of an heir, dispenser of wealth. (It does 
not occur elsewhere in Pindar.) Troip-alvu) 
is also used figuratively, but rather means 
fovere (01. XI. 9; Isth. IV. 12.) — dp.<pnro- 
Xsiv means to serve as an dp,<piiro\os (de- 
pairedeiv, Schol. Pyth. IV. 271), but sug- 
gests the notion of hovering round. pXdorc 
occurs in 01. vn. 69, but the verb is not 
found elsewhere in Pindar. Notice that 
e is short here before /3X. — For Olvw- 
vas see above IV. 46 and v. 15; and 
compare below, note on 1. 40. The close 
approximation of Kvwpla and Oivuva is 
designed (see Nem. iv. 46). 

A scholiast explains the connexion of 
Hora with Aegina thus : elra iiriKupaao-- 
tikuis tCiv TraTpiwv icpaTTTerai, \iyuv rrpi 
Kiywav 5t' <I> pater p.aros vwo Albs durjp- 
Trdadat.. — With X €L P L Ka ' fiovXaU dpiaros 
the Homeric line (r 1 79) 

dfAcporepov /3a<nXeus t' dyadbs Kparepos 

T aixP-V T V s 
is compared in the scholia. 

8. iroXXd vtv k.t.X.] Many prayed 
earnestly to behold him (desiring help or 



afioarl yap rjpcocov dcoroi rrepivaLeraovTCov 
rj0e\ov K6LVOU ye irelQecyQ' dva^iat^ kicovjes, 


€7T. a 

01 t€ Kpavaais ev A.6dvaio~iv dpp,o%ov arparbv 

o" t dvd ^irdprav UeXoirrjidSai. 

i/ceras Ala/cov crefivoov yovdrwv 7rdA.t6? 6* virep <£iA.a<? 

aareov 6 virep rwvK a7rrofiac (j)ipcov 

AvSlav filrpav Kava-^aSd 7re7roiKi\fMevav, 1 5 

Aelvio? Sicrcrcov crrahioiv kclI irarpo^ M.eya Ne/ieatoy dya\p.a. 

counsel, because he was x f '/>' * a ' jSouXcus 
apiGTOs). The phrase iroXXd Xtraveveiv, 
make many entreaties, occurred above 
v. 31. 

g. dpoaxi k.t.X.] For unbidden the 
flower of heroes who dwelled round about, 
were fain to submit to his dominion, of 
their own will — they who marshalled a 
host iii craggy Athens and the Pelopids in 
Sfarta's plain. d(3oari and dva^lai (plu- 
ral) are dirat, elptjfjLeva. The singular 
ava£ia occurs only in a fragment of Aes- 
chylus. — Pindar's usual word to express 
TrepivaierdovTes (which he uses only here) 
is irepLKTioves. — The point of these lines is 
that the heroes became vassals of Aeacus 
voluntarily ; and this is brought out by 
introducing the sentence with d^oarl and 
ending the strophe with exovres. — For 
ri'wros see note on II. 9. The phrase 
'flower of knights' occurs in Troilus and 
Cressida, ii. 3. 

1 1 . Kpavaais tv ' AGdvaiaav] This 
expression occurs three times in Pindar ; 
here, 01. VII. 82 and 01. XIII. 38. In 
Aristophanes, Birds 1 23, Athens is called 
ai xpavaal, and in Acharnians 75 Kpavad 
ttoXcs. The epithet of course referred to 
the Acropolis. In Islh. I. 4 Kpavad is an 
epithet of Delos. — The words dpp.o£ov 
o-Tpaxov, of the Athenians, are remark- 
able, ffrparos clearly alludes to the 
Athenian democracy of Pindar's time ; 
in Pyth. II. 87 he calls a democracy 
\dj3pos crparos. 

1 2. dvd Sirdprav] In Sparta. Cf. 
Pyth. xi. 52 dvd ttoXiv, in the city ; Islh. 

VII. 63 ''I<r0/xiov dv vdwos; Nem. vi. 46. 
The form neXoirn'idSai is related to an 
hypothetical *IIeXo7rei5s, dative fleXo^i', as 
'A/AcpiTpvuviddr)? to 'A/x(piTpvwv, dative 'A//.- 
(piTpvuvi. From Hc\o\f/, dative IIAoTrt, 
comes neXo7r/5?7s. Pindar makes the 
power of the Pelopids contemporary with 
Aeacus, contrary to the usual chronology 
of the legends ; see Miiller, Aegin. p. 36. 

14.] For the force see note 
on lines 37 and 48. 

15. Av8iav k.t.X.] A head-band of Ly- 
diau music broideredwith ringing threads, 
— a hymn partly sung to Lydian harmony. 
Kava\a8d refers to the sound of the instru- 
ments, especially flutes. Compare Soph. 
Trachiniae, 64 1 avXhs ouk dvapaiav idxw 
Kavaxdv eirdvtiaiv. Pyth. X. 39 has been 
quoted above on vil. 80. In the Homeric 
Hymn to Apollo, I. 185 (or Hymn to 
Pythian Apollo 1. 7) Kavaxv is used of 
the lyre : 

toIo Se (popfxiy!; 
Xpvceov inrb irXrjKTpov Kavaxdv %x 6i 
For the metaphor cp. ixpaivw ttolk'lXov dv- 
8y]/xa, I weave a broidered auadem, frag. 
179 (Schol. Nem. vil. 116 iirei to iroitj^a 
0(pdcr/j.aTi iraptomev). The furpa was a 
band of wool which formed the founda- 
tion of the crown of leaves. 

16. N€p.«atov d'-yaXpia] A thing of 
grace from Nemea, to deck tivo victories 
'won in the race-course by Deinis and his 
father Megas. For the adjective Nejttecuoj 
see above 11. 4. ayaXp.a suggests that 
the ode will serve as a statue for Deinis 



avv 0€Q) yap toc (pVT€u6els oXfios dvOpwiroicn rrapfiovwrepo^' 

vrp. /?'. 
ocnrep icai Kivvpav efipiae TrXovTtp irovria ev irore Kvirpa). 
lara/xai Brj ttoctctI icov(pot$, dfnri'ioov re irpiv ri (fxifiev. 
iroXXd yap rroXXa XeXeKTai- veapd S' e^evpovra hopev fiaaavv 20 
e<? eXeyyov dira^ Kivhvvos' oyjrov 8e Xoyoc cpOovepolaW 
aTTTerai S' iaXwv del, y^eipoveacn, 8' ovtc ipi^ei. 

and a sepulchral stele for Megas (cf. 
Nan. x. 67^. 

17. oniv Oeui -yap k.t.X.] Pindar suppli- 
cates Aeacus, because weal planted under 
the auspices of a god — Aeacus is the son 
of Zeus — is more likely to be permanent. 
irdppovos = Trapp.6vipos (Pyth. VII. 20 irap- 
IJ.ovliJ.av evdai/joviav). For the meta- 
phorical use of (pvTevw cf. Isth. v. 12 <rvv 
re oi Sai/j.uiv (pvrevu 86i;av, and above 
Nan. iv. 59. 

18. oVirep k.t.X.} The antecedent of 
oo-wtp is deos. Cinyras, the beloved of 
Apollo, is mentioned in Pyth. 11. 15. 
t'Ppicrt sustains the metaphor of (pvrevdeis 
— a tree laden with fruit ; cf. j3pidr)(n Si 
oevdpea Kapwcp, t 212. We met (3pL6w in 
its intransitive sense Nan. ill. 40; here 
the aorist is transitive, to load. Trans- 
late, weighed down the branches of Cinyras 
with wealth. 

19. lo-Tajuu k.t.X.] / stand on feet 
lightly poised. To render on light feet 
would not convey the meaning, while on 
tiptoe hardly represents Pindar's style. 
The metaphor from starting in a foot- 
race is appropriate to Deinis' victory in 
the stadion. Koticpoiaiv eKvevo-ai irociv oc- 
curs in 01. XIII. 114, there too alluding 
to distinctions of the victor Xenophon in 
races. In Pyth. ix. [ 1 we have x € P L 
Kov<pa, in 01. XIV. 17 novcpa. j3ij3wvTa. 
T€ connects dp.-rrveuv with Trocral Kovcpois. 
<j>d|x«v is the only form of the pres. inf. 
of <papi found in Pindar. — In explanation 
of djj.irv€wv a scholiast remarks : 

ot peydXa (pwveiv OeXovrts olov rpayyooi 
Trpoo-auairveovaiv iiriiroXv, IV orav dvatpu- 
vqauoiv t^apKecy iwurXiov rj (puvrj. 

20. iroWd •ydp k.t.X.] Many tales 
have been (old in many a wise. But to 
discover new things and deliver them to 
the touchstone for men to prove, is the 
height of danger. For talcs are a treat to 
envious men, and envy ever assaileth the 
noble and striveth not with the mean. 

The mere translation of these lines 
offers no difficulty ; but touching their 
meaning commentators are divided. 
(1) Dissen refers woWa. XeXe^rat to Ciny- 
ras, and explains: 'si carminis ratio pos- 
tulasset longiorem de Cinyra narrationem, 
non tacuisset Pindarus nee timuisset 
reprehensores ; nunc autem orditur de 
Cinyra et statim iterum mittit eum, nulla 
alia de causa quam ut quasi timens invi- 
dos de invidia ipsa dicat ad eamque sen- 
sim transeat '. (2) Mezger explains ' die 
verschiedensten Dinge sind zwar schon 
auf die verschiedenste Weise dargestellt 
worden (ohne dass einer etwas dabei 
riskirt hatte) ', and supposes the novelty, 
for whose reception Pindar feels appre- 
hensive, to be the ascription of Odysseus' 
victory to his art in twisting words. 
Mezger understands by \6yot tales, ' Er- 
zahlungen, Gedichte '. (3) Mr Fennell's 
interpretation nearly coincides with Mez- 
ger's, but he explains \6yoi as discus- 
sion, criticism. — In my judgment Mezger 
is right. I believe that \6yos was gene- 
rally used by Pindar of his myths, as 
clearly in Nem. iv. 31 \6yov 6 pr/ iivvieis. 
There can, in any case, be no question 
that the lines apply to what follows, and 
not to what is said of Cinyras. 

22. dirrtTcu] The subject is 6 <p06v os, 
implied in <pdovtpol<nv. Dissen quotes 



tcelvos teal Te\ap,wvo$ Sdyjrev vlbv (pacrydvo) dp,<pLfcv\i<Tai<i. avr. /? . 
tj tlv dy\a)(T(Tov p>kv, ijrop 8' dX/cifiov, \d6a K.arkye.1 
iv Xvypaj veUet' p,eyiarov 8' alo\<p i/revSet yipa<; dvreTarai. 25 
fcpvcpiaiai <ydp iv -^rdcpoa '08va<rrj Aavaol OepdrrevaaV 
Xpvcreajv 8' At'a? areprjOels o7r\cov (pova> nraXaarev. 

rj pudv dvopLoid ye hdoiaiv iv 6eppbu> XP ^ 

eV. £'. 

Aeschylus, Persae, 13 where ' AtnaToyevrjs 
supplies the nominative 'Acn'a to the verb 
Pavfci. The metaphor in <x7rrerai is from 
a disease, cf. Thucyd. 11. 48 TJ^j/aro twv 
dv0puirwi> ; and in the following line 
8dxj/ev carries on the figure. We shall 
see the medical metaphor recurring in 
Oepdvevtrav, 26, in 11. 32—34 (where 
Parphasis is the false physician) and in 11. 
48 — 50 (where Pindar is the true physi- 
cian): also in 11. 36, 37. Parts of a7rrw 
occur four times in this Ode (14, 2:, 56, 


23. K€ivos k.t.X.] The son of Tela- 
vion too felt the eating malady of envy, 
when his flesh closed upoti the sword. 
Keivos = b (pdbvos, which is said to have 
'rolled Ajax round his sword'. Compare 
weTTTuiTa rilide irepi veoppdvrig £L<pei Sopho- 
cles Ajax 828, (pacryavq) TrepiTrTVxfa 899, 
eyx«s irepnreres 907, also Isthm. ill. 54 
6.\kix.v rafxuv irepi y (pacryavip [where 
however Mr Tyrrell proposes to read 
Si/cutt* irepi, = Trepi[la\ibv]. For kv\iv5u 
cf. Kv\iv56/j.evos irepi xaX\'u5, 86. Satj/ev 
carries on the metaphor implied in bipov. 

24. r[ tiv' k.t.X.] Verily, oblivion 
burieth many a one, -whose tongue is silent, 
but his heart valiant, in dolorous strife; 
and supreme honour has been the prize of 
shifty falsehood. Ajax and Odysseus are 
types. Xd0a Kan^ei means that Ajax 
was not sung, like Odysseus, by Homer. 
\vyp<I) has the penult short here, but in 
Pyth. XII. 14 we find \vypbv. avreTaTai 
1 proUnditur, ducta locutione a pnemio 
certaminis ad consequendum proposito', 
Dissen. Compare below 1. 34 dvreivei. 
relvco has often I lie force of tenco rather 

than of tendo. 

26. Kpv<}>iawri k.t.X. ] The Greeks 
balloted in favour of Odysseus ; Pindar 
implies that they would have been afraid 
to vote for him openly. Compare Sopho- 
cles Ajax 1 1 35: 

Teueer. k\€ttti]s yap avrou \}/7}(poxoib% 

Menelaus. iv rois diKCLcrah kovk ip.oi 

rod' i<j<t>6.\t). 

27. 4>dvu> TrdXai<T€v] Wrestled with 
death, irdXaicrev suggesting agony and 
06^05 implying a violent death attended 
with bloodshed. 7ra\cuw is constructed 
with a dative, cf. Pyth. IX. 27. For its 
metaphorical usage see Pyth. IV. 290 
Keivos "ArXas ovpavui TrpoviraXaiet, and 
Hesiod, Works and Days 413 ar-yen 

28. if |idv k.t.X.] Of a surely, un- 
equal were the gaping wounds they dealt 
in the tvarm flesh of the foemen, when 
they were in the battle-press beneath the 
spear defensive, — over the body of Achilles 
Mew-slain, and on other days of labours 

fraught with death to many. For p-q- 
yvx<m of wounds cf. Sophocles, Ajax 834 
irXevpav Siapprj^avra ry5e (pacrydvw. — tt€- 
Xep.i£op.€Voi, Wakefield's emendation for 
iro\ep.i$bp.evoi., is supported by the scho- 
lium far' d\e^i/j.^p6Tov \byxv* Kivovp.evoi. 
7reXe/tttj"w means to shake, Tre\e/j.i^o/xai to 
quake (used of the earth) and in battle to 
be hard-driven. dXejj£p.PpoTO$is a Pindaric 
compound, occurring also in Pyth. v. 90 
'A7ro\Aweicus d\e£ip.(3pbT0is wo/jurais. On 
the analogy of dXe^lKaKos, d\ei;i<pdpfia.Kos, 
dXe^idprj etc. it ought to mean keeping men 
away. In a fragment of Critiashowever we 



eXrcea prj^av ireXe/ML^ofxevoi 

inr dXe^i/xftporrp Xoy^a, rd fiev dfi<p* 'A^tXet veoKTovco, 30 

dXXcov re fio^dcov iv 7roXv(pd6pot<; 

deepens. i^Opd 8' apa Trdpcpacris rjv fcai irdXai, 

aifjLv\o)u fivOcov 6p,6(poiTO<;, 8oXo<f>pa8>]<;, Kaicoiroiov oveiBos. 

a to fxeu XapLirpov ftidrai, twv 8' d<))dvTQ)v kvBos dvretvei cradpov. 

arp. 7'. 
etr) fAi] 7T0T6 p.01 toiovtov rjOos, Zev 7rdrep, aXXd tceXev6oL<; 35 
dirXoai^ £&m? icpcnrroifAav, 6av(uv 009 iratal «X,eo? 
fjbrj to Bvcrcpa/xov ^poo-d-tyco. y^pvaov evyovTcu, ireBiov 8' erepoi 

find a\ei;L\oyos in the sense of shielding 
and promoting discourse. Were it not for 
the passage in the 5th Pythian we might 
explain (xKe^ifxfipoTos \6yx<x as the lance 
which wardeth men off. veoKrovos (equiva- 
lent to veoocpayris) is only found here. 
For ra fw'v — dX\wv T£ cf. fxdXa p.iv rpocpah 

CTOlfMOV ITTTTWV, X a -' L P 0VT< *- T€ ^ fvl ' al ! WaV- 

doKois 01. IV. 16. — €V TroXu(j>96pois is 
Boeckh's emendation of mss. iro\v<pd6- 
pounv iv. It seems that iv was acci- 
dentally omitted after fxoxOuv and then 
inserted in the wrong place. 

32. «X^P°^ 8' k.t.X.] Yea, deadly 
guile in speech is from of old, walking 
with faltering tales and imagining de- 
ceil, a shame that worketh harm, — ivho 
treatcth the illustrious with violence, and 
for the obscure seiteth up glory of heart 
unsound. Trdp<j>a<ris, distortion or perver- 
sion of truth (calumnia), corresponds to 
the verb Trdp(pa/jn which occurs more 
than once in Pindar ; cf. above Nem. v. 
31 (middle) ; 01. VII. 66 deQv 5' opKov 
fiiyav /xt) wap<pdp.ev • Pyth. IX. 43 
wapepa/xev tovtov \6yov. The adjective 
6fAo<J>oiTOS (probably first used by Pin- 
dar) is not companion, but fellozv-visi- 
taut. Parphasis is a false physician, 
who pays visits in the company of 
flattering words (<poirdv is the word for 
a physician's visits). — cujju'Xos combines 
the ideas of crafty and bland. 80X0 
(j>pa,8tjs occurs in the Homeric Hymn 
to Hermes. 1. 2S2. KctKoiroios is not 

found in an earlier author than Pindar ; 
it probably had a medical flavour, nox- 
ious, deleterious. 

34. d<j>dvTwv] Those who ought to be 
obscure. Cf. Pyth. XI. 30 6 5Z x a M^d 
wvewv dipavrov j3pifia, 01. I. 47 ws 5' 
atpavros lireXes. clvtiCvu indicates that 
the sentiment of line 25 is echoed ; but 
it suggests the tension of a really unsound 
body to present an artificially healthy 
appearance, eadpos is a medical term. 

35. toiovtov tjOos] That is irdpcpavis. 
€<j>dirTO(Jiai. is used by Pindar both with 
the dative (01. I. 88, Pyth. VIII. 60) and 
with the genitive (01. IX. 12, Nem. IX. 
47). dirXdais is opposed to the crooked 
ways of Trdp<pa(Tis and her comrades, the 
aip.v\oi fivOoi. 

37. irpoo-d^l/w] This verb is not 
found elsewhere in Pindar, and its oc- 
currence in such close proximity to i<f>arr- 
Toi/xav is noteworthy. In Soph. Oedipus 
at Colonus, 235, we have irpoadirTeiv 
XP^os 7r6\et. Soph. fr. 514 Trpocrd-rrTeiv 
(pdpixaKov. Here the suggestion is of the 
transmission of a disease. Pindar wishes 
that he may not come in contact with the 
noxious presence of Envy and convey the 
contagion to his children. Cf. the use of 
wepLdwreiv with 6vet5os, ai<rx^ v V v &c. 

Xpvo-6v k.t.X.] Some pray for gold, 
others for boundless land. I pray that I 
may 7vin the favour of my fcllcno-citizcns 
and without forfeiting it may hide my 
limbs in earth, praising things of good 

i 5 6 


direpavTov' eya> o° acrTot? dBoov tcai ■yOovl yvla Ka\v"*\raLfJi ', 

alvioiv alvrjrd, fio/xcpdv S' eTricnrelpwv dXtrpols. 

aw. 7 . 
av^erai 8' dperd, ^XcopaU eeptraLS w? ore hevBpeov oivas, 40 
ev ao<f)oi<; dvSpdov depdeta ev &i/caiois re, 7rpo<; vypov 
aldepa. y^pelai Be iravrolai <p[\o>v dvBpwv' rd p,ev dfMpl tt6voi<s 

report and sprinkling blame on trans- 
gressors, erepoi is understood with XP V ~ 
<tou. Bergk reads /cay for Kai but Kara 
with the dative is not found in Pindar, 
/cat really presents no difficulty : having 
pleased the citizens in my lifetime, may I 
die still pleasing them ('etiam moriar 
talis', Dissen). For the allusions in 
Xpvaov and Trediov see/uiroduction. XP V<T ° V 
echoes the xpwre'wi' ottXwv (1. 27), desired 
of Odysseus and Ajax. — do-rots refers to 
the citizens of Aegina, darwv rwvSe of 

40. au£€Tai 8" dperd /c.r.X.] A cor- 
ruption in the mss. has spoiled this line. 
They give ws ore divdpeov dtaaei aotpdis. 
Boeckh's emendation acrcrei iv ao(pdis has 
been generally accepted ; but it is clear 
that the corruption lies deeper, as aaau 
is an unsuitable word. As Bergk says: 
'sufneiebat av^erai, quod additur dtaaei 
non solum otiosum sed etiam incommo- 
dum est, siquidem iepaais et dlaaei non 
satis apte conciliantur'. [Mr Tyrrell 
however has called my attention to 2 506 
where ijiaaov means rose up. This pas- 
sage might in some measure defend the 
use of diaau with Sivdpeov.] It is also 
to be observed that the simple verb dlaau 
does not elsewhere occur in Pindar, and 
that /j.eraiaaw is not only never contracted 
to /xerctcrcrw but has the antepenultimate 
always long. Bergk proposes a'ivip iv, 
but Tindar would not have used alvos 
after aiviuv aivrjrd in the preceding line, 
and iv ao<poh dvopwv sufficiently indicates 
his meaning. 

I have ventured to read u;s ore divdpeov 
divas, iv. The syllable OIN fell out acci- 
dentally after ON, and then the unmean- 

ing letters &C£N were emended to Aicei. 
Pindar compares the growth of dperd 
in the favourable environment of wise 
and just men, to that of a vine watered 
by dews. Of such a growth the Aegi- 
netan hero, Aeacus, was a type ; his 
birth and growth were described in 11. 6 
— 8. And Pindar in his favourite way 
indicates this. Aeacus was the king of 
Oenone, Vineland, 

iftXaarev 5' i«ds Qivuvas jSacrtXei/s, 
and dperd (Aeacus was dpiaros) is com- 
pared to the vine ; 

av^erai 8' dperd uis ore divdpeov oivas. 
Excellence waxeth as the tree of a 
vine fed by tender dezvs, and is exalted, 
amid wise and just men, to the yielding 
aether. vrypov connotes the elasticity 
of the aether. Indefinable approaches 
the meaning, but a positive word is re- 
quired. Here, as often, a modern poet 
supplies the most adequate equivalent, 
and I have taken a hint from Shakspere's 
yielding air. 

iv aocpois iv diKaiois re refers especially 
to poets — such as are not like the poet of 

42. XP € ^ at St /c.r.X.] Divers arc the 
uses of friends ; supremely in hours of 
distress, but joy also sccketh that one should 
set up for her visible pledges. 

B has mard' C Mcfya, D iriarav w 
Me'ya. The scholiast explains iiriforei bi 
Kai 77 tu>v o/x/xdruv ripif/is rb marbv, ware 
diadai iv op/xaai. Triclinius read iriariv, 
and M ommsen from the scholium deduced 
wiarov. But it is difficult to believe 
that either iriarov or irlariv could have 
become corrupted to 7rtcrra before w. 
Bergk suggested iriara vip (vip is out 



virepcoTara' p,acn€vet Be kcu Tep-vjrt? iv ofifiacn OecrOat, 
irtcnd foi. Meya, to 6° avTiq Teav "^vyav tcop,l%ai 

ov fioc Bvvarov. iceveav 6° iXirlBcov yavvov reXo?" 
aev Be irdrpa X.apid8ai<; re Xdfipov 

eV. 7 . 45 

of place here). The reading adopted in 
the text involves scarcely any change and 
improves the sense. 01 before a vocative 
was liable to become w. The addition of 
Foi removes ambiguity and makes it clear 
that joy seeks, not to make but, to have 
made for her (by poetry) a visible pledge 
of her existence. For the reflexive use of 
Foi in Pindar cf. 01. XIII. 76 : 

Sel^v re... 

ws ri Foi avrd 

7j7jv6s...Tracs 2-jropev 

dafxaaifppova xp v0 ~bv 
where Foi refers to the subject of 5et£ej\ 
For the position of Foi at the end of the 
sentence, cf. Nem. X. 79 Zeus 5' dvrios 
rjXvOe Foi, where it ends a clause. — The 
plural tzicto. corresponds to virepuraTa 
preceding. In 01. XI. 6 hymns are called 
a ifimbv bpKiov /xeydXais dpercus, which 
illustrates the use of mora here. 

44. M«-ya] But bring back thy soul 
again, Megas, — / cannot. A slight break 
in the translation may partially repro- 
duce the effect of carrying the sentence 
into the epode. 

45. K€V€av k.t.X.] And the end of 
fond hopes is vain: a parenthesis, xeveos 

and x a v vo * are similarly associated in 
Pyth. II. 61 xqdiva. irpairidi iraXainoveT 
Kevea (where however neveds is more ob- 
jective, x a ^" os subjective, while here it is 
the reverse). One might translate Mil- 
ton's 'vain deluding joys' by rip\j/ies 
Xavvai re ical KeveaL. 

46. (rtv 8i irdTpq. k.t.X.] But for thy 
country and for the Chariadae to rest on, 
I can set a loud stone of music in honour 
of the feet of two mm which twice won 
auspicious fame, ovvarou is carried on 
from 01" fioi dvvarov to uTrepelcrai. From 
the schol. a.vao~Tr)pi£ai Mezger proposed 

vTreptao-ai (from virepe'ura), supposing the 
song to be compared to a stone placed over 
the tomb of Megas. But virepio-aai (right- 
ly rejected by Herwerden) would almost 
necessarily require a genitive to follow ; 
it could hardly be used absolutely, virt- 
pticrcu, from inr-epd5w, suits the dative 
wdrpq. Xaptddous re, where iraTpq. is most 
simply taken as country, not clan (so 
schol. ttJ 5£ o-tj TraTpiSi). — If Pindar had 
meant primarily a gravestone he would 
not have used Xidos, which is extremely 
rare in this sense ; the only case quoted 
in Liddell and Scott is 17 Xidos in an epi- 
gram of Callimachus. The point of this 
bold metaphor of a sounding stone is 
different. The poet contrasts his own 
honesty with the flattery (irdp<pa<r is) of 
others, illustrated by the case of Odysseus. 
The Greeks, whose spirit is reflected by 
Homer, served Odysseus by secret pebbles, 
Kpv(picucn iv xpdfpois depdirevcnw (1. 26). 
Pindar casts no secret pebbles for his 
heroes ; he sets fast a loud stone of song. — 
For loud is the meaning of XdPpos (so 
schol. evrovov fj-ovcTiKriv o-TrfX7)i>) which is 
generally misinterpreted (Cookesley even 
proposed r iXa<pp6v). A false connex- 
ion with Xanfidvco has not only misled 
lexicographers, but affected the later use 
of the word. In Homer \dppos always 
means loud or boisterous ; vbiop Xappbra- 
tov (P 385) is clamorous rain, 7J4>vpos 
Xa/3pos (P> 148) the loud west wind &c. 
In Pyth. III. 40 creXas 5' dpupedpa/xev 
XdfSpov ' A<pai<TTov, XdjSpov signifies the 
noise made by the fire. In 01. VIII. ?fi 
Xa/Spoe d/j.Trvevaa.1 kolttvov, the noise of 
the rushing fire and sine ike in the confla- 
gration of the walls of Troy is suggested. 
In Pyth. II. 244 8paK0i>T0S 8' eixero Xa- 
fipoTardv yevtiiav (the reading is somewhat 



inrepelcrai \l0ov yioiaaiov cicari ttoScov evcopvficov 

81$ Srj hvolv. 'yaipw 8e irpoafyopov 

iv fiev epya) ko/attov teif, e7raoi8ai<; 8' dvijp 

VCibSvVOV Kal Tt? KCLpsCLTOV 6fJK€V. TfV J€ p,<tV eTTLK(OpblO$ Vp,VO<> 5° 

By) Trakat Kal irplv yeveaOai rdv 'ABpdcrTov rdv re KaBfielwv epiv. 

doubtful), the epithet becomes much more 
effective when we recognise that it does 
not mean 'voracious', which would be 
somewhat otiose, but expresses the loud 
hissing of the monster. 6 \d[3pos arparis, 
Pyth. II. 87, means the noisy /nob, and 
\a/3/)os has the same sense in 01. II. 95 
(\<x/3/>oi KopaKes). Xa/3pei'0/xcu means to 
talk loudly, hence talk rashly, brag; and 
the same meaning is apparent in the 
Aeschylean compounds \aj3poarop.e7v and 
\app6ffvT0s. In the A/alanta in Calydon 
Artemis is invoked to come 'with clamour 
of waters and with might ' ; Xappois <rvv 
vSatTLv would be a good Greek rendering. 
The use of the word in later authors was 
affected by an association with Xa^elv, 
and it acquired the sense of violent 

virepe'iffcu, it may be observed, suggests 
propping with a pillow, and perhaps had 
some special medical use. 

47. €V(ovv|x(ov] An allusion to the 
names of the father and son, M^yas and 
AdvLS (p-tyas and deivos). 

48. x a ^P w St k.t.X.] / rejoice to 
minister due praise in honour of an ex- 
ploit ; and many a man ere now exorcised 
the pain of toil by songs. Howbeit the 
hymn of victory is of ancient date, ez>en 
before the strife arose between A dr as tits 
and the folk of Cadmus. Taking irpder- 
<{>opov in connexion with the following 
declaration that song is a physic for pain, 

I believe that there is a play on a medical 
sense of the word. irpoa<pepe<r9a(. means 
to make an application, or to administer 
medicine. This supports my explanation 
of Xidov as a contrast to ipdcpots of 1. 26 ; 
for then we have the further contrast ol 
depairtvcav there with the true physician 
of 11. 48 — 50. — vtaSwia is used by Pindar 
in Pyth. III. 6. For Trpoa<popos with iv 
cf. Ol. IX. 80 etrjo evp-qauir-qs dvaye'iadou 
Trp6<r<popos iv Motcai' 5l(ppu>. 

Trp6(X<popov responds (as Mezger has 
noticed) to awTO/xai <pipwv in the same 
line of the first epode. The responsion 
shews that dwro/xai there is intended to 
suggest, beyond its primary sense, the 
touch of a friendly physician. 

50. "yt |j.av] Cp. Isth. III. 18 arpwrol 
ye /jlclv iraides OeQv, howbeit the children of 
the gods are proof against wounds. 01. 
XIII. 104 vvv 5' A7ro/xcu fiev, iv 0ey 76 
p.av reXos. So also Pyth. 1. 17 and 50; 
VIII. 18. 

51. 8rj iraXai] Contrast with /ecu 
7rd\cu of 1. 32. Song supplies the anti- 
dote of calumny. In Isth. VII. 1 the comus 
is called a \tirpov evdo^ov Kapa/rwv. — The 
Nemean games were said to have been 
instituted by Adrastus before his expedi- 
tion against Thebes : aTpaTtvadvTwv yap 
twv wepl 'Adpao'Tov inl 6rjj3as 6 ' Ap%i '/xopos 
inro tov fipanovTos Oit(/>0dprj, oi 5e iir' 
ai'Tixj tov /xopov dp^avri rd ~Sip.ea tdr/Kav 




Ecce iterum Chromius! residing not now in Syracuse, as when the 
First Nemean Ode was written, but in the city of Aetna, recently founded, 
whither Hiero had sent him to govern it, or at least to take some part in the 
administration. In his new abode he celebrated (perhaps in 472 B.C. 1 ) the 
anniversary of a victory won by his mares, years before, in a chariot race at 
Sicyon, in Apollo's games held there and in those days only less famous 
than the Pythian festival of Delphi ; and a comus or ode for singing in 
procession to the sound of lyres and flutes was composed for the feast by 
Pindar. This Sicyonian Ode has been included in the Nemean collection, 
along with two other 'unattached' hymns, which have as little to do with 

The thoughts of the First Nemean and the Ninth ' Nemean,' separated 
in date by at least a year or two, are superficially similar but not the same. 
In the earlier hymn, a hope was held out of the 'golden' Olympian wreath ; 
whereas, in the later, Chromius is regarded as a man who after an active and 
brilliant career may, and, if he understands the art of life, will now enter into 
his rest. Old age, 'friendless, music-less old age,' which to the Greeks 
seemed such a dismal prospect, was now for Chromius appreciably near ; and 
Pindar asks himself, how his patron might make the most of the intervening 
years ? He has ascended to the highest rung of ambition's ladder, to use the 
modern phrase ; or, in Pindar's own metaphor, he has upclomb to the loftiest 
mountain-top that may be trodden by mortal feet. He is laden with riches, 

1 See Introduction to the First Nemean. to Aetna in 1. 2. Boeckh supposes the 

Aetna took the place of Catana in 476 B.C. date to be 01. 77, (472—471 B.C.). 

(Diodorus, xi. 49), but Catana was restored Leopold Schmidt thinks that this hymn 

in 460 B.C. (Diodorus, xi. 76), and thus was composed at the same time as the 

we have a posterior limit for the date of Third Pythian. 

this Ode. The alleged data for a prior I am inclined to think that a longer 

limit are (1) the last stanzas, which have interval than Boeckh imagines separates 

been supposed to suggest the presence of the two hymns to Chromius, both of 

Pindar himself at the festivities ; Pindar which were possibly composed while 

went to Sicily before summer 472 ; (2) Pindar was in Sicily. But see further 

the application of the epithet veoKTiaTav Appendix C. 


160 [NEMEAN] IX. 

and crowned with glory. Well ; let him fully grasp the truth that he has no 
other worlds to conquer, assured that his estate is really blessed, and let his 
remaining years be a 'gentle time of life' (alav dfiepa). It seems possible that 
since his Nemean victory Chromius had actually competed unsuccessfully 
for an Olympian wreath. 

That a prominent Sicilian noble should have such a 'gentle time,' an 
evident condition was that his country should not be moved by the alarms 
of war ; and this thought forms, literally, the central point of Pindar's comus. 
The great idea of the composition, — presented to us in a series of striking 
reliefs, connected by the most dexterous transitions, — is the contrast of 
war and peace. Not, of course, that all fighting is condemned ; wars may 
be just or unjust ; but any war is to be regretted. As typical of wars 
displeasing in the sight of heaven is chosen the ominous expedition of the 
Seven against Thebes, and the hero Amphiaraus is contrasted with Chromius. 
For Chromius was a tried warrior, who had proved his valour in battles by 
land and water, but his cause, Pindar says, had been always righteous, and 
therefore his last end will not be like that of Amphiaraus, a righteous man 
himself, but unhappily involved in evil communications. 

Opening with a jocund scene — the Muses coming from Sicyon, the 
guests crowding into the house of Chromius, the striking-up of musical 
instruments — the Ode soon passes into an unpeaceful atmosphere, resounding 
with the tramping of horses and the rattling of chariot-wheels. The noise 
of steeds and men contending resounds from strophe to strophe, echoes 
answering one another, as it were, in the same rhythm out of corresponding 
nooks ; so that this hymn, deprecating war, has quite a martial sound, 
calculated to awaken in Chromius the memories of his own battles. At 
length the clamour of fighting dies away, and returning to the jocund scene, 
as after a dream or by magic, we see the things of peace,— the feast, the 
poet, the v/inebowl mixed, and those silver phialae or flat-shaped goblets, 
which had been the prize in the chariot-race at Sicyon, on this anniversary 
doubtless set in a conspicuous place. 

Another element, which contributes to the general effect of the hymn, 
is a covert comparison of the life of Chromius to an initiation and 
education in divine Mysteries. Greek Mysteries connected with the worship 
of various deities, such as Persephone and Dionysus, consisted of 'sights and 
acts.' A toilsome groping through darkness, followed by a gradual or 
sudden apparition of light, was one of the acts or dramata which awaited 
the young mystcs ; and one may gather from fragmentary records that 
initiation involved bodily labours, designed for spiritual purification. Light, 
with sight thereof, one may conjecture, was the great idea round which the 
mystical rites revolved, their aim being an education both of the physical and 
of the mental eye, and the completely initiated therefore being called ' the 
seer' {iitlmrr\s). Flowers were a feature or an accessory of some of the 
ceremonies, and certain kinds at least, such as the asphodel, the hyacinth 
and the pansy, had symbolic meanings, closely connected with myths. And 
as in all institutions of a religious character, there was a mystical vocabulary, 


ordinary words being- taken in a higher meaning, or, by an association 
with special rites, becoming specialised. 

Into this matter of the Mysteries, which excite our wonder now — wonder 
being here really equivalent, as Bacon said, to 'broken knowledge,' — I only 
go so far as seems necessary for understanding certain allusions in the Ode, 
and it is enough to point out these three features, the occult language, the 
occasional foreground or background of flowers, and the central idea of light, 
called in mystical phrase cpeyyos. The poet compares his hymn to a ' spell,' 
and the secret suggestions, coming in, as we shall see, at intervals, invest it 
with a solemn air, perceptible even amid the din of men and horses. 

Before beginning the analysis of the composition, we must observe its 

formal structure, which illustrates the affinities of Pindar's poetry with plastic 

art. The hymn may be compared to a frieze of eleven groups, the whole 

work having a well-marked centre in the sixth group, while each group has a 

little centre of its own. The strophe consists of three measures, of which 

the first and third correspond in rhythmical length, having each eighteen 

beats, while the middle has only eight. Thus the formula of metrical division 


18 : 8 : 18. 

To seize the rhythmical charm of the Dorian strophes, we must further 

subdivide into clauses and observe the repetitions. Let us take for example 

the second strophe. 

Measure I. eo-ri 8e ns Xoyor dv6pd\Trcov TfreXtapevov caXov (clauses I, 2) 
fir) xaixal (Tiyq KaXv^ai (clause 3) 

decnvea-'ia 8' eVe'coi/ Kav"\xats aoiha npocrcpopos (clauses 4, 5) 

Measure 2. dXX' dva @pop.iav (f>6p\p.iyy dva 8' avXbven avrav (clauses 6, 7) 
Spvofiev X (clause 8) 

Measure 3. Inniav dedXatv Kopvfpav are <I>oi/3a) (clause 9) 

dfjKev "A8pci(TTOs «r ' ' ha-u>\irov peedpois u>v e'yco pvacr- (clauses IO, 1 1 ) 
de\s eTrao-Krja-o) KXuJrruy rjpwa Tipais (clauses 12, 1 3) 

It will be seen that clauses 4, 6 and 7 are exactly the same in feet and 
rhythm as clauses 1 and 2 ; and that clauses 12 and 13 repeat the rhythm, 
but here the dactyls are replaced by trochees, which produce the effect of 
coming to a pause. 

The hymn opens with a picture of the Muses, coming, in a rout or comus, 
to Aetna from Sicyon, where they were in attendance on Apollo, then of 
course present on the occasion of the same games, at which Chromius 
had won his victory. This skilful indication of the anniversary character 
of the feast, brings at the same time, by a sort of unnoticed jugglery, Apollo, 
as lord of the Muses, into more special connexion with the hymn itself. 
We next see the doors of the rich house at Aetna thrown open, and the 
guests crowding in ; then the chariot and horses, which had won the 
victory, and Chromius himself appear; the young men prepare to lift up then- 
voices ; and we listen for a hymn, which, as the poet warns us, is to have a 

B. Il 

1 62 [NEMEAN] IX. 

certain mystic strain in it, the solemnity of a ' spell ' (at'Sa), suitable for the 
ears of those arch-hierophants, Apollo, his sister and his mother. One must 
not let silence, he adds, bury a fine achievement in the ground — a saying, we 
may suspect, of mystical significance, just as our equivalent 'to hide a light 
under a bushel ' has a religious association ; and referring to his own special 
method, he proclaims legendary tales as suitable (most suitable, he thought 
perhaps) to the praise of a victor. 

This is the introduction, a sort of mise en scene, occupying the first strophe 
and part of the second. Then the musical instruments are 'awakened' 
and translate us at once to the mythical world, to the river Asopus 
near Sicyon, where the hero Adrastus founded feasts and games, including 
chariot contests, and made his city glorious. This picture — the river Asopus, 
feasts and carven chariots — is strictly appropriate to the theme of the Ode, 
but it serves also to introduce the story of the Seven against Thebes, of 
whom Amphiaraus 1 is selected as the prominent hero, while Adrastus, 
sinking among the Adrastidae, passes out of sight. 

Adrastus, the son of Talaus, was a prince of Argos, and his presence 
at Sicyon was caused by a quarrel between his family and his cousin Am- 
phiaraus, another Argive prince, a prophet and the grandson of a prophet. 
Their family factions led to bloodshed and to the exile of Adrastus from 
Argos ; Pindar does not mention the death of his father or brother, merely 
saying, ' the sons of Talaus, overborne by a sedition, were no longer 
regnant ' ; and then adding, in reference to Amphiaraus, ' the strong man 
does away with what was just before.' 

The strong man ; yes, but there was a fate stronger than he, destined to 

overthrow him through the covetousness of a woman. And Pindar brings 

this out by a really telling artifice, a bold approximation, which has, as 

a matter of fact, given some trouble to his commentators, who have failed to 

perceive the deliberate stroke of art and suspected something wrong in the 

text. The sentence about the strong man ends a strophe, the word ' strong ' 

(lit. stronger) emphatically beginning the line, and 'man' coming at the 

end : — 

Kpeaawv fie Kamravti Sticav rhv irpoaBev dvtjf). 

The next strophe passes to the reconciliation, but it begins with the very 
word which so emphatically ended the preceding line, uvrjp is still sounding 

1 Boeckh found the main idea of the is sufficient to refute Boeckh's view. Dis- 

Ode in a parallel between the relations of sen thinks that the expedition against 

Hiero and Thero, and those of Amphia- Thebes is merely a warning against un- 

raus and Adrastus. The quarrel of Hiero just wars. 

and Thero was arranged by a marriage of L. Schmidt says that Pindar is painting 

the king of Syracuse with Thero's niece, a picture of peace and repose, which he 

which would correspond to the marriage wishes Aetna and Chromius may enjoy; 

of Amphiaraus with the sister of Adras- and this practically is the conclusion of 

tus. Tlu- mere consideration that such Mezger, who points out the contrast 

an idea would be utterly unsuitable as between the horrors of war ami a /xoifja 

ground-work of an ode for Chromius, eiVo/uos. 


in the cars of the friends of Chromius, we may suppose, when the singers of 
the comus continue 

av8po8afiavr 'Epi<f)vkiip, opKiov cos ore tvmttov. 

' Man-quelling Eriphyle,' the sister of Adrastus, was given to Amphiaraus, 
'as a firm pledge' (how ironical!) in token of reconciliation, and the power 
of the Adrastid house revived. It is said that the sister was to arbitrate, 
should disputes arise between her husband and her brother, and on that 
account was called by Pindar 'man-quelling.' And doubtless this is 
designed to be the surface meaning, appropriate to the context; but there is 
a second intention, and the second intention is here more obvious than the 
first. No one could hear the epithet ' man-quelling ' applied to the 
notorious Eriphyle without remembering the necklace and how she com- 
passed her husband's death. Thus dvftpnbdpas, occurring several lines 
before the account of Amphiaraus' fate, quite naturally and in a different 
connexion has the effect of an omen, suggesting that even in the day of 
his successes there were evil presences near Amphiaraus. The device of 
bringing avrjp at the end of one strophe and dvbpobdpavr at the beginning 
of the next into close proximity forces the omen on the attention ; the 
effect is heightened by the omission of the usual particle of transition 
(which commentators have tried to amend) ; and by reading over the lines 
we can feel how their rhythms, at once similar and different, farther the 
success of the artifice. The comparison between Pindar's work and 
sculpture suggests an illustration. Let us suppose the third and fourth 
strophes translated into two adjoining groups in relief. At the extremity 
of the third group would be represented Amphiaraus, the strong man, 
triumphant after the fall of the Adrastids ; at the adjacent extremity of the 
fourth group we should see Adrastus placing his sister in the hands of his 
conciliated rival. Well, if the sculptor turned Eriphyle's face backward, and 
represented her looking with an ominous expression towards the triumphant 
figure in the third group, which she of course is not supposed to see, the 
direction of her unconscious eyes might have the sense of an omen for 
the spectator; and this sense might be accentuated by accessory details. 

From the revival of the Adrastid power we pass to the unhappy 
expedition against Thebes, impious (Pindar deems it) as undertaken in 
disregard of the signs and warnings of Zeus, who thereby 'bade them forbear 
the journey' ; and he describes the host hastening to the open jaws of de- 
struction in a wonderfully successful arrangement of words, whose sound 
and meaning seem to have between themselves some secret affinity or under- 
standing,— one of those effects, which Greek art, perfectly concealing her own 
'art,' could compass by the simplest words and rhythms dexterously arranged 
with regard to the vowel sounds, 

(fraivopevav 8' ap is arav (nrevftev opikos iKecrOai 
XaXtceois "mXoMTtv bnre'ims re arvv tvreaiv. 

Their doom, as it were, shone for them ; and then we have a picture of 
seven pyres on the banks of the river Ismenus, fire 'feasting on the blanched 

II — 2 

1 64 [NEMEAN] IX. 

bodies' of young men, the smoke rising fat with the nutrition, — a Feast of 
Fire; and in the background, obscured by the vapour, a faint vision or 
suggestion of that 'sweet home ' which the dead had wittingly surrendered. 
And Pindar's language implies perhaps a comparison of the Expedition to a 
kind of false Mystery; the army is drawn to a false light, and the word 
'white-flowered' (kevicavdea), although the second part of the compound has 
lost its individuality, reminds us that, in the presence of the figurative 
blossoms of death, there were no real flowers (to be looked for in the case of 
a true mystery). 

For Amphiaraus a separate fate was reserved by the special mercy of 
Zeus. In the panic he was fleeing from Periclymenus, and could not have 
escaped him, but that Zeus, willing to spare him the shame of falling by 
a death-wound dealt behind, clave the earth with a thunderbolt and opened 
a grave to shroud the hero and his horses. The vision of the hero Amphi- 
araus fleeing, though, as we are told, he had the spirit of a warrior, must 
strike the sentiment of most modern readers as incongruous ; and that 
is because their sentiment is not attuned to Greek moderation. Pindar 
formulates the principle here in words which appear nowadays almost 
to invite ridicule; 'for even sons of gods flee in superhuman panics.' 
In the eyes of a Greek, bravery, when it defied the powers of Zeus, had 
passed beyond the due measure of bravery and was no longer worthy of 
praise ; such rashness was the quality that one might find in a barbarous 

It is worth noticing how Pindar hints that the death of Amphiaraus was 
in some sort a retribution for his part in the civil war at Argos which had 
exiled Adrastus. In 1. 14 the Adrastid party is described as 

ftiacrdevres Xua, 
these words ending the line; and the corresponding line of the fifth strophe 
(1. 24), where Amphiaraus' death is described, closes with the words 

K(pavvq> Trcifj-ftia, 
this responsion clearly suggesting that as Amphiaraus had smitten Talaus 
and his sons, so the bolt of Zeus smote the smiter 1 . And if an emendation 
adopted in the text is true 2 , Pindar has accentuated his thought by the 
responsion of ai/Spa in 1. 25 to dvr/p in 1. 15 ; 'the strong man' is shrouded in 
the depths of the earth, Zeus being a stronger than he. 

We have now reached the centre of the Ode. Having told what befel 
the Seven against Thebes, the artist treats that war as a type of what an 
unrighteous war may be, and places exactly in the middle of his frieze a 
prayer to Zeus — the god who by his omens had vainly discouraged that 
expedition — that for as long as possible Sicily may be exempted from such a 
conflict. The most serious foes then threatening the Sicilian Greeks were 
the Carthaginians; but the artistic effect of the prayer would have been 

1 The adjective irap-fHas, omnipotent, expression is riveted in the mind by the 
was, as far as we can judge, coined rarity of the word \va. 

express])- for tliis place, and the other '-' See note on 1. 25. 


spoiled if the generality of the statement had been confined by an express 
mention of a particular enemy. But it was quite in Pindar's manner to 
introduce an allusion where a direct reference would have been inartistic ; 
and the allusion here is so unmistakable that commentators took the second 
meaning for the first and mistranslated the passage, until Mezger, a few years 
ago, saw the true explanation 1 . 

' If it be possible, O son of Cronus, I would remove to an indefinite 
distance such a brute arbitrament of empurpled swords,' ^>oiviko(ttI\\wv 
«yx«W. The adjective suggests a ' Phoenician armament,' and one may 
attempt by 'purpled' or 'purple-mantled' to hint at the Phoenicians of 

Having deprecated such a war as that which the legends of Argos had 
led him to describe, Pindar further intreats Zeus for the citizens of Aetna, 
that they may have a happy experience of political life and that their city 
may be brightened with festivities and the triumphs of peace. 'Peace be 
within thy walls, and plenteousness within thy palaces.' And there is 
some reason to hope for good things in store for them ; victories, for 
example, in chariot-races because they are devoted to horses, and brilliant 
feasts because their souls are free from the bondage of avarice. In 
attributing this liberality to the men of Aetna, Pindar of course has one 
individual chiefly in view, Chromius himself. And he makes this clear by 
the immediate transition 2 . Love of money is the enemy of the goddess 
Aidos, — an enemy capable of overreaching by stealthy ways, but unable 
to steal the heart of Chromius. Pindar appeals to proven bravery in battle 
by land and sea; and draws a picture of the goddess Aidos arming him, 
spiritually, for war — a picture reminding modern readers of a lady buckling 
the armour of a medieval knight. 'Aidos who bringeth glory' ; but the glory 
of war is indeed won through horrors, which Pindar suggests in vigorous 
phrases, descending from ' the danger of the sharp battle cry ' to the 
' contagious blastment of Enyalius ' and deeper still to ' the war-cloud whose 
rain is clogging blood.' 

Thus we have come back to war again, after a transient vision, in between, 
of a peaceful future for Aetna. The wars of Sicily, in which Chromius took 
part, are the companion picture to the expedition against Thebes, and 
Chromius is the figure contrasted with Amphiaraus. The presiding influence 
in the mythical war was Ata ; the spirit of Chromius' enterprises was 
Aidos : . Men and horses are resonant, both here and there, sometimes at 
the same points of the repeated musical successions 4 ; and the 'martial soul' 

1 p. 118. See note on this line. ovvenev iv 7ro\^/xy Keiva debs tvrvev 

* Also by having Kreduuv in 1. 32, ami avrou. 
afterwards, of Chromius alone, Kredeois i 1. 1S dyayov crparbv dvbpwv aiatav 

iroWois in 1. 46. :: 1. 38 wotl Svcr/J-efiwu dvbpwv urixas. 

'■'• Compare line 21 (first of 5th strophe) 1. 22 x a ^ K * 0LS ottXolo-iv LTnreiots re uvv 

(jyaivo/xevav 5' dp' is drav aireudev 6pu\os 'ivTeaw :: 1. 32 \abv. ivri toi <f>i\nr rot. 
iKeo-dai with line 36 (first of 8th strophe) Also 1. 33 dvSpes. dwiarov Zeiir'- k.t.X. 

1 66 [NEMEAN] IX. 

of Amphiaraus (for whose end Zeus made provision) seen fleeing before 
Periclymenus has a metrical position exactly corresponding to the ' soul ' of 
Chromius, armed by the goddess with a weapon for pursuit 1 . 

For Chromius, thus conceived as (in our phrase) ' the soul of honour,' 
the cloud of war is the medium through which he reaches light and flowers, 
as in a mystery. The effect and the connexion of thought in this passage 
are lost, if we read the sentences apart. " Few be they who have the heart, 
and hands to take counsel to turn upon the ranks of the foemen the war- 
cloud whose rain is blood that cloggeth the feet. Verily it is said that for 
Hector glory burst into flower near the waters of the Scamander ; certainly 
by the deep-cliff' d banks of the Helorus, which flows into the ' Passage of 
Rhea,' such a light ((peyyos) gleamed for the son of Agesidamus in his 
early manhood." The battle of the Helorus was Chromius' initiation in 
mysteries ; he had to face the dark cloud, he had to walk in places where 
his footing was imperilled and his feet impeded ; and then he found 
himself near river banks, strown with flowers of glory, in the presence of a 
new mystic light. 

The scrupulous accuracy of Pindar's art is illustrated here by the 
introduction of Hector. The flowers of glory are intended to be contrasted 
with the 'white-flower corpses' that were buried on the banks of the 
Ismenus ; but if Pindar had strown these flowers by the waters of the 
Helorus, his contrast between Chromius and Amphiaraus would have been 
wounded or blurred by the introduction of a new contrast between Chromius 
and the other warriors who fell at Thebes. And so, without sacrificing the 
precision of his comparison between the two individuals, the artist translates 
his flowers to the banks of the Scamander, and names Hector, as the type of 
a class of warriors, to which Chromius himself belongs, patriotic warriors, 
contrasting them with the other class represented by Amphiaraus and his 
fellows. This accuracy of thought is emphasized by the adjective fiaOv- 
Kfn'mvoKTi, applied to the shores of the Helorus, and responding metrically 
to the adjective fiaBvvTepvov, which describes the earth opening her bosom 
to enfold the son of Oicles : 

1. 25, Zeiis rav {iaQvartpvov yQova *pv\// avhp ap.' iWots 

1. 40, ayxpv, fiadvKprjpvoio-i, 8' dp(p' aKTa'is EXcopou. 

'In deep places darkness shrouded Amphiaraus 1 

' By deep places light illuminated Chromius.' 

Greek art, at its best,— Pindaric art, for instance— is marked by the 

rejection of unserviceable ornaments and superfluities. In this passage one 

might think that Pindar himself is errant for a moment, and that the clause 

determining the sea into which the Helorus flows is on the most favourable 

view an unnecessary topographical exegesis, not woven into the spiritual 

corresponds in metre (although it is not ' Ovixbv (1. 27) paxv-rav :: Qv/xov cu'x- 

the same line of the strophe) to 1. 16 de- /xarav (1. 37). This responsion was 

dpodd/xavT ' Ep«p6\ai> k.t.X.— We have noticed and appreciated by Mezger, ]>. 

i7r7rois again in 1. 34, and we had Kpar^a- 1 19. 
1 7r w ov in 1. 4. 


texture of the composition. But on closer examination this criticism turns 
out to be unfair, and 'the Passage of Rhea,' so far from being trivial, 
becomes a phrase of spiritual significance. At Helorus the light of success 
had regarded Chromius, but this was only his first achievement, to be 
followed by others ; or, Pindar puts it, the Helorus conducts to the sea which 
may be considered a. passage to scenes of future triumphs, noted immediately 
after, ' exploits on the dusty dryland and on the adjacent ocean.' 

That this is really the bearing of the ' Passage of Rhea,' is indicated if I 
am not mistaken, in the course of the following lines. Having thus summed 
up the career of Chromius, the poet proceeds to point a conclusion which has 
a positive and a negative side. A youth and manhood 1 spent laboriously, 
under the guidance of Justice, ought to be followed by a calm space for a 
man, who has not yet reached the threshold of old age, and is no longer a vtos. 
This Chromius may claim. And the gods have in full measure given him 
bliss — the supreme aim of all Mysteries'-', — having laden him with riches and 
honour and glory. This is the positive side of Pindar's conclusion. The 
negative side is an injunction, that he should be content now to embrace the 
prospect of that calm life, making up his mind that he has reached the 
highest summit possible for mortal feet — reached it, we are reminded by an 
echo, through clogging blood and dangers 3 — and that there is 'no passage' 
to any higher point beyond 4 . At the Helorus, when he was young, he was 
near the Passage called by mortals 'of Rhea,' and there were worlds to win : 
but now he stands, where is no passage forward known to men, — no war, 
at least, if Zeus be gracious to the prayer which the poet addressed to him''. 

' No war; but peace, and the things beloved of peace, — banqueting, and 
song. Wine and song are in place now ; for song has the magic virtue of 
touching into young bloom an old victory, and the wine-cup maketh song 
bold. Therefore mix the wine and fill the cups ! ' These lines, savouring of 
the true comus inspired by Dionysus, take us back, after our march along 
sombre ways, to the cheerful scene before Chromius' house in Aetna, a scene 
which we now regard from a wider aspect in the light of Pindar's lesson in 
the art of life. Echoes of the words which we have heard still haunt the air, 
awakening that feeling which Lucretius stereotyped in his suave marl 

1 tK ttovuv 8' I oi' crvv veoTan ytvwvrai gegeniiber gestellt.' 

<rv» re b'iKa (1. 44). In point of 'youth ' 3 The emphatic dual woooiv at the end 

Chromius and his countrymen resembled of the measure could be dispensed with 

the warriors who fought at Thebes; but by the sense; but it has the effect of 

in point of 'justice' their causes differed. recalling how the same two feet had often 

Observe the responsion of this line to walked through carnage, (povov wapiroolov 

1. 24 h 37, where (povov ends the same measure. 
i-n-Ta yap baiaavro wvpal veoyviovs * I must refer the reader to the com- 

(puTas. mentary on this passage. 

2 Trpbs Oaip-ovoiv dav/xaarbv o\/3oe, 1. 45. 5 This is indicated by the use of iropcuii 
See note. What Amphiaraus won from here, echoing Cos TropcKTTa in the prayer. 
the deities was a panic {8aip.ovioi.o-t. (pofiois, The thought, which we read between the 
1. 27); compare Mezger, p. 121, 'den lines, is rendered clear by the immediate 
Saipovtot (pojioi wird ein daip.6vios 6\j3os succession of d<ri'X' a » Peace. 

1 68 [NEMEAN] IX. 

magno — ; and it is suggested l that, if Amphiaraus was smitten by the 
violence of lightning, nothing worse will overbear Chromius than the gentle 
violence of the ' child of the vine,' now inviting him in the silver goblets, 
which his horses — another echo — won at Sicyon 2 . These goblets were not 
indeed the sole prize awarded for that victory ; attached to them were wreaths, 
' Apollo's crowns, twined by Themis,' this curious epithet depu-rrXeKrois being 
probably designed to convey a mystic allusion 3 . 

The Ode concludes with a second prayer to Zeus, to be taken in connexion 
with the former prayer against war, to which it forms a sort of complement : 
' I pray that I may sing suck excellence as this (success in the games), the 
Graces assisting, and that, above many singers, I may worthily magnify 
Victory, shooting my dart very near the mark of the Muses.' The connexion 
of the first and the second prayer is marked by a responsion 4 ; 
1. 29 iy^iav ravTciv davarov nepi Koi £a>as k.t.X. 
1. 54 ev'x /*"' ravTav dperav neXadrjcrai k.t.X. 

It is characteristic of Pindar to desire in his prayer not perfection, but 
only a close approach thereto ; yet if we judge that in this comus he 
hit, absolutely, ihe mark of Poetry, we shall hardly transgress seriously the 
limit of even Greek moderation. 


VV. 1,2. A 


v. 3- B — \s ^ — v^ v^ - ^ \s — \^w \^ — a (o) 

w.4,5. A' 

The rhythmical formula of this mesodic structure might be expressed in 
the number of beats, thus 

6 . 12 8 12 . 6 
Schmidt remarks : 

' Hinsichtlich des Centrums sei noch aiiiremerkt dass die Centre der 


Strophen d und id die Hauptsachen enthalten ; wegen der zwei Trisemen 
aber dass alle Strophen (10) ausser der fiinften, wo 'la-firjvov an der S telle 
steht, auch die Notirung ' — a- zulassen, und audi wohl gehabt haben, 
a. a. O. aber nur peTpiicj} ai/dy/o/ davon abgewichen ist.' 

1 (iiarav iraid ap.iri\ov 1. 51, a remark- (plXiwwoi 1. 32. 
able expression recalling Kepavvip TrapfUq. '■'' See note 1. 52. 

1. 24. The steeds of Amphiaraus were 4 Mezger, p. ill. 'Wie der Dichter 

..wallowed up with him; the marcs of jene Waffenprobe weit von sich wegweist 

Chromius secured him the phialai. (weipav TavTav, v. :y), so freut er sich 

- i-mroi responds lu 'nnrdots 1. 22 and dieseza, preisen [ ravrav v. 54)'. 



KcDfMiaofjLev Trap* ' XttoWwvos Iti/cvcovode, Motcat, arp. a. 

rap veoKTicrrav e? AiTvav, ev9 dva'iT€inap l kvai %eivwv veviicavTai 

bXfiiov e? Xpofilov 8(0 fi. aXX" eirecov <y\v/cvv vp,vov Trpaaaerai. 
to /cpaTi}crL7nrov yap e? apfi dvaj3aivwu p,arepi real 8i8vp,oi<; 

iralheacnv avhdv fiavuei 

i. KW(xdcro(i€v k.t.X.] In Isthm. III. 
90 and Pyth. ix. 89 the future of /cw/xdj'w 
is middle, KU/xa^ofiai., Kw/xacrojucu. In 
those passages however the sense is 
'celebrate', while here the word bears 
the more literal meaning, 'proceed as a 
comus or band of revellers', comissor. 
As the ode is sung on the anniversary of 
Chromius' victory, the Muses are sup- 
posed to be with Apollo at the Sicyonian 
Pythia, and are called to Aetna. Render : 
We shall go in revel forth from S icy on, 
from (he presence of Apollo, charm- 
tresses, to new-built Aetna, where doors 
wide open are too narrow for all the guests, 
in the wealthy house of Chromios. — to 8i 
veviKavxcii dvri rod rjTT-qvrai (schol.). 6\- 
(Siov e's Xpo/xiov du/xa defines is Airvav 
more strictly. 

3. irpda-o-tTcu] One may feel a doubt 
between irpdaaere, the reading of B 
and of the scholiast (who explains dia- 
vvaare), and irpacraeTai of D. irpdauuv 
with the accusative in the sense of make 
is characteristic of Pindar, and he may 
bid the Muses, make (or deal) a sweet 
hymn of legends. With Trpdaaerai, Chro- 

mius exacts the ode (a sense which irpdo- 
(toito bears in 01. X. 30). I have decided 
for Trpaaaerai because it is metrically 
preferable. No other line in the ode 
ends with a short vowel (a, e, u, or X), 
though we have ov, ep, tv, etc. 

4. KpaTtio-iTrirov] One of Pindar's 
lofty compounds. Compare Kparr]<ri/j.axos 
(Pyth. IX. 86), Kpa.T7)aiirovs (Pyth. X. 16), 
KpaTTjatpias (fr. 16). — See Introduction, 
pp. 165 (note), 166 (note), and 168 (note) 
for echoes of ltttvos. 

iraiSecro-i] Pindar uses both this form 
and ttcuctL, as he uses iroai, -rroffcri and 
irbbevo-i.. — The mother and her two chil- 
dren are Leto, Apollo and Artemis, 
whom we met together before, Nem. VI. 
36. By ascending into his chariot Chro- 
mius proclaims a song in honour of 
Apollo, who in the worship at Sicyon 
was associated with his sister and mother. 
av8dv has roused the suspicions of editors, 
as it would seem to bear here the un- 
usual sense of song. Boeckh read 7rcu'5e<rcr' 
doiddv; Hermann avxdv (in the same 
sense as Kavxa below, 1. 7), which how- 
ever can hardly win much support from 


WvOwvos alireivas 6/u,o/c\dpoi<; itroinai^. 


earn he Tt? \6709 dvOpwirwv, Tere\eap,ei>ov e&Xbv arp. /3'. 

fxi) yap,ai ai<ya KaXvyfrat ' Oeatreaia 8' eVecof Kav-%ai<; doihd 


aAA' ava jxkv fipop,Lav tpopfityy', dvd S' avkbv eV atrr&Jv 6pcrop,ev 

the scholium to 6a\i/j.d£e(r9ai. Bergk sug- 
gests a'tyXav. Of these, Hermann's is the 
best, because it might conceivably have 
been changed to avddv. But the expres- 
sion cu"xai> (accent so) fiavbeiv seems 
hardly natural. — It might seem suspi- 
cious that avdd does not occur elsewhere 
in Pindar, and indeed I once thought 
that Pindar wrote avydv, a blaze of light, 
thus hinting at a Xap.irabr}<popia or torch 
procession in honour of the three divini- 
ties, by which Chromius intended to 
celebrate his victory. But I now feel 
sure that avddv was written by Pindar, 
designedly chosen as a word of cere- 
monial import. Its special use for an 
oracular utterance is well known ; and 
it is to be further observed that diravdCo 
was a cry used in mysteries and solemn 
ceremonies. Moreover in 01. n. 92, we 
find av5dcro/ ivopKiov \6yoi> dXaOei vou) 
of a very solemn affirmation, and in 
Non. x. 80 and 89, the active is used 
of the speech of Zeus, avdd suggests 
a spell of song, and avddtis in a graceful 
fragment of Pindar (194) suggests the 
same idea : 

KeKpoTijTai xi )V(T ^ a Kprjwis upatcriv doi- 

fla retX'i' w M e '' ^17 ttoikIXwv 

Kocrfiov avodtvru Xbyuv ' 

6s kcli TroXvKXflrav wep iolauv v/xws 0?}- 
jiav Sti p.dXXov iwaaKrjcrec 6eu>v 

Kal /car' avOpwirwv dyvids. 
Here we lose the effect of the epithet of 
K6afiov if we do not recognise that it 
implies the potency of a solemn spell: — 
come let us build straightway a fair "Mall 
of manifold, murmuring tales. 

5. 6|AOK\dpoisl consortibus. In 01. 11 

49 o/xoKXapos means partaker in the same 
lot, namely victory. ciroirTCUS = iino-Kb- 
wois. Apollo and Artemis are the joint- 
iiithroncd governors of steep Pytho. 

6. &tti 8c k.t.X.] Aden have a proverb, 
' Hide not a deed of noble achievement on 
the ground, in silence* (lit. that one should 
not hide). X -^ 1 xaXvxpai corresponds to 
our hide under a bushel. The positive 
equivalent is found in Pylh. vm. 33 i'rw 
rebv XP* 0S — iroTavbv (noted by Mezger). 

7. 0co-ire<rCa k.t.X.] A lay of divine 
tales is meet for sounding praises. This 
sentence has caused a good deal of dis- 
cussion. There can be no doubt, I think, 
that Pindar intends to say in 11. 6, 7, 
'a noble deed demands praise, and the 
fittest praise is a lay of legendary tales ', 
cttcW bearing the same sense as above, 
1. 3. It is clear then that Benedict's 
correction Kav^ais for Kavxas is right, a 
dative being absolutely required after 
wpoacpopos. The opposition of icavxa to 
silence is illustrated by Isthm. iv. 51 
d\\' o/xcos Kavxyp-a Kardfipex 6 oi-ya. The 
sense shews that ewiwv depends on doidd, 
not on Kavxo-is,— doidd tirtuv being the 
v/jlvos iwiwv of 1. 3. deeirecria, going so 
closely in sense with iiriuv and yet gram- 
matically connected with dotSd, lessens 
the harshness of separating iwiuiv from 
dotod, because it removes all ambiguity. 
Cf. Oeanealuv iiriwv (Isth. ill. 57) of the 
Homeric poems — 'the tale of Troy 
divine'. — Kai<xv< a rare word, may be 
compared to auxy, /iXdor?;, etc. 

8. dXX' dvd k.t.X.] Put we shall 
rouse the pealing lyre, yea and rouse the 
/lute to celebrate the supreme horse-races, 
those and none other, which Adraslus 



'nririwv deOXwu /copvcpdv, die tfcoifiq) 6>}/cev * ' AhpaaTos eV 

Aacoirov peedpois' wv iyco 
p,vaa0el<i eiraaiojcrw /cXfrcu? ijpcoa rivals, 10 

05 roTe /x.ey fiacnXevcov /celOc veaicrL 6* eoprals arp. 7'. 

tcr^t/o? t av&pwv dfilWai,*; dppbaai re <y\a(f)vpol<; apbtpaive Kvhaivwv 

(pevye yap ApLcpidpr/v iroTe 0paavp,r)8ea Kal Seivdv aidcriv 

established in honour of Phoebus by the 
waters of Asopus. dva is adverbial, with 
opcro/j.ev (so called l?uesis). (ip^/xerai is 
used of the lyre Nem. XI. 7.— The MSS. 
have eir' avrbv, and all editors read eV 
avrdv after Schmid. It is possible that 
this is right, but the change seems too 
bold, and I content myself with the 
simpler emendation eir* av-niuv, which 
cannot be called a change, as it was 
originally written 

The meaning is the same as with the 
reading avrdv, for Kopvtpav iirirluv dtOXuv 
= i^oxuTara tinna dedXa (whence the 
relative a, for which we might expect op). 
avTwu is, as Mezger says of avrav, 'im 
Gegensatz zu den einleitenden Versen ; 
der Dichter wendet sich jetzt zum Kern 
des Gedichtes, zur Stiftungssage '. — For 
the separation of the preposition from 
its case cf. Nem. X. 48 trap Aios drjKe dpSfMp. 
For Kopvcpd cf. Nem. X. 32, 1. 34. 

9. wv k.t.X.] Making mention 'where- 
of I shall trick out the hero with sounding 
words of honour. Cf. fr. 194 K6<r/xov 
avodtvra X6yu>v, 6s Kal TroXvKXeirav irep 
coTaav o'/tiws Q-qflav en fxdXXov iiraaKricrti 
deu>i> Kal tear' avdpuwuv dyvids. [Homer 
p 266 inrjaKrjTaL 5£ oi avXr] rolxv Kal 
OpiyKolvi.] That the word eiraaKtiv is 
here adopted by Tindar from the language 
of the mysteries seems possible, if we 
observe the gloss of Hesychius £ira<TKe'tv 
aifieoOai, ayvevew, and this possibility 
becomes really probable from the circum- 
stance that in the fragment, just quoted, 
e7ra<TK-7jtret is in close junction with audd- 

evra, a word which, as we have already 
seen, had mystical associations. 

This uncommon expression, used in 
reference to Adrasttis, is answered in 
1. 54 by ri/xa\0eii/ \6yois (also unique in 
Pindar) in reference to the victory of 
Chromius. — 0tjk€v, here of establishing 
games ; but dtlvai dy&va was also the 
technical expression for administrating 

12. l(T)(\5os t* k.t.X. ] d/xiXXais is con- 
structed with both genitive and dative 
(as Olymp. V. 6, 7) : and by contests which 
prove men's strength and races with carve// 
chariots he made the city bright and 
glorious. In Pyth. 1. 31 the phrase 
Kvdaiveiv iroXiv recurs (cf. 01. X. 66). 
For a|i<j>aivE cf. Pyth. IX. 73 Zvda la/cdcrcus 
dvi<pav€ Kvpdvav, and Pyth. IV. 62 (iaaiXi' 
dfupavei*, declared ki//g. 

13. 'A|i.<j>iapT]v TroTt] B has preserved 
irori. The question is whether we 
should, with most editors, adopt 'Afx-cpi.- 
dprjdv re from D; or follow Bergk in 
reading ' Ap.<pidp-qv and keeping wore. 
Metrically the reading of D is preferable 
to the emendation of Bergk ; for in 
the corresponding lines of all the other 
strophes the third foot is a spondee. 
This consideration however is not de- 
cisive and must yield to others ; but 
it may be mentioned that in the present 
Ode the second foot of the seventh 
strophe is ivri, a trochee, whereas 
elsewhere the corresponding feet are 
spondees. From a critical point of view 
Bergk's reading is in my opinion inex- 
pugnable; for, assuming it to be correct, 



TTarpcpfov oIkcov airo t 'Apyeos' apyol 8' ovk eV eaav Takaou 

7rat8e9, fttacrOevTes \va. 
Kpeacrcov Se KamraveL Sltcav tclv irpoaOev dvrjp. 1 5 

dvSpoSdfiavT 'RpMfrvXav, opKiov w? ore ttmttov, 

(TTp. 8'. 

the corruptions of the MSS. were almost 
inevitable. The usual form of the proper 
name in Pindar is 'AfupLaprjos, and though 
he uses ' Ap.(pidp-qs in this very hymn 1. 24, 
(the Etym. Mag. bears witness to the 
existence of the form), it is clear that the 
scribes had a very strong temptation to 
alter the rare into the more usual accu- 
sative by the insertion of an omicron. 
Hence the reading of B. The next 
step was to observe that the metre was 
at fault and to amend it by the obvious 
resort of clipping irori into re. Hence 
the reading of D. In point of sense, 
the verse with irore is superior to the 
verse with re. 

6pa<j-v(j.TJ8ea] This epithet {boldhearted) 
is applied to Salmon eus, Pyth. IV. 143, 
and to Alexander, son of Amyntas, frag. 
120. In two other places Opaav% and 
8tivos occur in close collocation : Pyth. 
II. 64 dpdaos Seivwv woXkfxwv, and Nem. 
IV. 64 dpao~v/j,axdvwv XeovToov ...SeivoraTiov 
ddovruv. Else in Pindar Saeos occurs 
only twice, Pyth. I. 26, of 'wells of 
flame most dire' and Nem. X. 65. 

14. TaXaov iraiSes] Pronax and Ad- 
rastus were the sons of Talaus, who was 
the son of Bias. For these somewhat 
obscure mythological relationships it will 
be best to quote the scholium : 

ot 5k (pacri ' Ilpotros k(3ao~LXevo~e tov 
"Apyous, twv Ovyarkpow 5k avTov fxaveicrQv 
MtXa/wrcws //.dens uv iraptyeveTO ' 6p.oXo- 
yrjOcvTOS 5k aiVui p.ic6ov twc Svtiv fiepwv 
rrjs [laaiXdas tudOr/pei' auras • u>s 5k eVd- 
Orjpev, e"Xa/3e /card ttjv vir6<Txe<Tit>, Kai to 

fxkv 7]/J.l<7V (KOlVWCFaTO Tlf dS(X<pU) BlaVTL, 

to 5k -rj/juav Karc'crxf avTqj, tiVre yevrjdrjvai 
tt]v oXtjv fiaaiXtiav Tpifteprj, MeXap.7ro5i- 
5as, BiaeTi'Sas, WpoiTl5as. MeXd/u7ro5os 
plv ovv ' AfTKpaTTis, ov OiVXf/S, or 'AfKptd- 

paos' Biaeros 5k TaXads, ov "ASpacros. 
IIpotroLi 5k ^leyawtvd-qs, ov 'Ittwovovs ov 
KaTraeeds, o5 20eVeXos. 5ia(popa 5k iye- 
i>rj0T] tois irepl ' A/x<pidpaov Kai "A5pao~Toi>, 
wtiTe tov fxkv TaXabv vwo tov 'Afjupiapdov 
dirodavuv, tov 5k "A5pacrTov (pvyeiv ds 
ZiKvQva, k.t.X. Menaechmus of Sicyon 
mentions the death of Pronax on the 
same occasion, in a passage quoted by 
the scholiast and worth reproducing here 
if only for the sake of a certain emen- 
dation of Carl Midler : xp ovov wapeX- 
Oovtos ttoXXov Upwvai; /xkv TaXaoD Kai 
Avo-i/j.dxys ttjs UoXvfiov [3aaiXevwv 'Ap- 
yeiwv dwoOvrjo-Kei, /carao-racriacr(?eis (Midler 
for KaracrraCeis) vwo 'Ap.<piapdov Kai twv 
^leXa/j.Trodi.5u>v Kai tQiv 'Ava^ayopiSQv. 

Pia<r0e'vT6s Xva] We met a part of 
/3tdw in viil. 34, here we have a part of 
pidfa ; they are both unique in Pindar's 
extant poems. Xva, an extremely rare 
word, equivalent to crra'tns, its literal 
sense being clearly 'deliverance'. 

15. Kpicra-tav k.t.X.] When a stronger 
man cometh, he doeth away with exist hi g 
right. Schol. 6 5k iVxi'pos avrip to irpo- 
virdpxov SiKawv KaTairavei. The point of 
the verse, applicable to most conquerors, 
disappears, if we take 51kt) in the sense 
of lis. Mezger interprets rightly ' Macht 
geht vor Recht '. 

16. avSpoSdnavT* *Epi<j>v\av] The 
German language with its Mann of 
double sense might render here, better 
than English, an effect of Pindar's art. 
The strong 'man' of 1. [5 is immediately 
followed by the 'Man-quelling Eriphyle' ; 
and as we hear of the might and success 
of Amphiaraus, we are reminded by an 
ambiguous word, as by a bird of ill omen 
Hitting across the page, that he was t" be 
subdued through the perfidy of his wife. 



Sovre'i Ol/ckeiBa yvvalica, tjavdo/cofidv Aavawv ~ft)aav /xeytaTOff. 

And this juxtaposition of dv-qp ending 
the third strophe, and dv8poSd/xai>T' 
beginning the fourth strophe, a striking 
artifice, is emphasized by the designed 
omission of the usual particle of tran- 
sition. Other examples of such an 
omission will be found in Nem. X. 61 
and 75. 

The reconciliation of Amphiaraus and 
Adrastus was sealed by the marriage of 
the former with the latter's sister Eri- 
phyle : schol. varepov fxevroi ffvv(\i]\ii9acn 
irdXif, £(p' (j5 avvoucqaei. tt\ 'JZpMpvXri 6 
'AfMptdpaos, 'if' ei ti p.£y' Zpiap.a /xer 
d/j.<poTtpoL<rt yiv-qrai, avrrj Stairg.. And 
on the strength of this von Leutsch and 
Mezger hold that Eriphyle is called, not in reference to her con- 
nexion with her husband's fate, but ' weil 
sie zur Schiedsrichterin zwischen ihrem 
Gatten und B ruder bestellt war, wenn 
allenfalls Zwist unter ihnen ausbrache'. 
And this suggestion has a certain value, 
but it must be supplemented by the 
ordinary explanation, which v. Leutsch 
rejects. As I said above, dv8po8d^avr 
is ambiguous. Well, the interpretation 
of von Leutsch is the harmless superficial 
meaning, while the ordinary explanation 
gives the ominous under-meaning. Only 
in this case the parts are inverted, and 
the under-meaning is the more obvious. 

avSpoSdnavr' is preserved by B. B gives 
di>8poSd/> t', D has avSpo/xadap r\ 
The adjective occurs in Nem. 
ill. 39 and frag. 166. 

17. 86vt6s k.t.X.] Having given to 
Amphiaraus (the son of Oicles) Eriphyle 
to wife, as a firm pledge, they — the sons 
of Talans — were most mighty among the 
yellow-haired Danai. Such is the mean- 
ing of the MSS. reading as it stands — r)<rav 
/j.tyi<TToi. Either this verse or the next is 
metrically incomplete (the MSS. divide 
the lines after ko.1 ttot es) ; and the 
question is whether the text is right as 
far as it goes, or are the words r|o-av 

fit'-yio-Toi themselves corrupt, perhaps a 
gloss. It is clear that J]aav cannot be 
right, as the Pindaric form is invariably 
laav (in 01. ix. 53, where the MSS. vary 
between 8' rjaav, 8' 'iaaav and 5' law 
Bergk has rightly restored 8r\ "aw), and 
Boeckh's laaw does not improve matters. 
And if we condemn rjaav we must con- 
demn /xlyiarot, a word very likely to 
have ousted from the text some more 
coloured expression, of which it was a 
marginal explanation. This is the 
view of Bergk. 

Assuming then that the original words 
of Pindar after Awau>i> have been lost, 
let us see whether we have any means 
of finding them. To begin with, we 
have the gloss r^aav fieyiaroi; and we 
have also the paraphrase of a scholiast 
to the same effect, km. ovtu twv £w6ok6- 
fiuv 'KK\rjvuv iytvovTO TrepupwearaToi 
(Bergk for MSS. Trepupwlarfpoi) oi irtpl 
"ASpaarov. There can, I think, be no 
doubt that the writer of this scholium 
had the genuine text before him, for iyl- 
vovto ireptcpavlaraTOL is unlikely as an in- 
terpretation of rjaw p.eyiaTot. Now the 
sense demands a part of yivo/xai rather 
than a part of eip.1 • hence Bergk (para- 
plirasis vestigia legens as he says) supplies 

tcl irpQr' lyevr' 'ASpaarLSai. 
'ASpaariSai is hardly right : oi irepl "ASpaa- 
rov in the scholium does not imply that 
the subject of the sentence was expressed. 
Moreover lyevro is always singular in 
Pindar (see Pyth. VI. 28, frag. 147), 
who uses ky&vovro very often, and it is 
therefore necessary to modify Bergk's 
reading, while we attribute to him the 
credit of a good suggestion. I propose 
irpuToi 'yevovro, but feel unable to decide 
whether the lacuna should be marked in 
1. 17 or in 1. 18. On behalf of irpwroi it 
may be said that it is a word likely to have 
been elucidated by a marginal synonym, 
inasmuch as Pindar rarely (once or twice) 
uses wpQros in the sense of fxlyiaros. 



Kai itot e'<? ktTTairvXov^ ®*7/3a? ayayov arparbv dvBpwv alcriav 
ov /car hpvlywv 6S6v ovSe Kpovicov narepotrnv e'XeX/^at? o'licodev 

crTeiyeiv eiru>rpvv, dWa (peiaaadai iceXevdov. 


(f)awofM€vav S' ap e? array cnrevSev ofii\o<i iKecrdat crrp. e . 

ya\Keoi<i ottXoktlv 'nrireioiq re <rvv evreaiv ' '\a/xrjvov S' eV 
oydaicri yXvKvv 

Other editors, accepting T\oav or eaaav 
fxlyiaroi, have filled up the gap in various 
ways. Boeckh punctuating at p.(yiaroi 
read St) rodev, suggested by the scholium 
on 1. 18, ivrevdep drj /cat ei's rets 617/tas 
K.r.\. Hartung accepts 5i) rbdev but 
connects the phrase with the foregoing 
words, punctuating at rddev. Rauchen- 
stein reads tovt&ki (punctuating at /xiyta- 
toi), which Schnitzer praises. Bergk's 
earlier conjecture Xayiran deserves men- 
tion. [See further Appendix A, note 8.] 
18 — 20. Kat ttot* k.t.X.] And on a 
time they led a host against Seven-gated 
Thebes, sped on their way by no well- 
boding birds ; nor did the son of Cronus 
swinging a bolt of lightning urge them to 
set forth, in fury fell, from home, but 
bade them spare the journey. 

Observe that the penultimate of Kpo- 
viwv is long here, as in Pytli. I. 71. In 
the other five places where it occurs in 
Pindar it is short (as below, 1. 28). — Else- 
where Pindar uses arepowd. e\e\ifw 
(vibrare) occurs in 01. IX. 13 and Pyth. 
1. 4 of the phorminx. 

In 1. 20 the sense of e'/cAei'irc implied 
in iTTLOTpwe is carried on to <}>e£o-ao-8cu. 

2 1 . <j>atvo^i€vav k.t.X.] But certes, 
the company sped on their way to doom 
clearly revealed, with brazen armour and 
steeds and the accoutrements thereof (that 
is, chariots). In elucidation of <j>aivop.i- 
vav all the editors quote Archilochus, frag. 
98 (ed. Bergk) <t>a.tu6p.ei>ov KaKbv ofoaS' 
ayeadat. The point is that the doom 
was revealed by 1 miens, iirrmois ivTttri 

refer here to the chariots (not merely the 
harness) as in 01. XIII. 20 (this use is 
noticed by schol. //. ft 7-j-j, see Rumpel's 
Lexicon, sub Zvtos). Zvtos is a favourite 
word of Pindar for gear and instruments 
of various kinds ; for example, it is the 
Pindaric equivalent of ' a musical instru- 

23. ep€i<raji€voi] We have to decide 
here between the claims of €pei<xdp.ei>oi, 
the reading of B, and ipvcr<rdfj.evoi, Her- 
mann's correction of epvoap-tvoi, the 
reading of D. The numerous •emenda- 
tions' which have been suggested (such 
as okeocraixevoi. Benedict, dirovpa/xevoL 
Hartung, epvKop.evoi Ilerwerden) may be 
safely neglected, as so many wild guesses ; 
and in not a single case has any serious 
attempt been made to account for the 
origin of the mss. readings. 

epvaad/xevoi has been explained in two 
ways. (1) Dissen translates inhibentcs. 
This meaning may be arrived at through 
the idea of defending oneself against, pre- 
venting ; but in this sense, vbarov ipv<r- 
adp.ei>oi is an unnatural expression, and 
quite inappropriate to the context. (2) 
Mezger seizes another sense of ipvetrdai, 
— draw towards oneself ; and translates 
'lira die siisse Ruckkehr ringend' (com- 
paring 2 174), striving for sweet return. 
Against this view — modified and ren- 
dered attractive by Mr Tyrrell's happy 
translation after the tug of war for sweet 
home — the tense seems to me an objec- 
tion, tpvaodfxfvoi cannot strictly mean 
'in a struggle for'; and could it mean 

vootov ipeiadfMevoi Xev/cavdea auifiar iiriavav Kairvov' 


(as Mr Tyrrell's view implies) 'having 
tugged in vain for'? 

The reading ipeicrd/xevoi, which has the 
superior MSS. authority of B B, has 
baffled commentators (ipvacdixevoi, I have 
no doubt, being only the earliest 'emen- 
dation'), yet its appearance in the text 
seems inexplicable, unless we assume it 
to be genuine. And if we analyse the 
meaning of ipeiSw, we shall see that the 
phrase is really significant. ipeiSoo means 
to fix a thing in a position from which it 
cannot be dislodged without external 
intervention ; ipeideiv dyicvpav x^ c "' t '> to 
fix an anchor firm in the ground, ipeiSe- 
adcu \i60v iiri roixy, to set a stone firm 
on a wall, are typical instances. Now 
when the Argive army went against 
Thebes, their doom was sealed and they 
were destined never to return home. 
Dealing with this, a modern writer might 
say that, when they arrived at Thebes, 
they buried (heir hopes of seeing home once 
more on the banks of the Ismenus. Now 
Pindar expresses this objectively and 
with a different metaphor ; yXwc^s v6<ttos 
sweet return (the nearest Greek equivalent 
for our home, sweet home) being conceived 
as a sort of burden or cargo, which the 
host carried with them, but, instead of 
retaining it, fixed in an immovable posi- 
tion on the banks of the foreign river. 
This imaginative transformation of the 
abstract conception yXvxvs v6<ttos, as if it 
were a kind of talisman, carried in the 
hands, is the only difficulty in the pas- 
sage. The interpretation of the scholiast, 
rqv oikoi dva.Kop.ibrii' diridevro, though it 
hardly explains the metaphor, gives the 
sense and is certainly a paraphrase of 
ipei.o-dp.evoi (not of We 
may render the whole sentence thus : 

And 011 the banks of Ismenus, having 
laid down their longings for siueet home, 
as blanched corpses they fed fat the smoke. 

It will be noticed that I have used a 

subjective phrase to express the force of 
the middle in epeurd/j.tvoi. 

XtvKavGta k.t.X.] t in iriaivo:, here long, 
is short in Pyth. IV. 150. — A slight slip 
in the mss., and a divergent explanation 
in the scholium have given rise to a doubt. 
From awiiaoiv iiriavav B, and awnacn 
iiriavav D, it might seem simple to de- 
duce 0-iop.acn iriavav (Hermann). But 
the scholiast clearly read <ru>p.aT iiriavav 
and connected it with Xevxavdia, for he 
offers ib the choice of connecting the 
adjective with either auip-ara or Kairvov. 
The words are : 

\evKavdia 8e X£y« rd cruifxara- yive- 
tou yap to cruip-ara twv Kat.op.ivwv vexpujv 
Xevxd, 17 rbv Kairvov, 8ti 6 Kairvos 
did tV irifj.e\rjv XevKos iari Kal [iapvs 


A moment's consideration will demon- 
strate that the reading explained by this 
scholium is right. If Pindar had written iriavav, the variant auitxara imply- 
ing a more difficult construction would 
never have appeared ; whereas if he wrote 
trw/ua-r' iiriavav, it is extremely natural 
that scribes not apprehending the syntax 
should have changed adiiiar to o&iiao-i. 
This a priori consideration is completely 
confirmed by the evidence of the Mss. 
— namely by the tell-tale augment. The 
scribe who passed by Kpvipev in line 25, 
would not have added an cpsilon in line 
23, if he had found iriavav. In other 
words, were <r<Jip.acri iriavav the true read- 
ing, the corruption in the mss. would lie 
almost unintelligible; whereas if aupar' 
iiriavav is genuine, the traditions of B 
and D are completely explained. 

The word XevKavOrjs (familiar from 
Sophocles' \evKav8is xdpa) is one of those 
words in which the second part has 
almost lost its original identity of mean- 
ing, and it differentiates itself from the 
simple \evKos by a subtle association rather 
than by any tangible property ; being in 



e7TT« yap Saiaavro it v pal veo<yviov<i <^wra<i ' 6 6° ^Afi^iaprj 
axiaaais Kepavvw irap,(Biq 

fact a more exquisite word, so that in 
rendering we may adopt blanched, a more 
exquisite word than white. But in this 
instance, -avdrjs has really a function to 
perform, and the insignificant 'bloom' 
of the dead on the banks of the Ismenus 
is designed to leave an impression, to be 
contrasted shortly with ' flowers of fame ' 
plucked hard by the waters of the Sca- 
mander and the Helorus. 

24. ScuoravTo] Feasted on the limbs of 
the yottng men: schol. rd tQv vtwv Karev- 
oJXvd-rjffav Ka -i KarecpXe^av. This is the 
only place in Pindar where Satw/ii is used 
metaphorically ; it keeps up the metaphor 
of iniavav. veoyvlovs (a Pindaric coinage, 
occurring in Fr. 123 as an epithet of 
Youth) is emphatic and responds to ve6- 
tclti in verse 44 below (see above, Intro- 
duction, p. 167). 

<r\C<rcraLs] The mss. here present 
a problem of some difficulty. B prima 
manu, and B have <rxt<rcus, D and B 
secunda manu have crxiVee and o-xJ.ce. 
respectively ; all three MSS. agree in 
reading Kp6\J/ev 5' a/x' 'imroLS in 1. 25. 
Here is a dilemma : if ax^oev is right, 
how are we to account for the reading 
axioais, which, as the text stands, lacks 
a construction ? If on the other hand 
(Txt'cffais is right the text in line 25 must 
have suffered some corruption. Mr Tyr- 
rell has suggested that we should read in 
line 24 cx'ffcr' ev Kepavvui, ev having an 
instrumental force as in ev x e P^ uK/ia. 
If we suppose that through ignorance 
of this usage ev was omitted, it is 
possible, but, I think, improbable, that 
ffX^cats might have been elicited from 
C\ICC. — I believe that we must accept 
crxWcus and seek for the error in the 
following line, afi iVirois is clearly 
sound, KpvxJ/- at least is sound too, and 
the fault must lie in the letters e v 5. Now 
it seems probable (hat an accusative 

followed Kpvxf/e ; in reading the whole 
sentence one feels that a second indica- 
tion of Amphiaraus would be a distinct 
improvement. And here Pindar's arti- 
ficial method of responsions supplies us 
with the clue and suggests that by the 
word dvdpa he could have emphasized 
the contrast between the day of the 
hero's success, mentioned in line 15 
(Kpiovuv dv-qp) and the day of his destruc- 
tion. I therefore propose to read 

Kpti\p' dvdp' dfi ixirois 
and I think one feels that apC 'iinrois 
almost requires dvdpa. To explain the 
corruption, we have only to suppose 
the accidental omission of p. icpv\pavd 
was necessarily read Kpvxpav o\ and xpv- 
\f/av inevitably changed to Kpv\j/ev. The 
correction of crx'Wais to ax^aev followed 
immediately, but fortunately the traces of 
the participle have not been obliterated. 

My restoration of dvdpa is confirmed by 
iraiiPia (omnipotent, resistless), a word in- 
vented by Pindar for this passage, for the 
purpose of an emphatic responsion to 
Piao-Ge'vTts of 1. 14. As the children of 
Talaus were overpoivercd by Amphiaraus, 
the strong man who upsets existing right, 
even so Amphiaraus was quelled by the 
all-powerful lightning of Zeus, the man 
himself and his horses. 

Rauchenstein reads yav fiadvorepvov, 
xOovl Kpijxpev 8', and Bergk (who keeps 
crxiVcats) follows him, except that he 
changes 8' d/j.' to Od/j.' (which is of course 
untenable). To this change its author 
was led by the interpretation of the 
scholium : Sieaxure Kal SUaT-qce tt)v yr\v 
Tr\aTeiav...Kal ovrios utto tt/v yrjv eKpixpOr] 
k.t.X. This is an absurd way of dealing 
with the scholia, and, logically followed 
out, would lead to a curious text. The 
interpretation does not imply anything 
more than the reading which the mss. 
present, and I need hardly observe how 

Zei)? rau fiadvcnepvov ^dova, /cpv-^r dvhp" a/A ittttols, 


Bovpl XlepucXvfjLevov irplv vcora rvirkvra fia^ardv err p. T . 

Ovfiov alayyvQr)\Aev. ev <yap SaifiovLoiai cpoftois (pevyovn kcli 

el Bvvarov, Kpovtwv, trelpav fiev ayavopa (potvtKocrroXwv 
iy^ecov Tavrav Bavdrov trept kcli £Wi9 dvaftdWofiai <w<? Tropaiara, 
fxolpav 8' evvofxov 

inferior is Rauchenstein's gratuitously 
redundant sentence. Are we to make the 
justifiable pleonasm of a scholiast a 
standard for Pindar? 

25. PaSvcTTfpvov] Deep-chested, sug- 
gesting the deep fissure in which the 
chariot was engulfed. In Isth. III. 12, 
the adjective is used of the vale of Nemea. 
See below on verse 40. 

26. n«piK\vp.€vov] Schol. t£ Hepix\v- 
^vcp, 6? t\v vlbs Hoaeidwvos Kai Wupidos 
TTjs Teipecriov 6p.uivvp.os to? Xt/X^ws. — Of 
tvtttu Pindar uses only the present and 
second aorist participles passive.<XT<iv 0v|x6v] Ere — he was shamed 
in his valiant soul, or felt a soil on his 
warrior soul, alcrxpbs and alaxtivu imply- 
ing originally a physical disfigurement. 
The unusual phrase |xa\aTdv 0vp.dv (</><2ra 
ixaxcrdv occurs in A r em. II. 13, cf. Isth. 
vi. 31) is echoed, with a variation, below 
1. 37 in aLxp-a/rdv 0vp.6v. 

27. tv yap k.t.X.] For in panics super- 
human, even sons of the gods flee ; and 
therefore the flight of Amphiaraus (im- 
plied in vuto) may be condoned. Schol. 
iv yap rots fieylcrTOLS ko.1 ivdiots <p6(3ois k.t.X. 
The author of the panic in this instance 
was Zeus (6 yap Zevs avvefidxei rbre tois 
Qrjpaiots, schol.) and to him the poet 
appeals in the next line. 

28. tl SvvaTov k.t.X.] If it be possible, 
son of Cronus, I had fain defer as long 
as may be (indefinitely) a brute arbitra- 
ment oj purpled '(or purple-mantled) swords, 
such as this, fought for life and death. 
Mezger was the first to see that <j>oiviko- 
o-toXwv is an adjective (he compares Xivb- 

(ttoXos, (poLviKoel/j.wi>) ' mit Roth d. h. mit 
Blut uberzogen ', not a proper name, as 
the scholiast and previous commentators 
explained. Thus TavTav becomes intel- 
ligible — such an enterprise as that of the 
Seven against Thebes ; and the sentence 
is seen to be in close connexion with the 
preceding myth. Of course <Polviko<tt6- 
Xuh> alludes to the Phoenicians of Car- 
thage, by whom Sicily at this period was 
continually threatened. It is impossible 
to bring out satisfactorily in English this 
second intent ; I have made an attempt 
to suggest it by the word purpled (cf. 
Julius Civsar, III. 1, 158, 'purpled 
hands '), in allusion to the famous Phoe- 
nician purple. The scholiast explains 
ireipav as ttjv XrjaTpiKrjv iwiOecxLv (pirati- 
cal descent), but here it means the test or 
contest of two parties, rather than the 
enterprise of one. In choosing ctydvopa 
Pindar probably dwelt on its etymology, 
and gave its meaning a shade of blame : 
loo spirited, rash, oz'erdaring, is the force 
which we must attach to it. Mr Tyrrell 
has suggested the translation brute arbi- 

29.] ' Dicuntur facere 
precantes id quod precibus effectum 
volunt ', Dissen. After el SwaTou, ws 
TTopo-to-Ta must not be translated by the 
stereotyped formula as far as possible; it 
means indefinitely far. 

p.otpav 8' €uvop.ov k.t.X.] But I beseech 
thee to bestow on the men of Aetna for 
many generations the gift of a well 
governed state ('ewo/xfa, respublica bene 
constituta legibus, qualem Aetnaei Hie- 


i 7 8 


alrico ere nrcucrlv Sapov AiTvalaiv oird^evv, 


Zev ircnep, dyXataicnv 8' acnvv6fioL<i eiri fiitjat, crrp. £ . 

\aov. ivTL rot fyiXnnrol, t avroOt /cat KTedvwv yjrv^a<; e;ywTe? 

dvSpes. ('nruTTOV eeiTT' al8(io<; <ydp inrb Kpv<f)a /cepSet KkeTTTerai, 
a cpepei ho%av. ~Kpofilw icev VTracnri^wv irapd 7re£ofi6cu<; nnroiq 

re vawv r iv yu.o/^ai<? 

roni debebant, Dissen'). Sapov does not 
occur elsewhere in Pindar. 

31. d-yX.atai.o-iv 8' do"ruv6|iois] Schol. 
/cat iroWa'is evcppoavvais eTn/j.7^ai roirs ox- 
\ovs, evcppocruvais 5e dvaarpecpop-evais Kara 
tt]v ttoXiv. Dissen, decora ludicra quae ad 
urban pertincant (dcrrwo/xos urbicus op- 
posed to dyp6vop.os rusticus). The schol- 
iast is not quite accurate in his interpre- 
tation ; though both dyXaia and eixppo- 
avvq are graces, they are distinct, the 
first being an objective quality, bright- 
ness, splendour. The subjective side how- 
ever is implied in \abv im/ul-at. We 
may render, to touch the people and their 
city with splendours, or, expanding the 
meaning, to gladden the people by splendid 
celebrations in their city. Successes in 
games (as opposed to war) are chiefly 
meant. With emui^ai cf. 01. I. 90 iv 
ai[MO.Kovpiais d-yXaaun p.ep.iKTai. 

32. <jn\unroi] Responds to iirireioLS 
1. 22 ami 'cirirot. 1. 52 (see Introduction, 
p. 165). avTo0i, in Aetna. 

x|/uxds k.t-.X.] With souls unenthralled 
by wealth ; so Pyth. VI 1 1. 91 ^x^" Kpto-aova 
itXovtov jj.tpLp.vav. oi)% rjacruv is a more 
common phrase. Here clearly, though 
the plural is used, Chromius is meant, and 
the man of moral might (icpicrvovas 
dvopes) reminds us of the Kpicrcruv 

dvrjp of 1. 1 5- 

33. dmo-rov ?€iir' k.t.X.] Jlfy words 
are hard to believe; for love of gain 
secretly st edict li away Aidds, who bringeth 
"■lory. Like vlpieais, al8tos (sense of 
shame, feeling for honour) is untranslat- 
able, and il is better to preserve the 

Greek in construing; especially in this pas- 
sage where she is conceived as a goddess 
(below 1. 36). Observe the alliteration of 
three initial kappas, as if the very letter k 
had some mysterious association with 
stealth and baseness. [The mss. have 
viroKpixpa, but Boeckh restored i>7ro Kpv<pa 
from vTroKXiirTeraL in the scholia.] 

34. Xpofj.£o> K€v /v.t.X.] Wert thou 
the squire of Chromius, beside footmen or 
horses, or in conflicts of ships, thou would' st 
have discerned amid the danger of the 
shrill battle-whoop, that in war that 
goddess (Aidos) harnessed his soul with 
a spearman's might to repel the destruction 
of the war-god. 

Owing to a false accent in the mss. 
and the schol., the meaning of this passage 
has been distorted. Interpreting ovivtKtv 
(1. 36) as because, scribes and commenta- 
tors were obliged to take Kivdwov as the 
object of i/<pivas, and dV (accented) as the 
particle, a repetition of k€v. Thus changed 
the sentence was charged with a far- 
fetched meaning ; and it is difficult to 
see how the privilege of being Chromius' 
squire particularly conduced to the dis- 
cernment of danger (were the perils of 
battle so hard to discern ?) or in what 
the point of the statement consists. The 
squire of Chromius would have had a 
better opportunity than others of judging 
of the conduct of his master ; and it is 
clear that ovveicev (better perhaps otiveKev 
as Christ writes) means that, a sense 
which it regularly bears in Homer after 
verbs of knowing, thinking, &c. The 
restoration of dv (dvd) is due to Bergk. 


e/cpiva<; dv klvSvvov d^eia*; auras, 


ovvetcev iv iro\ep.(p ice'iva 0eo$ k'vrvev avrov o"rp. r/ . 

0V/J.OV alx/iarav dfivveiv \01ybv 'FiVvaXiov. travpot he (3ov\evaac 

TrapTroSlov vefyekav rpe-yjrai ttoti SvcrpLeveayv dvSpwv a-Ti^as 
X e P (Ti Kat ~j rv X( L SvvaroL' \eyercu \xdv "E/cto/36 p,ev fc\eo<; avdrjcrat 

%Kap>dv8pov -yevpiaaiv 

The scholium is curious : ti2 Xpop.iu> 
crv/XTraputv dv iv re Tre£o/j.axl-a.Kal 'unro/xaxia 
Ktxl vav/<-a, Hxpivas olds ris 6 kivSvvos 
6 tuiv iroKefjLwv. (paiverai 8i otl fiovXeTai 
avrbv ws dvbpeiov Kai biaffw^ovra tovs 
(TWOvtcls avTu) d</>6/3ws Trapaffrrjcrat.. iirel 
7rtDs dV dyadbs yivoiro KptTTjS fierd biovs 
ava<TTpe<p6fxevos iv tu> TroXe'/xw ; That is, 
the squire of Chromius, secure under his 
shelter, would be able to make observa- 
tions at his leisure. The simpler explana- 
tion was that one who was always by the 
side of Chromius would see those deeds 
of bravery which make battle really 
dangerous. — With irt^opoais compare 
irefoyudxcu, Pyth. II. 65. — For the office 
of Aidos here the schol. appositely cites 

aidofxevwv 5' dvdpQv wXioves o~ooi i?e 

0i)|i6v cuxp-a/rdv] An echo (as Mezger 
pointed out) of fiaxardv 6v/xov, 1. 26. 
Here however alx/J-ardv should be taken 
proleptically with ivrvev, the clause 
ap-uveiv Xoiybv being a further prolepsis. 
Compare Coriolanus 1. 4, 25 ' with 
hearts more proof than shields '. For 
alxfJ-a-Tds compare Nan. v. 7, Fyth. IV. 12, 
01. vi. 86. 

\oL-y6s occurs only in this and one 
other place in Pindar, and a comparison 
of the two passages is instructive. In 
IstJi. vi. 28 we read 

tffTW yap aacpes, ocrris iv ravra verpiXa 
X&Xafav ai'/xaros wpb (piXas irdrpas 

Xoiybv dvTKpipuv ivavrlu) arpari^ k.t.X. 

In both cases Xoiyos is brought into 
direct connexion with the metaphor of a 
storm-cloud raining blood. For Xoiyos 
originally meant the influence of hostile 
forces of nature, a storm for example or 
a plague. Xoiybv d/j-vveiv, in the pas- 
sage before us, is to repel the ruinous 
storm of Ares. In the Sixth Isthmian, 
similarly, the picture is a black cloud, 
hailing blood, and full of destructive 
influences, the endeavour of each army 
being to turn the contagion, Xoiyos, upon 
their opponents. 

37. iravpoi 8e k.t.X.] For the mean- 
ing of this passage see above, p. 166. — 
PovXevo-cu depends on dvvarol, and rpexj/ai 
on fiovXevaai. Many parallels might be 
quoted for the metaphor of a war-cloud. 
In Isth. in. 35 we read of war's rough 
snowstorm, Tpax&a- vupds iroXip.010. In 
Vergil, Aen. x. 809, nubes belli is different. 

■n-ap-rroStov is dVaf dpt)p.ivov. wapa- 
7ro5t'fw meaning to impede, entangle the 
feet, throws light on the coinage irapawb- 
bios, which clearly signifies clogging, or 
pestering the feet. 

39. KXeos dv0TJo-ai] Story tells that 
glory flowered for Hector hard by the 
pouring waters of Scamander. Schol. rbv 
8i "E/cropa TrapelX7j(pe Kai ovk Aiavra rj 
'Ax'XX^a, ry Kai tov "Exropa p.€^axrio6ai 
virep ttjs irarpibos, <hs Kai tov Xpop.iov. 

It has been pointed out in the Intro- 
duction that Pindar chose the word 
avdriaai (similarly padi>KprnJ.voi<n in the 
next line), and mentioned the Scamander 
with a special purpose. 

12 — 2 

180 [NEMEONIKAI] 0. 

dy^ov, ftaOvtcprjfivoicn S' d/icj)' d/crals KXwpov, 


evOa 'Pea? iropov avOpootroL KaXeoiai, SeSop/cev crrp. & . 

Trcuhi tovt 'Ayrjcrt&dfiov cpeyyos ev dXiida irpwra' rd 8 dXXais 

40. Pa.8vKp-qp.voi.o-i.] By the deep- 
hanging {deep-cliff \t) banks of Hclorus, 
where the battle was fought, about 492 
B.C., in which Hippocrates of Gela 
conquered the Syracusans, and so became 
lord of Syracuse. There Chromius won his 
first laurels. — ^aOuKp-qfivos (which occurs 
in Isth. III. 74) responds to jSadvaTtpvov 
in 1. 25, one of the many verbal indica- 
tions of the contrast between Amphiaraus 
and Chromius. 

41. 'ivQa. 'Pt'as] The mss. have lv8' 
'Apeias, a reading condemned by the 
metre and incomprehensible. We cannot 
hesitate to follow Bergk in reading Zvda 
'P^as (accepted by Mezger). The sea of 
Rhea is the Ionian sea, as we learn from 
Aeschylus, Prometheus, 826 ij£ as ""P^ 5 
fiiyav ko\ttov 'P^as, 'the bay of Rhea', 
being interpreted in the following lines 
as fxvxos'lovios. The use of iropos presents 
no difficulty, cf. Nem. IV. 53 trpos 'loviou 
iropov. The source of the MSS. corruption 
is indicated in a scholium : 

6 oi tt?s 'Apei'as Tropos ave^rjyijros tan ' 
81b /cat aSi)\ov efre 'Ape/as t'irt 'Pet'as 
XtKTtov tht i/ft £v 'Aptidairopov. It is 
clear that 'P<?as was written 'Petay, and, 
the phrase not being understood, the 
words were falsely divided. 

The idiom Zvda. iropov xaiXioiai for 
ivda b.. .iropos Ka\ov,utv6$ tan, is too 
familiar to need illustration. 2v9a means 
of course that the Helorus flows into the 
Ionian sea, and may be rendered at whose 
month. For the bearing of this clause 
on the meaning of the hymn, see above 
Introduction, p. 167, and below note on 


42. tovto <p6-yyos] Even such a tight 
(fame, like Hector's) began to shine in 

his early manhood for the son of Agesi- 
demus. <ptyyos diSopKtv is the language 
of the mysteries, and an examination of 
passages in Pindar where (piy/os occurs 
shows that he constantly used it with a 
mystical reference. 

(r) 01. II. 56 irvfiuTaTov dvdpi <}>iyyos. 
Here the force of the phrase depends on 
the mystical meaning of <piyyos ; 'a light 
to a man, in the deepest sense', that is, 
not the vulgar, superficial, but the tech- 
nical, mystical sense. 

(2) Pyth. IX. 90 Xaptrwc KtKaSevvav 
/j-Tj fit \iiroi Kadapbv tpt^yos. The epithet 
Ka9ap6v, of religious significance, indicates 
the religious sense of <piyyo$. 

(3) P}' th - VIH. 97, 

iira.ix.tpoi' tL Si ris; n 5' 01! ns ; aKia.% 

av8puiros. a'W orav aryXa Sibaboros 

\afxirpbv <piyyos tirtanv dvSpQv ical 
ixd\iXOS alwv. 

This is obviously a passage in which 
Pindar might well have availed himself 
of language associated with the deeper 
' cathartic' teaching of the mysteries, and 
the aiy\a bioaboros, splendour bursting 
upon darkness, suggests a mystical drama. 
It is also to be observed that fxtiXixos 
altov is equivalent to aiuiv afiipa in 1. 44 
of the ode which is now before us. 

(4) Frag. 153 

Stvdpiwv 5i vofibv woXvyaOris Aiovvaos 

dyvbv (friyyos diruipas, 
a passage which Plutarch (dc /side ct 
Osiride, c. 35) quotes to shew that 
Dionysus was esteemed by the Greeks 
lord not only of wine but of all moisture 
in nature. These wider functions were 



ttoWu fMtv eV Kovia X^P a V> T<1 ^ yelrovi ttovtw (pdaofiat. 

€K irovwv h\ ol avv veorarc yevcovrai a~uv re BUa, reXedu 777309 

yfjpas alcav ap,epa. 
ictto) Xa^cov 7T/30? Sdifiovcov 0avp,aar6u b\ftov. 

el yap li/xa Kreavois iroWoU eiriho^ov aprjrat 

or p. i . 

doubtless explained at large in the mys- 
teries of Dionysus. The description of 
the god as the ' holy light of summer ' 
certainly sounds like an echo from some 
mystic ritual. 

In Pyth. IV. Hi (iwel TrdfxirpwTov ddop 
<ptyyos, the light of day) it is not used in 
a metaphorical sense. See also Nem. III. 
64 and iv. 13. 

42. rd 8' aXXaiS k.t.X.] But his 
exploits wrought on other days, many on 
the dusty dry land, some on the adjoining 
sea, will I declare. The schol. wrongly 
takes d'XXcus with < and 
reads x^P°' w f° r xfy^tf' making Kovia a 
substantive. Mr Fennell prefers to 
regard Kovia as a substantive, x^P^V as 
the epithet ; but x^P°~ 0S 1S always a 
substantive in Pindar. The adjective 
Koviq. {pulverulent us) is added to suggest 
the moil of battle. Mezger indeed ex- 
plains the phrase ' im Gegensatz zu den 
feuchten Ufern des Helorus', but this 
seems extremely doubtful. The battle 
chiefly referred to in the words yefropi 
ttoptq was that of Cumae, in which the 
Etruscans were defeated. 

As to (jxio-ojiai (compare av5a<, 01. 
11. 10 1 ) I may refer, for the vexed question 
of the future middle, to Dr Donaldson and 
to Mr Fennell. 

44. «k irovwv 8' k.t.X. ] But from 
labours, which are wrought with youth 
and justice siding, there ensuelh even unto 
old age a calm life. Youth and Justice 
are conceived as ' siding champions ' (see 
above, Introduction, p. 167). reXiOw is a 
poetical word for the result of a process. 
aiwv is found feminine also in Pyth. IV. 
186 and v. 7 but masc. Pyth. VIII. 97 

and elsewhere. Other noticeable genders 
in Pindar are 7/ kIwv (Pyth. 1. 19, etc.), 
77 aW-qp (01. I. 5, XIII. 88, 6 aL6r)p Nem. 
VIII. 41), 17 Tdprapos (Pyth. I. 15), 17 
Mapaflwe (01. XIII. no). — In the scholia 
it is suggested that d^pa is a substantive : 
eireiddu rives iv vc6ti)tl TreTTOPrjKOTes that. 
Kal /3e/3tw/coTes SikclLws, 7]p.ipa iv Tip 
yrjpa GvyKpiTiK-q icrri irpbs oXop top aiwpa, 
and other explanations also are put for- 
ward there. 

45. ilo-Tto k.t.X. ] Let him (Chromius) 
know that he hath won from the gods 
wondrous weal (a blissful lot). Oav/J-aaros 
had mystical associations for the Greeks, 
who used it of superhuman things re- 
vealed ; and if we were called upon to 
render 'beatific vision', Oavp-avTos might 
be used. 

46. el -yap k.t.X.] For if a man win 
glory and repute with great riches, fur- 
ther than this there is no way open for 
a mortal to attain with his two feet yet 
another (higher) summit. 

There is a serious difficulty in the text 
here, and editors have not fully met it. B 
B have Kudos, ovk 2ti wopcrw k.t.X., 
D has oik 'io-TL irpocro}. Both these read- 
ings are unmetrical, and emendations have 
been proposed : Triclinius 01k It' iari 
7rp6<rw (iropcru), Boeckh oik Igtip ti iropffw, 
Hermann ovk Hctti-p to -n-bperu, Momm- 
sen ovk temp wp6o-(o t6p, etc. But none 
of these suggestions meets the difficulty. 
Triclinius' reading is impossible because 
there is an 'iTi already in the line; 
Boeckh's rt is merely 'padding'; and 
obvious objections may be made to the 
other conjectures. 

In one point all the editors concur, 



kuSos, ou iropcro) 7Topo? Ti? Ovarov ere (TKOttlu^ aWa? effxiyjraaOai 


fjcrvyia he fyihel fiev crv^iroaiov' veo6a\r)<i 8' av^erai 

namely in retaining icrn of D, and here 
I dissent. More than once already have 
we met cases in which the reading of 
D is merely an emendation of a corrup- 
tion in 13 B, and in the present instance 
it is evident that icrn is a correction of 
in, made for the sake of the sense. 
Consequently icrn has no real MSS. 
authority. Nor is it at all likely that in 
in B B is a corruption of 'icrn.. For why 
should icm, which makes obvious sense, 
have been changed to 'in, which yields no 
construction, especially when another en 
followed? It may be said that icm and 
in are very like each other ; but in the 
case of such simple words similarity of 
the ductus litteraruni is hardly worth 
considering, if there is no further motive 
for confusion. In any case the mere 
retention of icm does not satisfy the 
metre, so that we may safely seek for 
some other clue. 

In the schol. a parallel passage is 
quoted from the Third Nemean : dvvirip- 
(•t\r)TOS yap, cpyjolv, avrr) 7? dper-q. irapioiKe 
5e t-q 6.VW diavoiq. ' El 5' iuv ko\6s ipdcov 

T ioiKOTa fMOpcpa, OVKin TTOpCTW, KO.I TO. 

ii;fjs. This suggests the origin of the 
reading of the mss. Either this passage 
was written in a marginal note, or some 
one, with this passage in his mind, jotted 
oi>Ken iropau), to indicate that en (duarbv 
eVi) should be joined with oti. This note 
crept into the text, perhaps to fill up a 

We are left then with the words ov 
nopato, and must now consider whether 
it is possible to restore the three missing 

syllables ( ). In most cases the only 

cause of the loss of a word in the middle 
of a line is parablepsia, when two words 
come together similarly spelt. Here 
fortunately we have not to seek far for a 
word, similar to tropaw, which will yield 

admirable sense. Writing 

we see how easily a transcriber might 
have unconsciously omitted iropocr. Then 
ris, left without any construction, was 
designedly removed, and eVt introduced 
from the margin. 

Thus I arrive at the reading in the 
text ; but, once it is found, I discover, 
owing to Pindar's careful mode of writing, 
' internal evidence ' to support it. The 
metaphor is from climbing mountains. A 
man, having reached that height of wel- 
fare, to which e.g. Chromius has climbed, 
need not hope to reach any higher summit; 
there is no path beyond the point attained 
(for ana-ma. meaning mountain -summit 
seefr. 101 aKowtaiaiv /xeydXais opiwv vwep 
eara). The career of Chromius has been 
a gradual mounting higher and higher ; 
when he reached one pinnacle, he 
bridged a passage to another ; now he is 
on the utmost. His first great success was 
won at Helorus, near the passage of Rhea, 
— an actual physical passage to further 
heights of glory won in battles on sea or 
land. But now that he has scaled those 
heights, there is no other passage of Rhea, 
— as it were, no other world to conquer. 
Thus the emendation of 1. 47 and the 
Via.% 7ropos of 1. 41 mutually illuminate 
each other ; it is seen that the reference 
to the Ionian Sea is not a useless orna- 
ment, in the style of modern art, but has 
a definite, really telling, function in the 
design of the hymn. 

irdpo-o) echoes iropaujTa. of 1. 29. Chro- 
mius might look on a war with Carthage 
as the way to a higher summit. 

48. derv^ua k.t.X. ] Repose [peace, 
the a'nav dp.ipa of 1. 44) lovetli the banquet, 
and by virtue of soft lays victory buddeth 
afresh; yea, the voice waxeth bold beside 
the bowl. vtoOdXrjs is proleptic. pa'KOa.Ka' 



fxa\6aKa vucafyopia avv doi&d' OapaaXea 8e irapd apart) pi (pcovd 

ijKipvdro) Tt9 VlV, yXvKvv koojaou Trpocpdrav, 


dpyupeaiai Be voi/ubdrco (ptdXacat fiiarav arp. ta . 

dinreXov iralK, «>? ttoO' Xttttoi KT^aafxevat XpofiiM nre^av 

6eixiir\eK,T0i<i dfjua 
AarocSa are(j)dvoi<; etc Ta? iepds 'Sikvwvos. Zed irarep, 
ev^opiai ravrav dperdv KeXaStjaat avv X.aptreaaLU, virep ttoWwv 

re Tip,a\(f)eiv \6yois 

aoidg. means soothing or comforting des- 
cant, but we may adopt Milton's soft lay. 
Compare Pylh. VIII. 31 <pQiyp.ari p.a\- 
Ociku). For the metaphor see Nem. vin. 

50. €YKipvaT» k.t.X.] Mix it (the 
bowl), sweet inspire/' of the counts, and 
dispense the potent {overbearing) child of 
the vine in the silver atps, which once on 
a time his mares won for Chromius and 
sent to him from sacred Sicyon with 
crowns of Apollo by Themis plight. 

Mezger wrongly translates irpo^drav 
'den siissen Vorboten des Festes', attri- 
buting to Trpo- the sense which it bears in 
prophet. e-yKipvaTw tis is the Greek 
idiom, where we use the second person 

As wine is called the son of the vine, 
so the vine is called the ' wild mother ' 
of wine in Aesch. Pers. 614. piardv 
(schol. tov j3ia£eadcu elddra Kal els pidrjv 
dyeiv), a Pindaric word, suggests that 
Dionysus, not the lightning of Zeus (wap.- 
(3ia Kepavvy 1. 24), is to master Chromius. 
The contrast with the heroes who marched 
against Thebes is also kept up by the re- 
sponsion of 'Lwkoi with i7T7ra'ois in 1. 22. 

52. 8«p.iir\€KTOis] Themis was asso- 
ciated with Apollo, as we are told in a 
scholium: Kadb ndptSpbs eo~Ti tov 'AttSX- 

XwVOS 7] QifXIS X^P LV T °V XPyfTypl 011 ' K0LL 

yap 7)v irpofifjTis, and in Pylh. XI. 9 we 
read 6<ppa Qip.iv iepdv IlvdQivd re Kal 
opdobixav yds 6p.<paXbv KeXadr/rov. It is 

appropriate then that she should be con- 
ceived as the weaver of Apollo's garlands 
— the due twining thereof being a poetical 
symbol that they were fairly won ('wohl 
erworben', Mezger). There is a hint 
thrown out in the scholia that Pindar is 
alluding to a report that the Pythian 
games at Delphi were not fairly conducted 
by the Phocians (xpvf xa(nl ' dvueadai.). — 
We must not forget that Dika (who 
plays a part in this hymn) and Eunomia 
(referred to in 1. 29) were daughters of 
Themis and closely associated with her, 
compare 01. IX. 15 and XIII. 8, also/;-. 
I. 5 ; moreover and dlier; are called 
by Maximus of Tyre, /xwrt/ca Kal OeoTrpeTri) 

The reading of the mss. dp.(pi (for dp.a) 
suits neither sense nor metre, and Schmid 
rightly restored ap.a from the scholiast. 
Letters and syllables at the end of a line 
run the risk of effacement, and here it 
would seem that the final A was oblite- 
rated and AM incorrectly supplemented 
by <pt. 

54. ei'xonai k.t.X.] I pray, father 
Zeus, that such excellence as this may be 
the theme of my hymn, the Graces assisting, 
and that beyond many poets I may worship 
Victory by my words, shooting very near 
to the marl- of the Muses. 

TavTav dpe-rdv, such excellence as that 
of victory in games, is opposed, as a 
more desirable theme of song, to excel- 
lence in war, and the opposition is indi- 

1 84 [NEMEONIKAI] 0'. 

NUav, cikovt L^wv ctkottoT (iy^iara Motaav. 


cated by the responsion of ravrav in I. 54 
to ravrav in 29 (both occurring in prayers 
to Zeus) as Mezger has pointed out. In 
Pyth. 11. 63 we find /ceXaSetV associated 
with dperd (dfup' dperq. KeXaSeW), and 
both words, I think, had mystical asso- 
ciations. In Pyth. IX. 89 we have Xapi- 
ruiv KeXadevvav. 

Ti(j.aX.<j>€iv, a word of peculiar solemnity, 
(a favourite of Aeschylus, occurring only 
once in Pindar, otherwise rare) is by no 
means a synonym of the vulgar Tip.dv, 
and we lose its flavour if we translate it 
by honour. It is almost invariably used 
of homage paid to divine beings. In 
Aristotle's Politics, Bk. iv. 15, we have 
TLfxaXcpelv tovs deovs, sounding like a tech- 
nical expression ; in Aeschylus, Agamem- 
non, 922 deovs toi rolcrde rifxaXtpeiv xpewv, 
Eumenides, 15 ixoKovto. 5' avrbv TifidXcpel 
Xews (of Apollo), il>. 807 vir' d<TT<2v rwvBe 
Ti/xa\<pov/j.evas (of the Eumenides), ib. 
dwcrdoTOLS < Ttfxa\tpov/J.evoi> (of 
Agamemnon, but 8io<t56toi,s is significant). 
As the word comes from TipLaXtpr/s which 
means fetching a price, costly, our best 
translation will be worship, which is not 
only a most solemn word but suggests 
worth as Ti/xaXcpelv suggests prn v. If we 
were required to render in Greek 'Thy 
most precious blood' or 'Thy precious 
death', cu/xa Tip.a\<p{<TTa.Tov and TifxaXcprjs 
ffcpayr) would be suitable equivalents. 

This shade of meaning of Tt,jj.a\<pelv has 
a bearing on the text of the passage 
before us. It proves that vwav the 

reading of the MSS. is wrong and that 
vikclv (rather "SIkolp) the emendation of 
Ceporinus (and recognized in the scholia) 
is right. Ti/xaXcpeiv demands as its object 
the name of a divine being. In the 
passage of Aeschylus, where it is used of 
Agamemnon, he is expressly described 
as a vicegerent of Zeus, and the verb 
felicitously suggests the divinity that 
hedges a king. And the MSS. themselves 
let the secret out. Had Pindar really 
written virep TroWdi' vixdv, why should 
rroWdv have become 7roXXwc and viKai> 
remained unaltered ? On the other hand, 
if Pindar wrote uwep ttoWuv vlnav, it is 
quite intelligible that a scribe who did 
not understand the phrase virep iroWuiv 
(in proof that such want of insight existed 
I may point to the scholia) altered vUav 
to vindv without at the same time altering 
TroWQf, and supplied dperdv as the object 
of TifxdKcpdv. For virep in the sense of 
superiority see Isth. II. 36 wa&frag. 61. 

55. o-Kcnroi'] The MSS. give o-kowov. 
Ahrens restored the rarer form of the 
genitive, mefri gratia, and this is better 
than Bergk's <TKOinp, for we find a.y\i(rra. 
with the genitive in Isth. II. 10 p-fjp.' 
dXaOeias eras ayx<-o~Ta j3aivov. For the 
, metaphor cf. Nem. vi. 27. To hit the 
mark of the Muses would be to write a 
perfect poem. — All the MSS. have Moicraj' 
and we need not pause to consider M.oi<rav 
and llolcrais, worthless readings discussed 
in the scholia. 




More honoured by time and richer than any Greek city, except perhaps 
Thebes, in mythical associations, — impressing the visitor by numerous tombs, 
heroa, and temples ascribed to legendary founders, — Argos with its sur- 
rounding territory was regarded as holy ground, dedicated to Hera. As you 
approached Mycenae from the north, you might feel that you were entering 
'precincts' ('Apyeioi> renvoi), and the city had, conspicuous enough, vestiges 
of her peculiar history, and perhaps a strange flavour of her own, which 
a visitor would notice, just as nowadays we are conscious of a certain sin- 
gularity in the atmosphere of such towns as Bruges or Westphalian Miinster. 
In the beginning of the fifth century, she took a part in the general spread- 
ing and developing of the art of sculpture, winning fame as the seat of the 
school of Ageladas, who taught Polycletus : and thus she found an oppor- 
tunity of decorating her streets and buildings with beseeming works in 
bronze and marble, a new brilliant expression of her ancient distinctions. 

While the city could point to many passages in her early history as 
proof of a 'surplus of grace' vouchsafed from Zeus, there were Argive 
families which preserved old tales specially connected with themselves — 
these too contributing to determine the atmosphere of the place. In Pindar's 
time there was a family there, of unrecorded name, which looked back 
fondly to a day when a remote ancestor, one Pamphaes, entertained at 
his house two young strangers, who proved to be Castor and Polydeukes, 
henceforward gratefully regarded by the descendants as their approved 
patrons. Two members of this family, Thrasyclus and Antias, distinguished 
themselves unusually by successes at public games, and a lady, perhaps their 
niece, who married a certain Ulias, might imagine that through her rather 
than her husband was bequeathed the quality of athletic excellence to their 
son Theaeus 1 , and a portion of the virtue of the Dioscori. 

1 The date of the ode is supposed to in which the Argives and the Thebans 

fall between 01. 78. 1, the year of the were opposing parties. As to the prior 

'reduction of Mycenae', and 01. 80. 4 limit Dissen writes 'Constanti traditione 

(456 n.c), the year of the battle of Tanagra, Persidae olim non Argis vixerunt sed 

1 86 


In the ode, which we are about to consider, commemorative of a 
wrestling victory won by this Theaeus at the Hecatombaea, a festival of 
Hera in Argos, there is no direct description of the personal qualities of 
the victor, so that we can only judge of them by inference from the imposing 
array of his successes, and his ambition to crown them by a yet unachieved 
Olympian victory. These successes, the distinctions of his mother's kin, and 
the glories of his city, were in themselves material sufficient for an ode ; but 
to these, Pindar, taking advantage of the special relation of Castor and 
Polydeukes to the house of the victor's mother, has adroitly superadded a 
myth, including the passage of Castor's death-wound, the strife of Polydeukes 
with the sons of Aphareus, and Castor's resurrection through the inter- 
cession of his brother. In fact the Ode is divided metrically into five 
systems ; in the first are enumerated the great heroes and the fair women 
of Argos ; in the second the exploits of Theaeus are celebrated and 
his ambitions encouraged; in the third his mother's kindred are con- 
gratulated on agonistic victories and on their favoured ancestor Pamphaes, 
this incident bringing us to the Tyndaridae, whose story is told in the last 
two systems, the fourth closing with the death of the sons of Aphareus, and 
the fifth containing the relation of the successful intercession of Polydeukes. 
But these five parts are interdependent and closely connected in thought, 
by means of parallel details, subordinate to a central motive 1 , the victors 
ambition to conquer at Olympia. The reflexion that the gods are faithful 
might encourage Theaeus to count on the aid of the Tyndarids, and this 
idea is made prominent in the myth. 

This legend, handled here in Pindar's happiest style, and touched in 
Greek measure with pathos, is for a modern reader perhaps one of the 
most attractive passages in Pindar, and it admits of dislocation from its 
context, to be read as an independent tale. In Greek mythology those twin 
riders, — suggesting the medieval Doppcl ganger, — are engaging figures, 
tempting us to think into their legend an element of that which we call 
'romance,' especially through their mutual devotion, stronger than death, 
and their strange double life, passed in heaven and beneath the earth on 
alternate days. 

Mycenis et Tirynthe ; tamen hunc Pin- 
dartlS) iaropiKwraros poeta, Amphitryonem 
Argis elicit nutritum', and attempts to 
explain this difficulty by the supposition 
that the Ode was written when Mycenae 
and Tiryns had been subjected to Argos. 
But this is not cogent, and Mezger justly 
remarks on the freedom ' welehe sich die 
Griechen in solchen Dingen erlaubten 1 . 
In any case the reduction of Mycenae 
and synoecismus of Argolis probably 
took place at a much earlier period (see 
Mahaffy, Ffermathena, in. 60 $</</.). 
' 1 ilo not mean to say that this is the 

Grundgedanke, but it is a motive which 
has determined the whole moulding of 
the hymn. Dissen, to explain the ode, 
resorts to the gratuitous hypothesis that 
Theaeus had distinguished himself by some 
exploit revealing brotherly love (fratemi 
anioris documenta). L. Schmidt and 
Friederichs find the main idea in 1. 54 
Kal /j.av Oeutv iriarbv yevos, and Mezger 
approves of this interpretation, working 
it out more fully and recognizing that the 
truth of the myth 'soil seine Hoffnungauf 
einen olympischen Sieg starken'. 



This divided life may be, as mythological students suggest, in its actual 
origin a 'nature-myth,' meaning the succession of light and darkness; 
certainly it might well serve, like that succession itself, as a poetical 
emblem of the alternation of hardships and joys, which those who would 
lead full lives must accept as a condition. 'The sons of Tyndareus,' as 
Pindar calls them, using this name in preference to the more usual designa- 
tion Dioscoi-i 'sons of Zeus 1 ,' — perhaps from an inclination to emphasize a 
link that bound them with men, — had moreover the repute of being present 
saviours and aiders, especially to mariners, thus exercising their renowned 
strength in beneficent ways. 

Inviting the Graces to sing the praises of Argos-, the poet ushers his 
mythical reminiscences as it were into the air of art, associates them at 
least with the works which the sculptors of the day were executing. The 
Argives could hardly hear of Danaus and his daughters or of the tale of 
Perseus, without thinking of reliefs recently wrought to adorn their temples ; 
for their city was 'ablaze with countless works immortalising brave deeds.' 
And thus Pindar prepares a gracious background. Danaus 3 first and 
his fifty daughters, sitting on bright seats ; then the quest of Perseus 4 , 
represented perhaps on horseback (as in a contemporary clay-relief of 
Melos), in his dropped hand the head of Medusa, 'the contriveress ' ; Io 
and her son Epaphus, founders of Egyptian cities ; and, meetly in a place 
apart from her sisters, the singular daughter of Danaus 5 who declined her 
father's command and spared her husband. Next comes Diomede, whom 
Athena made a 'deathless god'; then Amphiaraus, whom earth received 
in her bosom through the kind bolts of Zeus; then Alcmene and Danae, to 

1 Atos Kovpoi Hymn. Horn. 33, 1 ; 
AiojKopoc in early inscriptions; Doric (in 
Sparta) AioaKuipoi. In early times, and 
especially in Laconia, the name Tyudari- 
dae was the most important designation. 
See Roscher's Lexikon dcr gr. und rom. 
Alythologie, p. 1154; where we read: 
'Das Natursubstrat ihres Wesens ist im 
allgemeinen ohne Zweifel das Licht,doch 
nicht in seiner Ruhe, sondern in seinem 
Ubergange vom und zum Dunkel'. 

2 An Argive would remember the 
ancient statues of the Graces which stood 
in the pronaos of the Heraeon, a 
temple of Hera near Mt Euboea. See 
Pausanias 11. 17, 3, ev 5e t<2 wpovdu) 
ttj /xev HapiTcs, dyd\fxard icmv dp\o.~ia, 
eV 5ei;iq. de kKIvt] TTJs'Upas. In this temple 
was afterwards placed the great sitting 
figure of Hera, in gold and ivory, wrought 
by Polycletus; her crown was adorned 

with sculptured representations of the 
Graces and the Hours. Here again we 
see the connexion of Hera with the 

3 Danaus was said to have built the 
temple to Apollo Lycius (Pans. II. 19, 
3) at Argos, where there was a dp6vos 

4 The i]pipov of Perseus was on the left 
side of the road from Mycenae to Argos 
(ib. 18, 1). For Medusa's head see my 

5 In the temple of Apollo Lycius there 
was an image (i^oavov) of Aphrodite said 
to have been dedicated by Hypermnestra, 
as a monument of her acquittal for 
sparing her husband (ib. 19, 6). For 
the same cause she built a temple to 
Artemis Peitho, where her tomb was 
shown (il>. ai, r, 7). 

1 88 \NEMEAN] X. 

whom Zeus revealed himself, proving that the repute of Argos for supremacy 
in the beauty of its women was really true, inasmuch as the supreme god 
selected them; and after these came Talaus and Lynceus, also notably 
favoured by Zeus, who, as Pindar curiously expresses it, ' married the fruit 
of their minds to unswerving justice.' 

This 'dream of fair women' and heroes occupies the first strophe and 
antistrophos : the crowning grace, reserved for the epode, was that 
bestowed upon Amphitryon, who, when his expedition against the Teleboae 
had been successful, was permitted to succeed Zeus in the embraces of 
Alcmene. The king of the immortals had come to his house in his dress 
and favour, clad in brazen armour, with the drcadlcss seed of Heracles in his 
loins. And the marriage of Heracles and Hebe, for Pindar a type of 
beatitude,— with a picture of the bride, supreme in beauty, moving beside 
her mother Hera, as she was constantly represented in art, — forms a kind of 
consummation for the eyes of pious Argives to rest upon. 

The brass armour worn by Zeus, in this epiphany, in imitation of a 
mortal, sounds a note which recurs again and again through the Ode l . 
Pindar sometimes selects a material thing, whose reappearance at certain 
intervals — almost like a physical touch — reminds us of an idea that we 
might forget. Brass lent itself without constraint to the central idea of this 
hymn, as an emblem ; for, associated with contention, and as a baser metal 
than gold, it could suggest the state of a mortal not yet deified, or of an 
athlete not yet an Olympic victor, such a victory being symbolised by 
gold elsewhere 2 . Figuratively, one might say that the Ode dealt with a 
possible transmutation of brass to the more precious metal. The sheen of 
the brass — like a torch passed on in a torch race — flashes from system to 
system, until in the last verses it grows dim in the intenser light of ' the 
golden houses of heaven '. 

Observing that he has not exhausted the praise of Argos, the poet passes 
from the marriage of Heracles to the achievements of the victor, Theaeus, in 
wrestling. The bridge to the new subject 3 is made by a general observation, 
which seems to be suggested by the praises of the city, but is immediately 
applied with emphasis to the praises of the man. ' Moreover men's envy is 
grievous to encounter; but nevertheless awake the lyre, and turn to thoughts 
of wrestlings.' The list of victories follows ; two (the occasion of the ode), 
won at the Argive Hecatombaea, where the prize was a shield of brass ; one 
at Delphi; three at the Isthmian, and three at the Nemean games. More- 
over he had been twice victorious at the Panathenaea, and here was a good 

1 The word occurs in every system : 3 Mezger divides the ode thus : 

(First epode) 1. 14 iv x«Woiy ottXols. dpxd, l — 18; KaraTpowd, 19 — 22; 6/jl- 

(Second Strophe) 1. 22 dywv rot xdX*eos. 0a\6s, 22 — 48; p-eTaKaraTpoird, 49 — 54; 

(Third antistroph.) 1. 45 x a ^ K ° 1 ' i^vp^ov. afipayis, 55—90. 

(Fourth stroph.) 1. 60 x a ^ a * X67X a? - The dpxd, he remarks, and the acppayk 

(Fourth epode) 1. 70 iv TrXevpatai x a ^'°"- contain the mythical portions of the hymn, 

(Fifth epode) 1. 90 x a ^ K0 ^ T P a Kdo-ropos. so that in its structure it resembles the 

2 01. 1. 1 6 5e xpwos — biaTTptiru. k.t.X. Ninth Pythian. 


augury for his future success at Olympia ; for the prize at the Athenian 
festival, a jar of olive oil, might be considered an omen or earnest of an 
olive-crown. Professing that Theaeus hesitates to utter his heart's desire, 
Pindar confides it indirectly to Zeus, whose graciousness in olden time to 
the men and women of Argos might well encourage a supplication. An 
Olympic victory would be 'the perfection' (reXos) for the career of Theaeus; 
and by using this word, appropriate to marriage, Pindar suggests Hera 'who 
perfecteth' (rAeia, 1. 18), and implies that an olive-wreath would be the 
heavenly reward of this man, even as the marriage with Hebe was the meed 
of Heracles. And it is signified that Theaeus is prepared, like Heracles, to 
endure labours, in no wise expecting to enter into a heritage of glory without 
hardships, but quite aware of the unexempt condition of mortal frailty. 
'Great is the glory, for the strife is hard'; and the glory desired by Theaeus 
is the highest attainable, a supremacy at the games which Heracles insti- 
tuted at Pisa. 

In reflecting on the athletic powers of Theaeus it was natural to re- 
member the similar exploits of Antias and Thrasyclus, two kinsmen of his 
mother, and to record them was a compliment required by the usages of 
the epinician hymn. Thus a hereditary transmission of muscular qualities 
justifies, as it were, the success of the victor ; but Pindar, going a step further 
back, explains the athletic vein in the family by a divine visit, vouchsafed 
to a remote ancestor by those lords of athletic contention, Castor and 
Polydeukes. Preparing the way for this incident, which he reserves for the 
epode of the system, he opens the subject by declaring that Honour, won in 
games, is a frequent visitant ' of thy mother's family,' in company with the 
Graces and the Tyndarids. 'If I were a kinsman of Antias and Thrasyclus 
I should make bold not to conceal the light of my eyes.' A catalogue of 
their victories follows. 

In the third strophe and third antistrophos, there is imagined a parallelism 
between the distinctions of the kinsfolk of Theaeus and the distinctions of 
Argos, which were rehearsed in the first strophe and antistrophos. 

(1) The influence of the Graces is shed over both records 1 . In the con- 
cernment of art they were associated with the city favoured by Hera; in the 
concernment of athletic prowess they are associated with the family favoured 
by the Tyndarids. 

1. I. Xdpires. 1. 38. Xapireaai. 

(2) Thrasyclus, whose name connotes inherent bravery, responds to the 
brave deeds of the Argive heroes. 

1. 3. fxvpiais (pycov 6pa(riu>v zvfKev (ist strophe). 
1. 39. d£iu>6eir)v Ktv ta>v QpaarvicXov (3rd strophe). 

1 Mezger, remnrking that the mention rehrt...; die Unterstiitzung der Tyndari- 

of the Graces in v. 37 'weist auf v. 1 den, die von seiner Familie besonders 

zuriick', says: 'Die Unterstiitzung der verehrt wurden, ist cin Elbe von seinen 

Chariten verdankt The'aos seiner Zugeho- Vorfahren ' etc. 
riirkeit zu der Stadt, die sie besonders ve- 

iqo [NEMEAN] X. 

(3) Victories won in chariot-races,— literal carryings of victory— -by these 
men, Antias and Thrasyclus (perhaps others too), attest the proverbial excel- 
lence of Argive horses ; just as the epiphanies of Zeus, the supreme god, 
attested the supremacy in beauty of Argive women. Here the fifth line of 
the third strophe answers the fifth of the first antistrophos. 

1. II. Zeus iir \\Xi<pi]vav Aavdav re noXwv irov Karecpave Xuyov. 
1. 41 1 . oppdrav. viKa(f)opiais yap eVaty Ilpoiroto rob' Imrorpocpov chttv k.t.X. 

(4) The prizes in brass tripods and shields won by the athletes are 
beyond number, like the works of art which represent the worthies of Argos. 

1. 3. pvpiais e'pycov Opaaecov eVe/cei/. 
1. 45. dXXd xo\kov pvpiov ov hvvardv. 

(5) An enumeration of these prizes would be too long; even as the 
tale of Perseus is a long one. 

1. 4. paKpa pev tci Hepcreos dp(p\ MefWcray Topyovos. 
1. 46. e£e\eyxeiV paKporepas ydp dpidprjaai axoXas. 

(6) Victories won at the ' high situate ' cities of Achaea, at Tegea and 
at Clitor, contributed these things of bronze ; as the cities founded in Egypt 
by Io and Epaphus supplied subjects for art. 

1. 5 2 . 77-0XX0 8' Alyinrro) 'Iw KTiafv a art] rats 'EtrcKpov naXapais. 

1. 47. ovre KXei'rcop xa\ Teye'a *cal 'A^aicof in//-i'/3aroi iroXies. 
Having told the achievements by which the victor's kinsfolk had gone 
beyond the mark of ordinary successes, Pindar proceeds, in the epode, to 
narrate how Castor came, and his brother Polydeukes, to the house of 
Pamphaes, as guests; a visit which makes us cease to marvel that his 
descendants are goodly athletes, seeing that those twin beings, who preside 
over games 'in conjunction with Hermes and Heracles,' preeminently care 
for the interests of just men ; and the gods are really true to such a claim as 
that of guest-plight. 

The first epode and the third epode answer too. Pamphaes entertaining 
the divine brothers seems to hold parley, across the interspace, with Amphi- 
tryon, whose house was visited by Zeus. And just as the coming of Zeus was 
an event ultimately followed by the marriage of Heracles, so the coming of 
the Tyndarids was an event which may signify an Olympic victory in the 
future. This approximation of thoughts is clearly indicated by the position 
of the name of Heracles in the same foot of two corresponding lines. 

1. 17. (nrtpp! dbdpavTov (ptpcov 'HpanXios' ov KaT OXvpTrov — . 
1. 53. pu'ipav 'Eppa Kai o-vv HpaKXel Suttovti ddXaav. 
It is observable too that poipa QdXeia is an expression suited to the 
marriage of Heracles ; and that it suggests the po'ipa to-Xwu, pertaining to 
Argos, mentioned in 1. 20 3 . 

1 For the reading see note. strophe, arc really connected with the 

2 For the reading see note. preceding system. 
:; 11. iy, 20, though in the second 


A second rcsponsion confirms this explication of the chain of thought. 
The first epocle ends with the addition of Hebe 

i'ari, KdXXi'crra 8e mv (1. 1 8) ; 

the third cpode affirms, at its close, the truth of the gods, 

Ka\ fjtnv dfcov TTia-rvv ytvos (1. 54)- 

Like Heracles, Theaeus has a claim to the grace of the gods 1 . 

The story of Castor and Polydeukes, related in the fourth and fifth 
systems, illustrates the declaration that the gods are faithful. It begins and 
ends with the strange life of the brothers, — a twi-life, we might call it, 
alternating between hollow subterranean places in Therapna where they lived 
indeed, but with scarce conscious life, and the palace of Olympus. This 
curious condition came about in this wise. The brothers, though peers in 
strength and undissevered comrades, were not quite peers in the accident of 
birth ; the two names, which they jointly bore, Tyndarids and Dioscori, 
pointing to this difference, as Castor was the true Tyndarid and Polydeukes 
the true son of Zeus. Thus Castor had a mortal quality in his nature and 
was doomed to death. But Polydeukes, his comrade in all uses since their 
associated birth, would have preferred sheer death to life unshared by his 
brother ; and when the fatal hour for Castor came, Polydeukes, true to his 
comradeship, won the consent of Zeus to share his own inheritance of 
heavenly life with Castor, on his part sharing Castor's inheritance of 
subterranean existence. Such was the bargain with fate. 

Before I point out in detail the significance of this legend for Pindar's 
purpose, it will be well to reproduce it in his own words. 

' Changing their abode daily, alternately they dwell in the house of their 
father Zeus, and on the next day are hidden in the hiding places of the earth 
in the hollows of Therapna, fulfilling a like destiny ; for when Castor 
perished in war, Polydeukes chose this appointment of life, rather than to be 
absolutely a god and inhabit heaven. For with the point of a brass spear, 
Idas, angered in some matter touching oxen, wounded Castor. Them (the 
Tyndaridae) Lynceus, who had a keener eye than all men on earth, 
looking abroad from Mt Taygetus, saw sitting in the trunk of an oak. And 
with storming feet they twain came speedily, those sons of Speed, to the 
place and did swiftly contrive a great thing to do, and suffered dire distress 
by the hands of Zeus. Instantly came Leda's son (Polydeukes) in 
pursuit ; and these (Idas and Lynceus) stood opposite, hard by their father's 
sepulchre. Thence catching up a headstone, grace of Hades, a polish'd 
rock, they hurled it against the chest of Polydeukes ; but felled him not nor 
made him to flinch. And then rushing forward he plunged brass in the 

1 Observe the following responsions of I have pointed out in note on 1. 

phrase: 37 that many of the expressions at the 

1. 14 i'/cer' e's Ktivov yevedv :: 1. 51 end of the third system echo the words 

iyyeu^ ^fi^v. at its beginning {arpofpv y). 
1. 16 icryjXdev :: 1. 49 €\06vtos. 

[92 [NEMEAN] X. 

sides of Lynceus. But against Idas Zeus drave a fire-charged lurid thunder- 
bolt ; and the brothers were consumed together all alone in the lonely place. 
For men, a strife with stronger beings is hard to converse with. 

(Strophe 5.) Quickly returned the Tyndarid to the might of his brother, 
and found him not yet dead, but shuddering in his jaws with hard-drawn 
breath. Shedding hot tears and moaning heavily, he lifted up his voice and 
cried; u O father, son of Cronus, what, oh what release from my sorrows 
will there be? Upon me too, my lord, as upon him, lay the doom of death. 
From a man, bereft of his friends, honour has clean departed; and of 
mortals few are they who in hard-besetting need are faithful, to share in the 

(Antistrophe 5.) Thus spake he, and Zeus came and stood before him, 
and pronounced these words : " My son art thou; but after I had begotten 
thee, this man was conceived by thy mother of the drops of her husband 's 
mortal seed. But notwithstanding, I offer thee the choice of these two lots. 
If thou art fain to eschew death and loathsome eld and dwell thyself {without 
Castor) in the mansion of Olympus, with Athene and with swart-speared 
Ares, this guerdon is thine to have ; but if thy zeal is for thy brother, a?id it 
is thy purpose to give him an equal share in all, then shall thou breathe for 
the half of thy days in a place beneath the earth, and for the moiety in the 
golden house of heaven." When he had thus pronounced, Polydeukes 
halted not between the two ways, but unclosed the eye and then released 
the voice of brass-girt Castor.' 

There is a certain witchery in the myth of these two young Tyndarids, 
men and also gods, alive and yet not always quick, knit closely to each 
other, ever since a birth of curious circumstance, by fibres of sympathy 
and features of similitude, being almost doubles or ' shadows,' and to 
men never coming save as a pair, nor often conceived apart. There is 
light about them, but it is light experiencing a change, or double (dfi^iKvKrj), 
partaking of the gloom of hollow chambers at Therapna ; the outgoings of 
the morning and the evening have passed, shimmering, into the story of 
the Laconian horsemen. For they usually rode on horses (like the Vedic 
agvins) ; and they were not heedful of the love of women. Such love 
was replaced by that mystical friendship for each other, which became a 
type, — comradeship here actually overcoming death, through the conviction 
that ' there are worse things waiting for men than death ' in the world. 

The names and qualities of Idas and Lynceus, with whom the Tyndarids 
associate and quarrel in the highland glens of Arcadia or Laconia, suggest 
(as latent in the legend) strange creatures of the woods, endowed with super- 
natural powers, like Pan, and perhaps of his society, — creatures surpassingly 
fleet of foot, and of sight potent to pierce through opaque masses of earth or 
stone or tree 1 . Idas may be 'the man of the wood'; and Lynceus is the 
' lynx-man,' whose eye is keener than all on earth ; which reminds us of the 

1 Schol. on 7\ C)2; 6 5i AvyKeAs 6^v8(p- yivb/xiva ftkiiruv, i8wv 81a rrjs dpvbs tov 
ktjs c3c ware Ktxl 01a \lOwv ko.1 Sta yr/s to. Ka/rropa 'irpwere *Kbyxy- 


keen vision of Pan (o£ea fiepKopevos), whose back was covered with the 
spotted skin of a lynx : 

\ai(pos 8 eni vara 8a(potv(>t/ 
\vy<hs f'x ftl * 
Their father's name, moreover, Aphareus, the Speedy or Sudden one, suits 
the sphere of the swift children of the forest. 

But while the story suggests this 'Arcadian' origin, it is a digression 
here, for Pindar is not concerned with this idea. He is rather concerned 
to bring out a parallel between the myth of the Tyndarids and the 
circumstances of Theaeus. 

Let us see. The heart's desire of Polydeukes was that he and his 
brother should share Olympus together, even though this implied a mixture 
of hardship with happiness. The heart's desire of Theaeus was a victory at 
Olympia, for which he was prepared to endure travail. The parallel is thus 
indicated by a responsion in the first lines of the second and the fifth 

1. 3 1 oaris dptWdrai irep\ 
ecrxaTuv dedXcov Kopv(pais. 

1. 85 ft Se KacnyvrfTov ire pi 

In both cases a prayer is directed to Zeus, and in the same metre ; and 
in both cases the real petition is not declared. In the last lines of the second 
antistrophos Pindar entreats Zeus for Theaeus : 

1. 29 ZeO warep, ratv pav eparai (ppevl criyq Foi aropa' ndv 8e rtXns 
iv t\v i'pywv ' 

In the last lines of the fifth strophe Polydeukes addresses Zeus : 

7rdrep Kpovloov, tis 8tj Xvcris 
1. T] earaerai nevdecov ; koi e'/noi ddvarov avv rwfi' (nireiXov, ava%. 
oi'^erai ripa K.r.X. 

In 1. 29 reXos leaves the issue doubtful ; in 1. jy the re\os named is not that 
which is desired. 

Again the real desire of Polydeukes, uttered by Zeus, is compared with 
the request of Theaeus, under the form of a paronomasia. To both there 
were two alternatives open ; they might ask for happiness, without a 
disposition to undergo hardship, or they might ask for it not unconditioned. 
For Polydeukes this alternative is stated plainly at the end of the fifth 
antistrophos ; for Theaeus it is suggested at the end of the second anti- 

1. 3° («* t*" tpyuv') oiIS' dpo^dat Kap8lq Trpo&cpepcov rokpav Trapairelrat X"P lv ' 

ei piv ddvarov re (pvydov koi yf/pas drrexBopevov 
1. 84 avros OiKflv airos Ov\vp7Tov deXeis k.t.X.: 

— this would have been the wrong request for Polydeukes. 

1 See Homeric Hymn (xix.) to Pan, 11. r4 and 23. 
B. 13 

194 [NEMEAN] X. 

But the analogy, most evident in the conclusion, is carried on, directly or 

indirectly, throughout the whole passage. The son of Leda in 1. 66 responds 

to the son of Ulias in 1. 24. 

24 OuXi'a nais evda — 

66 rp\6e Ai]8as ttcu? — 

and we observe that, as Theaeus derived his valour from his mother, 
Polydeukes inherited his divinity from his father. And both were engaged 
in ' a brazen contest,' associated with oxen : 

1. 60 tov yap "l8as dp(p\ fiovcriv ttods xoXw^eis tTpaxrev ^aX/cta? \6yxas dicq, 

and, in 1. 70, Polydeukes drives brass (xoXkov) home in the sides of Lynceus. 
Theaeus was concerned in such a contest at Argos, 

1. 22 dyutv toi x.a\K€OS 
bctfiov OTpvvei 7TOTI ftovdvaiav Upas. 

The requirements of this analogy explain the curious phrase ^aX/ceo? dyoiv ; 
for a direct reference to the prize, a shield of bronze, would have affected the 
comparison with a sort of awkwardness, a prize not answering well to a 
weapon of offence. 

Again the contest is in each case described as a labour or trial (novcov, 
in 6th line of 2nd strophe, nova in 6th line of 5th strophe) 1 . 

But the direct analogy of the deeds of Polydeukes with those of Theaeus 
is not continued throughout ; the comparison is partly sustained by a sort of 
reflexion, through an intermediate parallel, namely the list of eminent 
Argives in the first system. Thus in the last three lines of the fourth 
antistrophos we find responsions connecting them with the last three lines 
of the first strophe. 

1. 4 MeSotVas Topyovos. 
1. 64 e prjo-avT* co/ceco?. 

Here the contrivance of Idas and Lynceus is likened to the thought of an 
arch ' contriveress,' and the comparison of Polydeukes to Perseus is 
implied. In 1. 65 the naXapais Aibs answer to the 7raXa^air , ~Ena<pov (son 
of Zeus) in 1. s ; in both cases Zeus was a present help to his sons, begotten 
of Io and of Leda. 

Moreover Polydeukes is compared to Hypermnestra. Just as death 
threatened him from the spot where his foes stood hard by their father's 
tomb, so Hypermnestra was threatened by death through keeping her 
sword hard pressed in her scabbard, 

1. 6 ev KovXtco Karaax ( >'iau £i<pos. 
1. 66 Tvp.{5<a a\(86v 7ror/)a)tto. 

And as she did not flinch (ov 7rapen\<iyx0i]), though her queenly seat with 
her sisters (dy'kabs Qpovos, see <5yX ao6p6vu>v 1. 1) might be converted into an 

1 The responsion was ohserved by KapMq. 1. 30. 
Me/t;LT, who compares also odd' d/x/>x'ta> 


emblem of the world of death, even so the headstone (SyoX/i' 'AiSa) hurled 
at Polydeukes did not make him to quail. 

We have already seen how the doughty deeds of the maternal kinsfolk of 
Theaeus are compared to the glories of Argive legend. Now we understand 
that the list of famous Argives serves as an interposed mirror, reflecting the 
tale of the Dioscori into the tale of the victories of this Argive family. That 
the ultimate purpose is to institute a comparison between the third system 
and the fourth, by means of a common reference to the first, is indicated by 
a responsion connecting the third and fourth epodes : 

1. 5 Ka "i Ka<Tiyvr)Tov YloXvbevneos. 
1. 68 I'pftaXov <rrepv(o Uo\v8fvKeos. 

The aid rendered by Zeus to Polydeukes, in slaying one of his foes by 
the lightning which consumed them both, was an omen of the higher favour 
which he granted to his son, a little later. Similarly the jar of olive oil won 
by Theaeus at Athens was an omen of an olive wreath to be won at Olympia. 
This is brought out by ycua Kavdelaa nvpi in 1. 35 (5th verse of 2nd epode), 
and nvp(p6pov and eKaiovr', 11. 71 and 72 (5th and 6th verses of 4th epode). 
Similarly the brass, won by Theaeus at Argos and by his kinsmen elsewhere, 
is contrasted tacitly with gold, the emblem of Olympian victory ; just as the 
brass weapons of Amphitryon are contrasted, tacitly too, with the golden lot 
of Heracles, reflected upon the mortal hero ; and as the brass, which flashed 
in the combat of the Tyndarids with their adversaries, is contrasted, now 
explicitly, with the golden sheen of Olympus. 

But with ' the golden houses of heaven ' the hymn does not conclude. 
The victor, for whom the legend of the Dioscori is a figure teaching him 
that 'the gods are true 1 ,' had not yet attained his heart's desire, — toward 
such attainment a season of hardship and endurance being still in prospect, 
and the end, like all things dependent on mortal frailty, uncertain. And 
therefore with the unerring instinct of the Greek artist, who is never 
impatient of the divine repression demanded for the perfection of art, 
Pindar turns our eyes from the gold and guides them to the brass girdle 
of Castor, now 'released.' When the music has unfolded the vision of 
Olympian happiness, we slide down from the heights, and are reminded 
that it is earth still. 

1 The importance of this statement /cat (mo-ros) an betonter Stelle als vorletztes> 6ewv iriarbv y{vo$ (1. 54) is accentua- Wort der Strophe (Epode) stent. Der 

ted by the echo in 1. 78 Travpoi 5' iv irSvtp Mythus cnth'alt also ohne Frage das Lob 

ttkttoI j3porwt>, 'wobei zu beachten ist, der gottlichen Treue' (Mezger). 
dass beidemal das entscheidende Wort 


196 [NEMEAN] X. 



7/, I. <7. v-/<^/ — x^v-/ — \j — \D — \j \*j \^/ — v-/ v^ — A iP)* 

If* 2. CI • \J \J \J \J \J KJ \*J \J \J f\ (o). 


w. 3, 4. b. — w ww — ww — A — w — o — ww — ww -w— A (12). 

"• 5* ^ • — w w w — WW WW — w w — A W/* 

z>. 6. <£'. -i^ ^ '-^ w w i-w-A (12). 

Thus the strophe falls into two parts, of which the first (A) is antistrophic, 
and the second (B) mesodic, — the mesode being of the same length (peyeOos) 
as the two measures of A. 

The formula is 

8.8: 12.8. 12. 


V.I. a. -=-w WW-WW w— A (7). 

V. 2. a. -=- w ww-ww w — A (7). 


W. 3>4- *'• — w w — w w — w — ww — ww— A— WW — w w — w — — (II ). 

^. 5- » • — w w ww — ww — w (7/ - 

f. 6. $ . ww w— •— w — • — ww — ww w w — A (!')• 

The structure of the epode is exactly the same as that of the strophe, 
except that the \ityi6^ are shorter, the formula being 

7.7: 11. 7. II. 
The rhythm of this Ode is dactylo-epitritic. 



arp. a 
Aavaov irokiv d<y\ao6povcov re 7revTijtcovTa icopdv, Xajt)iT€?, 
"Ap7<39 "Upas hwpba OeoTTpeTre? vfMvelre' (pXeyerai S' dperais 

i. d"y\ao0p6vo>v] This epithet is ap- 
plied to the Muses also {01. xm. 96) 
and refers to their representation in works 
of art as seated. See above, Introduction, 
p. 187. The first scholia on this Ode 
are worth quoting at length : 

'iviol (pacrtu eis wXetovs viKas rbv ewlvLKov 
<TVVT€TaxdaC Xafieiv yap avrbv Kal"Jo~6fiia 
Kal IWflta Kal X^aea. Trepl be rGiv 'OXvfx- 
ttliov ei^erac ore <pr)o~L' ZeO vdrep, rwv 
ye fiav Zparat. [1. $5]. 6 be Hivbapos ore 
(3ouXoiro eiraive'iv rds irarpibas ruv vevih'rj- 
k6tuii> dQpoifeiv etude rd weirpayp.eva reus 
irbXecrt irepi(pavr\, KaOus ev rrj i^bf/, r)s r) 
dpx 7 ?' Io~(j,r]vbv ij xP v<Tr }^Q- KaT0V ^ e * 
Xiav [fr. 29]. 6 bt X670S' vp.vetre, cJ 
Xdptres, ttjv rod Aavaov irbXiv Kal rds 
wevrr)Kovra avrov dvyaripas. % b be vovs 
bXos' rr/v rod Aavaov ttqXlv Kal rQv Trevrr]- 
Kovra Ovyarepcov avrov, (prjfxl be rb "Apyos, 
rjris ttoXis 'Apyeluv oiKr)rr)pi.ov Oeiwbeara- 
rbv eo~n rr)s "Upas, vixv-qaare, u Xapires. 
ecrri be irapa rb 'Op.-qpi.Kbv 

■qroi e/jiol rpeis p.ev iroXii (pLXrurai elai 

"Apyos re ^wdprrj re Kal evpvdyvia 
Kal KaXXi/naxos" 

rbv (lev dpiffKvbrjs evvis dvfjKe Aibs 

"Apyos {dew 'ibibv wep ebv Xdxos' dXXd 
Zrjvbs onus (JKoriri rprjxvs dedXos efoi. 

(rbv in this fragment of Callimachus is the 
Erymanthian boar). 

2. OeoTrpeires] meet habitation for a 

<j>\«Y€TtH k.t.X.] The usual explanation 
of these words will not bear close ex- 
amination. If dperal and epya dpacrea 
are hardly distinguishable, there is no 
meaning in eveKev. One may seek to 
avoid the difficulty by translating dperals 
by laudibus, but it is clear that dperr) is 
not a synonym of 'itrawos. Let us observe 
Findar's metaphorical use of the verb 
<pXtyw. In Pyth. v. 45 we read, 

' AXei;i(3idba, <re b' r)vKop.oi cpXiyovn 

p.aKapi.os, 6s exeis 

Kal irebd p:4yav Kafxarov 

Xbywv cpeprdrwv 

and in '1st A. VI. 23 

qSXeyerai be ioirXoKoiGi ~Sloicrat.s. 
This figurative illumination is attributed 
in the first passage to the Graces and in 
the second passage to the Muses, that is 
to the deities who preside over art and 
literature. And similarly the sentence 
under consideration is immediately pre- 
ceded by an invocation of the Graces, so 
that we are left in no doubt touching the 
agency by which the city is lit up. 
Monuments of marble or monuments of 



[Jbvpiais epycov dpaaicov eveicev. 

/j,atcpa p,ev rd Ylepcreos dfMpl M.e8olaa<; Fopyovo?' 

7ro\\a 8' AlyinrTG) 'Ico Krlaev aarrj rats 'Eirdcfrov 7ra\d/xat<i. 


song (/jLva/jLTJa Xbywv, compare the lines 
quoted from the 5th Pythian) might both 
claim the patronage of Charites — chatis 
being, so to speak, exhaled by every 
work of art, — and in the present case the 
former are clearly intended. The Heroon 
of Argos was adorned with Argive heroes 
and heroines in marble, and by the 
epithet dyXaoOpbvwv Pindar calls this to 
mind at the very outset. It follows that 
the dperai here meant are works of art, 
and we may translate thus ; 

It is litten by countless memorials of 
valiant deeds. 
If we were rendering in ancient Greek 
such a phrase as 'the tale of Troy di- 
vine illustrated by Flaxman', cpXiyeadai 
would perhaps be a suitable verb to 
use. — For dperrj see further Appendix 
A, note 9. 

4. (j.aKpa |iev k.t.X.] The tale of 
Perseus and the Gorgon Medusa is long. 
rd d|x<j>l — means the labours about; Dis- 
sen compares Aeschylus, Prometheus, 702 
tov d/x0' eavTrjs ddXov. Schol. ftaKpa 
ovv, (pr]ai, to, 5ii]yrjiJi.aTa to. wepl liepaius 
a iwpa^e Kara rr\v Yopybva.. — Pindar goes 
with some fulness into this story in the 
Twelfdi Pythian, written for Midas of 
Acragas, who had gained a victory in 
flute-playing. The head of Medusa was 
supposed to lie buried in a mound near 
the agora of Argos. Pausanias 11. i\, 6, 
rod 5e ip rf; dyopej. tov ' Apyeluv oUodo- 
firj/xaros ov fxaKpav xw,ua 777s earif' iv 52 
avT(p KelaOai tt\v Me5owr?7S Xiyovai rrjs 
Yopybvos Ke<j>aXr}i>. 

-,. iroXXd 8' k.t.X.] The MSS. have 


Ka.TwKi<TOei> (B KaTUKiaBev). This does 
not suit the metre, which requires here 
w^_s,~, T] ie corrections proposed can- 
not lie seriously entertained, as none of 
them involves an explanation of the cor- 

ruption. I may mention Boeckh's rd kot- 
i^KLaev, Hermann's otto. ^Kndev, Momm- 
sen's tcl KartnTidev, Rauchenstein's Kara 
vaieTai, and Bergk's transposition, 7raXd- 
/xcus Ka.Tti>acrd€i> darea reus 'E7rd</>oi'. The 
schol. explains the text found in the MSS.; 
7roXXa 5' dv eiij Xiyeiv, 07rws ev rrj Alyvvrqi 
KCLTipKlffdrjaav wbXeis vwb tQv tov 'Ewd<pov 

It strikes one as strange that, in this 
roll of the worthies and the fair women 
of Argos, the illustrious heroine Io 
should not be recorded by name. The 
Danaids are mentioned, and a long verse 
is devoted to Hypermnestra. Although 
Perseus is recorded in 1. 4, his mother 
Danae is named, along with Alcmena 
in 1. 11. We might expect similarly to 
read the name of Io as well as that of 
her son, Epaphus. Now it is remarkable 
that in the Prometheus of Aeschylus 
(1. 834) the colonisation of Egypt is 
attributed to Io and her children, con- 

ovtos <t' bbwaei tvjv rpiywvov is x^° va 
NetXwTU', ov drj tt)v p.aKpdv diroiKiav, 

'lot, TTCTTpUTaL (Toi T€ K0.1 t{kV01S KTlcTai. 

This suggests that Pindar wrote 

It is evident that one 1 might have easily 
fallen out ; the result would then be 
wKTicrev, which would be inevitably cor- 
rected to $Kiaev. As the sense of the 
sentence, which had lost its true nomi- 
native, now demanded a passive verb, 
ipKio-Oev was an easy change, and the 
defective metre was roughly supplied by 
the addition of ko,t-. 

The sole objection which can be 
alleged against this restoration is that 
it involves an irregularity in the metre, 
namely the condensation of two shorts 
into one long. But this is an irregularity 
which Pindar not infrequently allows 



ou'S' 'TirepfJLvy'iaTpa TrapeTrXay^dr], fiovoyjrcupov ev KovXeS fcara- 
crvpi<ra £i(/>o<?. 

AtofirjSea 8' afifipoTOV %av6a irore YXavicooiTis edy/ce deoV dvr.a. 
yata S' ev ©?7/3<U9 inreSeKTo KepavvoyQelaa Ato<? fieXeaiv 
IxdvTtv OltcXeihav, iroXepbOio ve(po*i' 

himself. For example in the Seventh 
Nemean, 1. 35, we have Neo7rrdXe/«>s 
where we should expect five shorts. 
Other instances will be found in the 
Third Nemean (epode, cf. 11. 20, 41, 62, 
83), Sixth and Seventh Nemeans etc. — 
There is no objection to the hiatus after 
y in arsis; cf. for instance Isthm. 1. 61 
'llpodorcp Zwopev. 

If we observe (1) that an express 
mention of Io by name seems almost 
imperatively demanded in this list of 
Argive heroes and heroines, — Epaphus, 
who had no personal connexion with 
Argos, being scarcely an adequate sub- 
stitute, — (2) that the expression rats 'E7rd- 
<pov -TraXd/xats suggests that Epaphus is 
represented as the agent of someone else, 
(3) that in the passage quoted from the 
Prometheus Io is associated with her 
children in the foundation of Egyptian 
cities; and then find that the reading 
to which these considerations point, ex- 
plains satisfactorily the corruption which 
has beset the text of our MSS.; we are 
entitled to conclude that the restoration 
admitted in the text rests upon a satis- 
factory basis. 

6. irapiirX^x^ 1 !] stray from the true 
way. The active occurs in Olynnp. vn. 
3 1 at 5£ (ppevwv rapaxo-i wapiirXay^av /cat 

jj.ovo»J/a<j)ov K.r.X.] having kept her 
dissentient sword unsheathed. For p.ovo- 
i/'ck/xjs uneonsenling see Aeschylus, Sup- 
pliants, 3S5. The mss. have p.ovo\pa<pov, 
to agree with £t'</>os, and this is more 
poetical than p.ovo\j/a(pos, which was re- 
stored by Hecker, (whom most editors 
have followed) on the strength of a 
scholium. —Pindar has the form koXeos 

m Nemean I. 52, and the MSS. have 
/coXeaj here, but the metre demands 
KovXtw which Hermann restored; com- 
pare the double forms "OXvp.wos and 

Horace's familiar splendide mendax et 
in omne virgo nobilis aevum is resonant 
and catching; but an ear which is a 
little impatient of rhetoric in poetry may 
prefer Pindar's ov ■n-apewXa-yx^V- Horace 
declaims, with an epigrammatic turn, 
the maiden's praise, in the tone of an 
advocate; Pindar declares her justified, 
with the more effective reserve of a 

7. Aio(At]8€a] From a scholiast on 
this line we learn that Diomede, accord- 
ing to Ibycus, married Hermione and 
lives in immortality with the Dioscori ; 
also that (according to Polemon) he 
enjoyed divine honours in Italy, at Meta- 
pontum and Thurii. Another note gives 
an account of his vengeance on Melanip- 
pus who had wounded his father Tydeus. 
Tydeus in his wrath felt the craving of a 
cannibal and tasted the flesh of his 
enemy, thereby incapacitating himself to 
receive the guerdon of immortality pro- 
mised by Athena, who transferred her 
high gift to the son, — koL ovk £o~ti irapa. 
tols IffTopiKOLs eupeo~9ai avrov tov 

Argos preserved the shield of Diomede 
in the temple of Athena, and Callimachus 
tells how it was laved along with the 
Palladion (brought by Diomede from 
Troy) in the Xoerpa. ITaXXdSos (1. 35) : 
ilidava, (piperai 5£ ko.1 d Aiop.7]8eos acnris, 

<l>s Zdos 'Apyeiwv tovto TraXaioraTov. 

9. iroX€(j.oio v«<j>os] This expression 
is Homeric, applied in the Iliad to Hector 
(P 243). Editors compare fultnina belli, 



Kal yvvai^lv tcaWiKOfAoicriv apiaTevei TraXaf IO 

Zei)<? eV 'AX/c/jLrjvav kavaav re fioXwv irov iccnkfyave XoyoV 
irarpl 8' ' ASpdaroio Avytcel re cfipevcov Kapirov ev9eia <rvvdpfiol;ev 

6pey\re 8' alyj^dv ' A/jb(f)iTpv(ovo'i. 6 S' o\/3<w (^epraro^ eV. a . 

lk€t 69 Kelvov <yevedv, eVet eV ^aX/ceocs o7t\ol<; 

Ti]\e{36a<i evapovrt ?ot oyjnv ieiSopevos 1 5 

and ep-apvaro Xcros d^XX??. {Niches belli in 
Virgil means a cloud of arrows.) — For 
the valour of Amphiaraus and his fate 
see the preceding Ode; also Olymp. 
VI. 17 dp.<por€pov p.dvrw t ayadbv Kal 
dovpl fxapvaudai. There was a temple 
to Amphiaraus in Argos ; see Pausanias, 
11. 23, 2. — The participle nepavvudels 
occurs in Hesiod, Theogouy, 859. 

10. Kal yuvai£i k.t.X.] For fair- 
haired dames also Argos is peerless since 
olden time, and the visitations of Zens to 
Alcmena and Danaa declared the report 
merely true. 

€tov, for tov of the MSS., is due to 
Bergk; see note on Nem. VII. 25. As 
Zeus is supreme among the gods, his 
choice establishes the supremacy of Ar- 
give beauty — this is the force of irov. 
Schmid reads tovtov from the scholia. 

12. irarpl 8' k.t.X.] So lemma D for 
warpi t, which however is possibly right. 
— Talaus was the father of Adrastus; 
Lynceus was the husband of Hyper- 
mnestra. — For Kap-n-dv <}>p€vwv compare 
Pyth. 11. 74, 

6 5e 'Paddpavdvs ev irtirpaytv on (ppevQiv 

Z\a.Xe Kapirov dp.tup.T]Tov, oi)5' airaraKn 

Bvpbv T^pnerai fvdodev k.t.\. 

This phrase is perhaps the nearest Greek 

equivalent to our heart. Zeus wedded 

their hearts to unswerving justice. 

Lynceus was buried with Hypcrm- 
nestra, (Pausanias II. 23, 2), and near 
them Talaus, tovtwv 5e awavTiKpu TaXaou 
rod liiavTos can T&<pos. The house of 
Adrastus was shown in Argos {id. 23, 

13. 0p£i|/£ k.t.X.] And he nourished 
the spear-point of Amphitryon, that is, 
favoured the success of the warrior 
Amphitryon. Compare Kdcrropos alxpa, 
Isth. v. 33, and Terpander (ap. Plutarch 
Life of Lycurgus, c. 21); 

ivtf alxp-a Te viuiv OdWei Kal MoOcnx 

Kal AlKa evpvdyvia. 

6 8' oXpu ^epraTOS k.t.X.] But he 
(Amphitryon) had the surpassing fortune 
to enter into kinship with Zeus (Keivov), 
when in Iwonze armour, in the similitude 
of the slayer of the Teleboae etc. The 
scholiast wrongly refers 6 5' to Zeus and 
Keivov to Amphitryon, but explains 'ikct' 
is yevedv rightly : ' Zeus procreated 
Heracles on the first day, on the next 
Amphitryon procreated Iphicles, and the 
stocks of both were mingled'. Mezger 
translates ' er trat in seine (des Zeus) 
Verwandschaft ein ', and so Dissen ' in 
affinitatem Iovis venit '. Compare Pyth. 
IX. 84 t^ks ol Kal Tif)vl fxiydaa datypuv 
...'A\Kp.riva 8i5vpwi> crdivos vlQiv. 

eirel is explained by the scholium : 
adXov ydp r\ 'A\k/j.7jvt) rbv iavrijs ydfiov 
irpovdijKe T(fS tovs T^Xe/Joas KarairoXe- 
p.y)o-ovTi. The Teleboae were a people 
who dwelled in Acarnania. 

15. evapovn Foi] B \\ have ivape' 
tl oi, D has k'vape. rl ol. Hermann 
(followed by Bergk in his 4th ed.) 
read Zvaptv ry 5'. Schmid proposed 
ivapbvn, Rauchenstein evapovri ol. The 
scholium does not bear grammatical 
analysis : 

8re yap Toh ottXois dvaipovvros avrov 


20 1 

ddavtiTwv j3aai\ev<i avXuv earjXOev 

airep/x (IheifxavTov cpepcov 'Hpa/cXeo?' ov Kar ' OXvfiirov 
a\o)£o<i 'H(3a reXeta irapd fxaripi f&aivouf eari, KaWlara Oewv. 

arp. ft. 
(3paxv fjbot, aTo/jLa iravr dvayi]crao-0\ ocrcov 'Apyetov e^et Te/^ei/o? 

tovs T?7\e/3oas, rrji'i/caPra ttjv o\piv dcpo- 
/j.oiio9eh 6 Zebs rep 'Afx^irpvuvL /cat ovtios 
els rbv oZkov iKOuv ttjs 'AX/CiUtjj'tjs eirXrj- 
alaaev avrfj /cat rbv 'Hpa/cA^a taweipev. 
Hence Mommsen deduced evapbvTos, 
which Mezger accepts. The circumstance 
that ivapovros involves a deviation from 
the metre of the corresponding lines in 
the other epodes (introducing -— in place 
of --) would not be a fatal objection; 
but it is impossible to see how the reading 
of the MSS. arose from ivapovros. The 
scholium does not prove a genitive abso- 
lute. Hermann's reading appears to do 
more justice to the mss. ; but this ap- 
pearance is deceptive. The questions 
arise — why should 5' have fallen out? 
why should a simple word like ry have 
been corrupted? And it must be ob- 
served that ev xaXK^ots ottXois protests 
against any reading which retains tvapev ; 
for the picture clearly is, not Amphitryon 
fighting in Acarnania in bronze armour, 
but Zeus in bronze armour entering his 
house in Thebes. This consideration 
recommends Rauchenstein's iuapovri ol, 
which, I am persuaded, is the true read- 
ing. The order of words is most felici- 
tous. T7/Xf/3cJas ivapovTi immediately suc- 
ceeding x^X/c^ots o7r\ois suggests, without 
bringing this expedition into undue pro- 
minence, that the armour was supposed 
to be spoils (tvapa) taken from the 
Teleboae. Zeus came in Amphitryon's 
similitude and dressed as he would 
appear after the success of his enter- 
prise. — The cause of the corruption was 
a false division of the participle, evapov 
was read as third plural (for rfvapov) after 
€7T€i, and subsequently corrected to the 
singular; ti was accented, and left, though 

really unmeaning. To -tX foX in the other 
epodes corresponds a long syllable ; but 
cf. Nem. v. 10 where irartpos corresponds 
to — and see note on 1. 5 above. 

17. d8€i|xavTOv] intrepid, applied also 
in Isth. I. 12 to Heracles, rbv dbeip.avTOv 
'AXKp.Tjva T€K€i> waida . 

ov k.t.X.] whose wife Hebe liveih in 
Olympus, fairest of the gods, wallcing 
beside her mother 'who maketh perfect''. 
Compare the last lines of the First 
Nemean, for Heracles' union with Hebe ; 
also Hymn. Horn. XV. (addressed ' to 
Heracles the lion-hearted ') 7, 8 

vvv 5' tJSti /caret KaXbv eSos VMpoevTos 


valet. TepTTofxevos /cat e'xet KaXXla<pvpoi> 

rtXeia. is the designation of Hera as the 
patroness of marriage : schol. tare yap 
avTT) yapL-qXla Kal fryla. tari de 6 ydp.os 
riXos did to reXeLOT-qra plov KaraaKevd^eiv 
(reproduction being regarded as the riXos 
of the individual). Aeschylus (frag. 373) 
has "H/xx reXela, Zrjvbs ewaia dd/xap. In 
the Heraeum near Mycenae there was 
an altar adorned with a relief of the 
marriage of Hebe and Heracles; see 
Pausanias II. 17, 6 (iuiibs ?x w " eireipyaa- 
ixivov rbv Xeyo/aevov "H/3t;s /cat 'Hpa/cX^ovs 
yd/xov ' ovtos Liev dpyvpov k.t.X. 

19. ppax^ 1 H- 01 °" n 'f ia k.t.X.] My 
mouth is of small measure to rehearse all 
the fair things wherein the precincts oj 
Argos have share. Compare Isth. VI. 44 
[ipaxvs e£t/c<f<r#at x a ^ K07r€ ^ 0,/ ^ € ^ v <$P a ''t 
one is of loo small stature to come unto the 
bronze-floored abode of the gods. For 
dvayelo-Qai compare Isth. v. 56 eiioi de 
p.aKpbv irdaas dvayrjaaad' dperds (Minga- 
relli's restoration ; MSS. dyqaaad''), and 



fxolpav eaXwv' eari 8e Kal Kopos dvQpwirwv fiapiis avridcrai' 20 

aX)C op,(>)<; ev%op8ov eyeipe Xupav, 

Kal TraXcuapLctTwv \a/3e <^povrih\ dycov rot ^aAvceo? 

Safiov orpvvet irorl fiovdvcriav "Upas deOXwv re Kplcnv' 

QvXla irah evOa vi/cdo-ais 8U layev ®eialo<i evcpopcov Xddav 


dvr. /? . 
etcpdrrjae 8e Kal 7ro6""EXXava arparov Uv0a>vi, ry^a re /moXoov 25 
Kal top 'laO/JLol Kal Ne/xea arkfyavov Moiaatcnv e8a)K dpoaat, 

rpl? )ub€V iv TTOVTOIO TTvXaiCTL Xa%(ov, 

01. IX. 80 ei-qv evpTjaieiTTis dvaydadai 
TTpoucpopos iv ^loiadv di(ppii}. In a well- 
known passage in the catalogue ' Homer' 
despairs of enumerating the heroes, if he 
had even ten mouths. 

The whole city of Argos is regarded as 
in a certain sense 'holy ground', dedi- 
cated to Hera, as Pindar expresses by 
repievos. Dissen compares Soph. Elcctra, 
5 d\ffos 'Ivdxov /c6p?7S. 

20. e'ori 8e k.t.X.] There is moreover 
the envy of men, grievous to converse 
with. avTido-cu is properly a neutral 
word; here it means incur. The schol. 
explains ' men are not pleased to hear the 
wondrous deeds of others, but they are 
straightway sick of the praises sounded, 
for envy'. 

21. dXX' 6' k.t.X.] Nat he/ess, 
azva/ce the harmonious strings of the lyre, 
and him to thoughts of wrestling matches. 
Compare 01. IX. 13 dvdpbs dp.(pl iraXalcr- 
p.aaiv <pbpp.iyy i\e\Lfav. 

22. d-ywv x^ K£ °s] The brazen con- 
test, so called because the prize at the 
Ileraea was a shield of bronze. Compare 
01. VII. 83 t iv "Apyei x a ^ K ° s ^V" viv i 
the bronze in Argos knew him. The 
victor was also crowned with myrtle. 
Compare the schol. on 01. VII. 83: 

TeXerrcu Kara, rb "Apyos to. "Upaia a Kal 

'E/caT6/u/3cua /caXetrcu irapd rb eKarbv /3oDs 

dveo-Oai tti 0eip, rb di ZiraOXov aairU X a * K V< 

b 5i crri(pavos in p.vpaivqs. 

This elucidates Pov8vo-£av. As for Argive 

shields, they were said to have come into 
use in the reign of Proetus (Pausanias II. 
25, 6). 

€v<j)6p<ov] So the mss. In the scholia 
is mentioned a variant, evcppbvwv : 

ypdcperai 8i Kal eiHppbvwv ' tvcpbpuv p.iv, 
iirel ev<popoi elav ol toiovtol wbvoi Tip 
dpurra a6Xa ivr/voxivai. ' evcppbvwv 5£, tCiv 

evcpbpwv has been taken in two ways, 
(1) easily borne, (2) fruitful (Mezger). 
[Bergk prints evcpbpws, Schmid (uncriti- 
cally) proposed 5v<r<pbpwv.~\ The first 
rendering ('facile ab eo perlatos', Dissen) 
is hardly possible ; in this sense, evcpopos 
could only mean light, which is not 
suitable. On the other hand, Mezger's 
explanation fruitful, remunerative, gives 
excellent sense. 

25. "EXXava o-rpaTov] the athletic 
world of Hellas ; so Pyth. XI. 50 : 

llvdol re yvp.vbv iwl ardSiov Karapavres 

'EXXavtSa crparidv tbK&rari. 
Tux.a, under the guidance of fortune, on a 
lucky day. 

26. dpocrcu] he gave the Muses a 
fruitful argument, lit. soil for the Muses 

to plough, see note on Nem. VI. 32. 
This is a continuation of the metaphor in 
evrpbpwv, 1. 24. 

27. rpls k.t.X.] Scilicet (rritpavov. 
Schol. rpls p.iv yap KXijpwOels ivlK-qae rd 
"la0p.ia : irbvTov yap irvXas elire rbv ' 
5id rb anvbv. 



rpls 8e fcal ae/j,voL<> ScnreSoi'i iv 'AS/oacrretw vop,a>. 
Zev irdrep, tcou fiav eparac <ppevl atya Fot cnopba' irav he Te\o<> 
iv rlv epycov ovS 1 afJtoydtp /cap&ia irpoacpepcov ToXpuav TrapatTeiTcu 
XapiV 30 

yvooT delSco dew re koi oaris afiiWarai irepl 
iaydrcov dedXcov Kopv(pal<;. inrarov S' eayev Yllcra 
'Hpa/c\eo<i reOp^ov' dSelal ye p,ev dpu/3o\dBav 

eV. /3'. 

■28. Tpis k.t.X.] At Nemea. For 
the ascription of the foundation of the 
Nemean games to Adrastus, see Nem. 
VIII. 51. Schol. rpis 5e to. N^uea 

TT)V 'A5pd(TT0V 8i.olK7]<TlP K0.1 VO]XoQeTT\GiV 

Te\ov/J.a>a. Render, according to the 
foundation of Adrastus. Compare Isth. 
II. 38 ev HaveWavw vo/Mp, according to 
the universal use of the Greeks. 

29. ZeviraTep \-.r.X.] father Zeus, 
his mouth is dumb of his heart's desires ; 
in thee lieth every issue of works ; nor 
doth he 'with heart unapt for toil sue 
amiss for a grace, but he hath the addition 
of endurance. 

The desire of Theaeus was an Olym- 
pian victory. For epo.p.0.1 in such a context, 
cf. Pyth. XI. 50 deodev ipaifXTjv koAuiv. 
irapaiTtiTai. has been explained in three 
ways : (1) closely with ov5£, in the sense 
of deprecate, decline; 'neque profecto 
ignavo animo deprecaturgloriam', Dissen; 
(2) 'eine neben hinausgehende Bitte thun, 
die keinen Erfolg haben kann, weil sie 
verkehrt bittet ' (cf. irap(pdp.ev, wapdyeiv, 
etc.) Mezger, and so Rumpel ' tenere 
precor'; (3) Schol. irapb. <rov alrelrai. 

Mezger's interpretation, pray amiss, 
misask, is clearly right, and a confir- 
mation of it will be found in my note on 
1. 84. Pindar says that Theaeus does not 
trust in faith alone ; he would fain gain 
his desire by both grace and bravery. 

31. •yvw-r' daSto] The burthen of my 
verses is well known both to god and to 
whosoever contendeth for the summit of 
the supreme contests (Zeus and all athletes 
know what I mean). 

One scholiast referred oaris especially 
to Theaeus, and his corrupt note (evyvua- 
ra de Xiyu avry tuj 0ey /cat rw Qecaiu? 
oaris 0eia?os d/xiXXdrcu k.t.X.) unneces- 
sarily gave rise to Hermann's conjecture 
yviora Qetaiip re kcu ojtls, and to Kayser's 
ol for 6e£. Philip Melanchthon, from the 
continuation of the same scholium, sub- 
stituted Kopvcpds for Kopv<pais. — For the 
collocation of &rxaros and Kopv<pd cf. 
01. I. 113: 

&r' dXXoicu 5' dXXoi /xeydXoi ' rb 8' 
iffxo-Tov KopvcpouTO.1 (3acnXev<ri. 
For the application of Kopvcpd to the 
Olympian games, see 01. 11. 14 edos 
7 QXv/j.ttov vip.o)v didXwv re Kopv<pdv. 

32. viraTov k.t.X.] For most high is 
the institution of Heracles which Pisa 
won (cf. Ol. VI. 69 red/xbv p-iyiarov 
didXuv, and Nem. XI. 27). virarov 'i(xx ev 
is an etymological explanation or analysis 
of tcrxdrwu. The same connexion of 
words is suggested in Isth. vi. 36 : 

wpofxdxw dv opuXov, ivd' dpt.O'Toi 
fax " iro\ip.oio vukos eaxdrais tXwiaii', 

zahere the noblest encountered war, with 

hopes most counter to them. 

33. dScicu y« («v k.t.X.] Sweet, surely, 
prelude-wise at their ceremonies the chants 
of the Athenians twice celebrated his 
praise; and in earth burnt in the fire, 
came to the brave people of Hera the fruit 
of the olive, even within the walls of 
painted vessels. 

Olive oil enclosed in a painted vase 
was the prize at the Panathenaic festival. 
Pindar regards the success of the victor 
at Athens as an omen of future successes 



iv reXeTat9 St? ' Adavalcov viv 6p,cpal 

Koofiaaav' yala 8e icavOeiaa irvpl «ap7ro? iXacas 35 

e/u,oXev "Hpa<i tov evdvopa Xaov iv dyyecov ep/cecrtv 7rayu,7roi/ctA.ot9. 

icpeTrei 8e, Seiale, puarpoowv iroXvyvcorov yevo<; vfieripcov arp. 7 . 

at Olympia; the olive-juice of Athena 
being a sort of prelude (dp.j3oXd5av) to 
the olive leaves of Zeus. See more fully 
above, Introduction. 

6|j.cj>T] means a solemn voice or utterance, 
(compare Milton's ' saintly shout ') and is 
appropriate to the context with TeXerais. 
It does not occur elsewhere in Pindar, 
save in two fragments ; fr. 75, 1. 19 
dxet t opupal p.eXiuv avu avXois (an in- 
stance of the schema Pindaricum), and 
fr. 152 ixe\LO<T0TtvKTU)v Kijplwv ip.a yXvKe- 
pwrepos 6p.<pd, my voice more szueet than 
honey or the honeycomb. — In Iliad # 364 
d(xPo\a8T]v is used of the surface of 
a seething cauldron ; but in the Hymn 
to Hermes 1. 426 it has the meaning 
which belongs to it in this passage. 

35. -yaiq. k.t.X.] Schol. yaiav 5e 
KeKavp-ivrpi elire ttjv vSplav iv 77 rb iXaiov ' 
owTciTai yap 6 Kipap,os. did 5e tovtov 
a-qpaivei tovs rd llavadrjvaia veviKr/Kbras ' 
Tidevrai yap iv 'Ad-f/vais iv iirddXov Ta^ei ' 
vbp'iai irXrjpeis iXaiov. 81b Kal KaXXL- 
p.a%os • 
Kal yap 'A6r]vaiois wdp' iirl crreyos lepbv 
KaXwides ou K6ap.ov <xvp.j3oXov, aXXd 
...§.. .<w'k 'icri 5e e^aywyrj iXaiov ii;' AOrjvuv 
el /j.7] toIs viKuiai. This last note gives 
special force to ZpoXev. — TrapnroiKiXos 
occurs in both the Iliad and Odyssey. 

37. e<|>eim k.t.X.] MSS. 'iwerai. It 
has been supposed that Pindar in two 
passages has contravened the universal 
(ireek usage of constructing firopiai with 
a dative, and assigned to it an accusative. 
One passage is 01. VI. 71, where a cor- 
rect punctuation suffices to abolish the 
anomaly : e'£ ov ttoXvkXeltov KaO' "EXX^eas 
yivos 'lafiiddv 6X(los dp! 'io-irero' k.t.X. 

The other case is the passage before us. 
Dissen owns that 'iweadai with a dative 
'verisimile non est', and takes yivos as 
an accusative of , place, 'pro eirerai is 
yivos, constructum ut (iaiveiv 01. II. 95, 
aliaque multa verba eundi'. He explains 
the meaning thus: 'es folgt, geht aber zu 
den miitterlichen Vorfahren der Ruhm 
der K'ampfe hinan'. Even if we admit 
that the construction is possible, the sen- 
tence is a curious mode of expressing this 

The note of the scholiast is : iiraxoXov- 
del, <j>y)cri, Kara rb TroXvyvurov vfiwv yivos 
to dwb rijs p.rjTpbs ' pirjrpwes yap 01 diro 
/j.r)Tpbs irpbyovoi ' evdywv, k.t.X. 
From this note Hartung deduces that 
the annotator had before him not v/xeri- 
pwv but v/xirepov, and reasoning that the 
former could not have arisen from the 
latter — 'denn das naturliche pflegt nicht 
leicht in das unnaturliche umgeandert zu 
werden' — •, suggests 'dass yivei vp-eripui 
geschrieben stand'. He proposes to read 
iroXvyvwTL) yivei, which he supports by a 
scholium on v. 49 : did tovto iv tois iirdvu 
elire' Xapireaal re Kal crvv 'Ivvdapibais ttjv 
vIktjv avTuiv iXrjXvdivai rui yivei. — Bergk 
reads 7re5' evyvurov ('iweTai Tredd = p.ediTre- 
Tai) ; but the mere fact that iroXdyvwTov 
does not occur elsewhere makes the 
assumed corruption improbable. 

An examination of the passage will 
soon show us that the seat of the 
corruption is the verb 'iweTai itself. (1) 
'iireTai...6ap.aKis is a distinctly unhappy 
expression ; the sense rather demands 
a verb signifying to visit. (2) As 
'iwopiai requires a dative, it is incon- 
ceivable that, if there were originally a 
dative in the passage, it should have been 
changed to the accusative. Therefore 



evdycov Tifid "Kapireaai Te Kal avv Tvv8api8ai<; Oapdicis. 
d^KoOetrjv /cev, eu>v QpaavicXov 

' AvTi'a re Ijvyyovos, "Apyei pr/ /cpinrreiv <pdo<; 4° 

oppc'noiv. vuca(popiai<; yap irals UpoLTOto toS' iTnroTpocpov 

the probability is that twerac has taken 
the place of a verb which governs the 

The word which exactly suits the 
passage is efairei, visits. The words 
then mean : 

Honour, queen of noble contests, doth 
often haunt the far-famed race of your 
mother s kin, Theaens, by favour of the 
Graces and the Tyndarids. 

The corruption was due to an accident. 
Letters at the beginning and end of lines 
and strophes are more liable than others 
to obliteration. If such a chance befel 
the first two letters of E<t>ETTEI, it is 
clear that the surviving eirei — the sense 
requiring a verb and the metre an 
anapaest — was very likely to be inter- 
preted as a mistake for fcVerat. 

But there is another reason for accept- 
ing i<ptirei. Looking down to the epode 
of the present system (ep. 7'), we find 
a cause assigned for the athletic prowess 
of Theaeus' maternal kinsfolk. Pam- 
phaes in mythical days had entertained 
the Tyndarids, and they are the stewards 
of the games at Sparta, which they order 
in confederacy with Hermes and Heracles. 
Now the words in these lines (51 — 53) 
are selected so as to recall strophe 7. 

iyyevte, 51 : 7^05, 47, 
dyuvuv, 52 : evdyuv, 48, 
OdXeiav, 53: BaXycrev, 42, 
these echoes serving to emphasize the 
logical connexion of the system, and 
linking the Twdapldais of 1. 38 with 
their next introduction in 1. 49. In 
the same way biiirovTi. 1. 53 is an echo 
of e0e7Tfi 1. 37. The share which the 
Tyndaridae have in the success of the 
kin of Theaeus, is brought into relation 
with the share which they have as the 

'starters' (d<p€T7jpi.oi) in the games at 
Lacedaemon. — It is interesting to ob- 
serve that a like echo occurs in the 
First Pythian. The fourth line of the 
2nd antistrophos begins 

8s tovt e <p e ir e l % opos, 
and the fourth line of the 3rd antistrophos 

vvv ye p.av rav QCKoKT-qrao dixav e<p€wwv. 
39. djjia>9etr|v K.T.X.] schol. iyw, (pr/ai, 
KaTa^iwOdrjv tuiv wepl QpdcrvKXov Kal 
'Avriav avyyevrjs we ev rip "Apyet. dtdyeiv 
Kal frr/v, ivda ovk dv dirapprjaiao-Tos dteri- 
Xecra ovde Kdrw fiXiirwv Kal KpvwTUiv 
e/xavTov rb eXevdepov. 01 yap vikuivtss 
/xerd Trappycrlas avu) ftXe'-rrovTes fiab~Li;ovcnv , 
ot 5e r]TT7]p.ivoL 5ta ttjv aio~)(bvr\v °^X 


€<iv jjvyyovos, were I a kinsman. /xr} 
KpvirTeiv (/>dos is expressed posi- 
tively in Nem. VII. 66 (5epKe<r6ai Xa/x- 

41. viKac}>op£cu$ k.t.X.] The reading 
of the mss. is : 

viKa<popiaicn yap ocrais iinroTpbcpov acrrv 
rb UpoiToio k.t.X. Boeckh read viKa- 
(popiais yap oaais Upoiroio too' 'nnroTp6<poi> 
daTV, Hermann vixafiopiais yap ocrais 
liriroTpocpov daTV to abv, Upolre, ddXrjaev. 
Bergk remarks 'non Argos, sed victoriae, 
quas maiores Theaei...rettulerunt, prae- 
dicandae', and reads (ed. 4) viKa<popiais 
yap occus HpolTOib t' dv 1 IviroTpbcpov daTV 
6dXy)<rav (the accidental omission of r' 
dv' would lead to the change of ddXijaav 
to 0<x\i7crei/).— The 'reason' for Bergk's 
emendation will hardly recommend itself. 
Leaving aside for a moment the difficulty 
presented by &'<rcus, we can see nothing 
suspicious in the sentence. By victories 
the horse-rearing city, of Proetus, burst 
into bloom (won crowns) at Corinth on the 
inland gulf and at the hands of the men 



aaTv daKrjaev Kopu0ov r iv fivyoU, Kal KXecovaiwv 7rpo? dvhpwv 


of Cleonae (at Nemea), four times. For 
6a\iw cf. Ncm. IV. 88 (in Rumpel's 
Lexicon Pindaricum, the quantity is 
wrongly marked short). — Some trans- 
position however seems necessary, for the 
line as it stands in the MSS. ends in the 
middle of a word (IIpoiT-oto). I have 
adopted, as simplest, the proposal of 
Boeckh, though I confess that I regard 
such transpositions as suspicious. Her- 
mann's conjecture need not be enter- 
tained, as it has no support from either 
MSS. or scholia. The scholium is : 

■wbciais yap 'unroTpo(piai.s, (pTjffiv, avTt) i] 
7r6X(S owe Z9a\\ev 7/ tov Upoirov, tovto 
ixiv iv t£ KopLvdiui 'ladp.i2 tovto M iv t-q 
Ne/j.ia TeTpcuas viKrjaaaa ' k.t.X. 

It is clear that oaais is inconsistent 
with TeTp&Kis, and the unmetrical viKcupo- 
piaio-L in the mss. points also to an ancient 
corruption in this spot, ocrats was sub- 
stituted for another word, which was not 
intelligible. I believe that this word was 

vLKacpoplais yap ah 
became mciri gratia 

VLKa(popiaio~L yap ah 
and then sc7isus gratia 

viKacpopiaiai yap ocrcus. 

If this be so the problem is to deter- 
mine the origin of ah, and here the scho- 
lium comes to our help. The scholiast 
evidently had a different text before him ; 
he read neither vina<po piaiai nor liriroTpb- 
(poi>, but Serais yap 'nriroTpocpiais or 'nnroTpo- 
<j>iais yap otrcus, the line being probably 
filled up by words corresponding to ovk 
and avTT) in his note. We must inquire, 
what could have elicited 'nriroTpoQlcus from 
lTnroTpb<povl It is clear that, if the article 
rats preceded 'nnroTp6<pov, there would 
have been a very strong temptation to 
alter the adjective to a dative plural. 
This consideration places the solution in 
our hands, reus arose from ercus, just as 

in I. 11 above tov arose from irdv. 

As for the meaning, ercus is peculiarly 
suitable here. The victories referred to 
were clearly won in chariot-races, as the 
close collocation of 'nnroTpocpov indicates. 
Thus they were viica-(popiai, in the literal 
sense of the word ; the horses, as it were, 
bearing Victory like a charioteer. In the 
case of running, wrestling and other non- 
equestrian contests, vu<a<popia could not 
bear this literal sense, hah expresses 
this shade of meaning; I have already 
referred to Mr VerralPs elucidation of 
€tv/j.6s and eTrjTv/j.os. 

Another consideration weighs in favour 
of era?s. I have explained fully in the 
Introduction (above, p. 189 sq.) how Pin- 
dar establishes a comparison between the 
mythical glories of Argos and the special 
glories of the kinsfolk of Theaeus. This 
comparison is carried out by responsions 
between the first strophe and antistrophos, 
and the third strophe and antistrophos. 
Observe : 

11. 1, 2 XdpiTes 1. 38 Xapireaai 

1. 3 gpyov Opaaiuv 1. 39 iuv Qpaov- 

eveKev k\ov 

1. 3 /j.vpLai.s 1. 45 dXXa x a ^ K0V 

1. 4 fiak-pa 1. 46 fjiaKpoTipasyap 

1. 5 ao-TTj 1. 47 vxj/ipaTOi wb- 

The import of these responsions has 
been set forth in the Introduction. They 
form a strong confirmation of ercus in the 
fifth 1. of the third strophe, corresponding 
to irbv, Bergk's certain restoration in the 
fifth line of the second antistrophos. As 
the choice of Zeus established the ex- 
cellence of Argos ' the city of Danaus ' 
in women, so the victories of Thrasyclus 
and Antias establish the excellence of 
Argos ' the city of Proetus ' in horses. 
The Homeric epithet of Argos is (V- 




^,iku(ov60€ 8' dpyvpwOevres crvv olvr]pat<; (pidXais direjBav, dvr. 7'. 
e'/c he TleWdvas eirteacrdpievoi vtorov fxaXa/caicn tcpo/cats' 
aWd ^oXkov puvpiov ov hvvarov 45 

e^eXeyXetv' fia/cporepas yap dpidfirjaai a^okci?. 
ovre K\eiTcop Kal Teyea Kal 'A^aicov v^lfiaTOi noA-ies 
Kal Avtcacov Trap Ato? Oijtce hoficp crvv ttoScov ^ecpcov re vacdcraj 

43. ap"yvpw0€VT£s] For the prize at 
the chariot-race of Sicyon, see Nem. ix. 
51. Just as in 1. 22 the contest whose 
prize is a bronze shield is named a bronze 
contest, so the victors in a race rewarded 
by silver cups are said to be silvered. 
dire'Pav, schol. deexcipTjcrae iwl to "Apyos. 
The Aldine ed. has iiriflav. 

44. (K 8e IltXXdvas] Schol. riderai 5e 
iraxia ipdria iv TLeWrivr) dyvacpa' 8vo~x e ^ m 
pepoi 8e oi t6ttoi. vepKppaariKuis Se ttjv 
yXavlba pa\aKT]v HpSicr/v eTwe' Kal iripudi 

\pvxpa.v ottot' ei/Siavbv (pa.pp.aKov ai/pdv 

HeWdva vapixei [01. IX. 97, MSS. 
TleWdva, or a, <pipe]. 

i£,t\iy\tiv] to test by measure. Schol. 
\ifir\ra yap irip-Covro iv voWois tujv ayu- 
vu)v Kal dawi8a xaX/CTyc. 

47. KXeiTwp k.t.X.] It is supposed 
that the games at Clitor were called 
Kopeia, from the Kopyj (Persephone) who 
was there worshipped with her mother ; 
see Pausanias vui. 21. 2. At Tegea 
were held the'AXecua in honour of Athene ; 
see Pausanias vm. 47. 3. Cf. Hermann, 
Lehrbnch der Gottesdienstlichen Alter- 
thinner der Griechen (ed. Stark) p. 336, 
and Curtius, Peloponn., I. 254, 273. — For 
the high situate cities of Achaea cf. B 


oi' 9' 'TTrepijairjv re Kal alwuvty Tovoea- 

JleXK-qv-qv r e1x ov V$' A'iyiov dpcpevi- 


It is not known in what cities games 
were held. In many Achaean towns 
(Dyme, Tatrae, Aegium, Tritaea, as well 
as Pellene) there were temples of Athena, 
and perhaps in some her worship was 

attended with gymnastic contests (see 
Pausanias vn. 17 et sqq.). 

48. Avkcuov] The temple of Zei'>s 
AvKaios in Arcadia. Pausanias (vin. 38. 
5) describes this strange ripevos, in which 
men and beasts were said to cast no 
shadows : Zaodos 8i ovk 'iariv is avrb 
dvdpwirois. For games at Lycaeum, cf. 
Simonides, 155 (Bergk P. L. G. in. 
p. 501), where a list of victories is 
given, among the rest 8vo 8' iv AvKaly. 
— 0tJk£ vikcio-ch means set as frizes to 
win. crvv goes with adivei, by dint of 
the strength. 

The scholiast has confused the sense of 
the passage, and copyists have corrupted 
the text, through the idea that 8popu> 
(so mss.) belonged to the latter part of the 
sentence. B has ttoSwv re xeipGiv re, so 
that Spopip Troduiv should balance x €l P^ v 
adivei. D attempts to rectify the metre, 
without due consideration of the meaning, 
by omitting re after x eL puv. The note of 
the scholiast is : 6V Kal rb AvKaiov idrjKe 
Xa\Kov irapd ra tov Aids (3wpui toIs Svva- 
pivois viKijcrai avv iroduv adivei, Spbpcp, 
Kal xetpwj' adivei, irdX-rj Kal irayKpariu) Kal 
wyprj. — From bvvapivois Mommsen de- 
duced oaetaiv which he substitutes for 
dpopip aiiv; but the participle in the 
scholium is merely an elucidation of the 
infinitive construction. M. Schmidt fol- 
lowing in the same track and regarding 
bpopup as a gloss on irobCiv adivei, reads 
diXovaiv irobwv k.t.X. Rauchenstein ob- 
jecting to avv proposed opopoiaiv. Bergk 
has r iv'iKaaav, the subject of the verb 
being the ancestors of Theaeus, and takes 
avv not with adivei but with the verb. 



KaaTopor, 8' £\66vTO<; eVl %evlav Trap Ylaficpdr] 
Kai Kacn<yvr)rov UoXvSev/ceos, ov Oav/xa acplcriv 
6776V 69 efifiev de0\r]Tai<i d<ya6ol<nv' eVet 
evpuftopov ra/xlac ^Trdprwi dyoovcov 
pbo'ipav 'Fipfxa /cat avv 'Hpa/cXel hieirovrt OdXetav, 

67T. 7 . 


In regard to Bergk's emendation it 
may be observed that it is gratuitous to 
change viKaaat, and in regard to his 
explanation of avv, there is the serious 
objection that cvvviKdv means to take part 
in a victory, a sense inappropriate here. 
abv signifying by means of is characteristi- 
cally Pindaric, and may be supported, 
for example, by evi aiiv rpoiry in Nem. 
vil. 14. The proposals of Mommsen 
and Rauchenstein are due to a too curious 
examination of the scholiast's words. 

The only difficulty lies in Trap dpofxip, 
which is hardly explicable, ev dpo/xuj 
is required and Bergk's citation wapa. 
Tvpavvldi is not a parallel. I have 
ventured to print 86|xw, for though in 
ordinary circumstances S6/j.C{i would be 
more likely to usurp the place of 8p6p.(p 
than conversely, here dpofiip insinuated 
itself into the text from a gloss on woSuv 
cdiva with the utmost facility, or perhaps 
came not from a written, but, so to speak, 
from a mental gloss, a copyist 'correcting' 
86fxui, in view of the context, as an 
obvious clerical error. For 56/j.os used 
of a temple, see Act;, vil. 46, Pyth. vn. 
10. — A parallel passage in Pyth. x. 23 
merits quotation : 

8s a.v xtpvlv V irobwv apery Kparrjaais 

to. /xtyitTT' did~\uv 'i\ri To\p.a re /cat 

49. eirl %tv(av k.t.X.] to the home of 
Pamphaes, seeking friendly entertainment. 
Pamphaes was a remote ancestor of 
Theaeus' mother. Many epiphanies were 
attributed to the Tyndarids , for example 
they were said to have appeared in a 
battle fought at Sagra between the 
Locrians and Crotoniates. The story of 
the rescue of Simonidcs at the court of 
Scopas is well known. 

50. ov 6av|xa cr4>£<riv k.t.X.] No 
marvel that it should be a quality of their 
race to be good athletes. <r<pi<riv, the 
persons spoken of in the preceding strophe 
and antistrophos. 2|i|«v, as Mezger point- 
ed out, does double duty, linking (1) 
davfia with eyytvis, (2) eyyevis with 
dedXyTais dyadolaiv. 

51, 52. «T£i k.t.\.] The Dioscori were 
regarded as patrons of gymnastic contests. 
In Sparta they were worshipped as 
'Starters': irpbs de rod dp6p.ov rrj cipxy 
AwcrKovpol t{ elcnv 'A(peT7)pioi, Pausanias 
III. 14. 7. They were related to have 
won victories in the Olympic games, 
Castor in the footrace, Polydeukes in 
boxing (Pausanias v. 8. 4), and their 
altar stood at the entrance of the Olympic 
hippodrome (ib. 15. 5). They also con- 
tended in the stadion of Hermione (Pausa- 
nias, 11. 34. 10). .These links with the 
games instituted by Heracles and with 
Hermione, explain 'E^a koX gvv 'Hpa- 

To the Dioscori was ascribed the in- 
vention of the war-dance in Sparta (see 
Athenaeus IV. 14 c; schol. Pind. Pyth. 
V. 12S), and thus the epithet tvpv\6pov 
{spacious for dancing) in this context is 
seen to be peculiarly appropriate. Pindar 
applies the adjective also to Asia (01. vn. 
18), Libya [Pyth. iv. 43), and Argos 
(Pyth. vni. 55). For jAotpav o/ywv«v cf. 
01. VI. 79 8s dywvas ^x et P-otpdv t di6\oiv. 
For 8i€irovTi and OdXeiav see above, note 
on 1. 37, and Introduction p. 190. 

Render : For the guardia?is of Sparta's 
spacious dancing-floor, with Hermes and 
Heracles, order games, their graceful 
charge, and for just men they care ex- 
ceedingly. Yea verily, the gods are sure. 



fld\a /xev dvBpwv Si/caiwv irepiKaBcfxevoi. /ecu fxdv 6ewv irtarov 


crrp. 8'. 
fierafieL(36fj,evoi 8' ivaWdi; dfxepav rav fiev irapd irarpl <p(,\a> 55 
A l ve/xovrai, rav 6° virb fcevOeai yalas iv yvdXoi? Qepdirva*;, 
Trbrpiov d/A7TL , 7r\dvTe<i op,olov' eVet 
tovtov rj trdpuTcav #ed? e/Afievai ol/celv r ovpava) 
eiXer alcova (pOifievov TloXv&evfcr]*; Ka'crropo? iv TroXefMp' 
rov <ydp "iSa? dfitpl ftovalv 7TO)9 %oXeodel<i erpcoae' ^a/V/cea? 

X6y%a<; died. 60 

54. fxdXa n«'v] ixei> implies another 
clause, unexpressed and unnecessary, ov 
dt avSpQv 6.8'ikwv irepiKadofxevoi. One of 
the functions of the Tyndaridae was the 
saving and helping of men; see Introduc- 

0€wv] For the responsion of 6euiv 1. 
18 and the echo of Trior bv in 1. 78 see 
Introduction, pp. 191 and 195. 

55. fA€Tajx£ip6(i€voi] Passing from 
heaven to Hades and back again; eva\- 
Xa£, day about (schol. ivaW&craovTes ras 
TJ/xepas). Compare X 301, 

rovs ap.<pw j"woi>5 KCLTixti <pvai£oos ala 
ot Kal vtpdev yrjs Tifxrjv irpbs t Lt\vo% 

i-X 0VTe s 
a/Wore /x£v £wowr' eT€prj/xfpoL, aXXore 8' 

TeOvacnv, ti/j.t)v 5e \e\6yxaaiv lea deoicn. 
Pytli. XI. 94 viol 6euv to /iti> Trap' a/xap 
edpaiai Qepdirvas rb 8' oiKeovres Zvbov 
'OXv/jlttov. Also r 243. 

56. vtto K€u0«<j-i k.t.X.] in the subter- 
ranean hollows of Thcrapna (schol. ivroh 
inroydois rrjs Qepawvas). virb KevOeai = iv 
irtroyeiois KevOeai. yija\a occurs in Pyth. 
viii. 61 of the vales of Pytho. Compare 
Alcman frag. 5 virb rrjv yr\v tt}s Qepdirvrjs 
elvai \4yovTau fwvres. 

d|ATrnrXdvT€s] eking out, fulfilling. 

iird k.t.X.] For when Castor perished 
in 7c>ar, Polydeukes preferred this way of 
life to being completely a god and dwelling 
in heaven. «i'\«TO takes rj like a compa- 


60. tov "yap "ISas k.t.X.] Schol.: 
'the tale is as follows: Lynceus and Idas, 
the sons of Aphareus wooed Phoebe and 
Hilaria, the two daughters of Leucippus, 
and at the marriage festivities invited the 
Dioscori to the banquet. But they carried 
off the maidens and fled, and the bride- 
grooms pursued. And a battle took place 
between the sons of Aphareus and the 
Dioscori, for the matter of the marriage, and 
Castor is slain. Then Polydeukes slew 
both, Zeus assisting him in the work and 
sending lightning against them. But, 
according to Pindar's version, the quarrel 
arose not on account of brides, but on 
account of driving away oxen'. 

In making the matter a dispute about 
oxen, Pindar agrees with the Cypria, 
frag. 9. The four heroes made a joint 
raid in Arcadia and stole a herd of oxen. 
Idas and his brother managed to drive 
the whole herd to Messenia, but Castor 
and Polydeukes went in pursuit and in 
turn appropriated the whole spoil. This 
was the cause of the ire of Idas, tov is 

aKa] Here and in /Vein. VI. 52 aixp-q- 
is found in the MSS. where it is metrically 
impossible. Editors with one accord 
read aK/xq.. But had aKfig., a common 
word, been originally written, it would 
never have been altered. I therefore 
restore the rare word olk6. in both pas- 
sages (see note on New. VI. 52). In 
Isthin. in. 69 cu'xA"?> which editors after 




dirb Tavyerov treBavya^wv tBev Avy /cev<; Spvds ev areXe^et, dvr. &'. 
rjixevos. /cei'vov yap eiriyQovlcov iravrwv yever o^vrarov 
ojjbfjia. \ai">\rr)pol<i he TroSeaatv a<f>ap 

Pauwius used to change to aK/ia, has been 
rightly defended by Christ. 

61. diro Tav-yeTOv k.t.X.] Spying from 
Taygetus Lynceus saw them sitting in the 
trunk of an oak. — Asyndeton in narrative 
is characteristic of Pindar ; cf. below 
1. 75.- — The MSS. have irbb' airya^'wj'. 
ireSav-ya^wv is the excellent correction of 
Triclinius. 7re5- has the same force as 
fiera. in : looking for them. 
Mr Fennell ingeniously proposed irepav- 

62. rj|i€vos] mss. TJ/xevos, corrected by 
Didymus. Thiersch attempted to improve 
on this by writing Tj/J.e'vic. — Aristarchus 
read rj/xevov (which Bergk accepted in his 
latest ed.), in order, ace. to the schol., 
to make Pindar's story agree with the 
account in the Cypria. But, as Didymus 
pointed out, the tale in the Cypria (see 
below) represents both brothers in the 
oak. It seems probable that the words 
7f\9e A-qbas 7ra?s BiiliKwv misled Aristarchus 
into the idea that Castor and Polydeukes 
were not together, when the deadly stroke 
was dealt. But $X9e is relative to the 
place which the assailants had reached in 
their flight, not to the oak. From a 
critical point of view rffiivos is impreg- 
nable. ij/jLevov would never have become 
TJfievos, whereas rifxe'vos could hardly have 
avoided such a corruption without the 
intervention of a miracle. — As the 
scholia on this line are of considerable 
interest and have excited much discus- 
sion among German scholars, the space 
required for their reproduction will not 
be misexpended. .Schol. 6 /xev 'Aplcr- 
rapxos d^iol ypd<peiv f/pievov, aKoXovOus 
rrj ev rots Kvwplois Xeyo/x4vTj icropia' 6 
yap ra Kvvpta crvyypd\f/as (prjcrl rbv 
KdffTopa ev rrj 5pvt Kpv<p6lvra ocpOrjvai 
virb AvyKe'ws" rrj be avrrj ypa<f>rj Kal 
' A woXXbbwpos [see Bibliotheca ill. n, -2] 

KaT7}Ko\ov9r)o~e. rrpbs oils (pycri Albv/xos ' 
apupore'pwv virb rrj bpvt Xox&vtwv, rod re 
Kdcrropos Kal rov HoXvbei'iKovs, fxbvov 6 
AvyKevs rbv Kdcrropa eTbe ; firjirore ovv 
(p-qcri beiv dvayivwo~Keiv ttjv irapaX-qyoveav 
ovWafirjv o^vrbvws r/fxe'vos ws j]pp.ivos tva 
Kar dfupolv axov-qrai' tbe AvyKevs dpvbs 
ev <rreXex et rj/xevos, dvrl rod i)[xe'vovs, br]Xov- 
ori robs AiOffKovpovs' tlis deXXoiros Kal 
rpirros' oi'x ebos earl, yepaie, dvrl rod ovx 
ebovs. § waparidevrai [iraparifferai ?] 8e 
Kal rbv rd Kvwpia ypd\j/avra ovrw Xeyovra 
alxpa 8t AvyKevs 
Trjvyerov trpooifiaive irocrlv rax^ecrcri 

rreiroidihs ' 
aKporarov b' dvapas biebipKero vrjerov 

TavraXibov UtXoTros, rdxa S' eicribe 
Kvbl/XOS yjpws 

b^ecriv 6(p6aXfxoicriv &rw koLXtjs dpvbs 

Kdcrropa 0' ItrTroba/xov Kal dedXocpopov 

vv^e 5' dp' a7xt eras fxeydXrjv bpvv 
Kal rd e£??s. ° ^ v ovv Kdarwp eXoxa rbv 
"lbav, tpT)o~iv [Didymus], ev ko'lXt] Spvl Kpv- 
<f>6els Kal rbv AvyK^a' b be Ai'-y/cei'S b^vbepKrjs 
ibv ware Kal bid XWwv Kal bid yijs rd 
yivo/xeva fiXe'Treiv iduv did rrjs dpvbs rbv 
Kdcrropa erpwae Xoyxv- 

K€ivov -yap k.t.X.] For of all men 
on earth his eye was keenest; cf. Swin- 
burne's 'keenest eye of Lynceus' (Ata- 
lanta in Calydon, p. 52). 

63. Xaix|/r|pois k.t.X.] And with storm- 
ing feet they arrived speedily, and con- 
trived swiftly a great deed, and underwent 
sore usage, those sons of Speed, by the 
handlings of Zeus. There is a play on 
the name 'Afyapevs, which Pindar con- 
nected with dtpap, and interpreted Sudden 
or Speedy. It will be observed that 
words noting speed are mustered : Xai\pr]- 
pots, &(j>ap, wkIus, 'Arpapr/rXSai, avrUa. 



e^iKecrOav, Kal fieya Vepyov i/xT/cravr (OKeco<;, 

teal irddov heivbv Trakafiais ' A(f>apr)Ti8ai Ato?' avrUa yap 65 
tjXde Ay]8a<i ttcils 8lwkwv' tol 8 , evavra ardOev TVfiftw a^eSov 
nrarpwiw ' 

evOev dpTrdgavTe? ayaXfi 'At'Sa, ^earov irerpov, eV. 8'. 

efifiaXov arepvw T\oXv8evKeo<;' aXX' ov viv <pXdaav, 
ov8' avkyaatrav i(f)opfA,a0el<; 8' dp' aKovrt dow 
rjXaae Avy/ceos ev irXevpalac ^aXicov. JO 

Zeu? 8' eV "18a 7rvp<fi6pov rrXage yfroXoevra icepavvoV 
dfia 8 1 ixaiovT iprj/noi. ^aXeTrd S' epis dvdpanrois 6/xiXeiv 

For Xauf/rjpoh cf. Pyth. ix. 121 <f>vye Xai- 
\p7)pbv dpoftov, and 01. XII. 4 Xai\J/r]pol 
iroXeixoi, storming rears. — The form 'A<pa- 
pr|Ti8at is noticeable. It seems to imply 
a nominative 'Acpdprjs (Gen. -tjtos) or 
'A<pap7)Tos, but of such forms there seems 
to be no trace. From 'A<papevs we should 
expect ' Acpapelbrjs or' Arpaprjiddrjs. 

c(j.rjo-avT" is Schmid's correction of 
efj.vrjcra.vT' D, eiivr)aa.T BR. — For the 
responsion of ira\a|j.ais to the same word 
in 1. 5 see Introduction, p. 194. The best 
comment on TraXd/xri in this context is 
Pindar's own coinage xvpirdXafiov 
fliXos opcTLKTuirov Aios, 01. X. 80. 

65. chjtikci Yap K.r.\.] For instantly 
came the son of Leda (Polydeukes) in 
pursuit. But they were stationed over 
against them, hard by their father s tomb; 
from the which having snatched a headstone 
of Hades, a polished rock, they hurled it 
at the chest of Polydeukes ; but they did 
not fell him nor force him to flinch ; nay, 
rushing upon them with rapid lance he 
drave home the brass in the sides of 

o-)(€86v in Pindar is always used of local 

67. a-yaXp.' 'AtSa] A stele in honour 
of Hades. Schol. <TTr)Xrjv evbs twv Keifievuv 
dpTrdaavres dirb tov rvfijiov rod Trarpbs 
avrwv 'Acpaptus. Dissen compares fie'Xos 
'Atda (Qprjvos) in Euripides, Elcctra 143, 

and other similar phrases. 

For the significance of this incident 
see above, Introduction, p. 194 sq. 

68. IIo\v8evK€Os] This word occurs 
in 1. 50, the second verse of 3rd epode, 
and in the same position in the verse. 

Kal KacnyvrjTOv HoXvdevKeos (50) 

ZnfiaXov arepvy HoXvdevKeos (68). 
See Introduction, p. 195. 0\dw like dXdco 
is a word appropriate to boxing. — The 
active of x<*$*°M a ' occurs in Xenophon, 
Anabasis IV. 1, 12. dv€'xa<r<rav (schol. 
VTroxuprjaai els roinvicroi irewoi-qKaaiv) was 
restored by Wakefield for dv(ax a<xav D 
(and MSS. of Triclinius) and dvixo-oav 

71. Zevs 8' €ir' T8a k.t.X.] And Zeus 
whirled against Idas a fiery bolt of lurid 
(or sooty) lightning; and in the lonely place 
they were consumed together. — irvp(p6pos 
(ignifer) and ypoXbeis are a7ra^ eiprjp.e'va in 
Pindar ; and no part of irX-qcrcdj occurs 
elsewhere in his extant works. The 
sense of irXd^e here (not strike, but cast 
or hurl for a stroke) is also unusual. 

Schol. 6 de Zei)s irvp<f)bpov Kal recppubri 
Kepavvbv irpoaipp-q^ev d/J.<poTepois, b/xov S£ 
eKaiovro epr/fAiodevTes. 

72. xaXerrd 8' £pis k.t.X.] For men, a 
strife with stronger than they is difficult 
to encounter. Compare 01. XI. 39 ve~iKos 
Se Kpeocrbvwv aTrodecrt)' diropov. 

14 — 2 



crrp. e . 
Ta^eox? K eV dSeXfaov ftlav ttciXiv ywpr\aev b TvvSapiBas, 
kcl'i vlv ovitco reOvaor, dcrOpari Se cppiaa-ovra Trvocis eKi^ev. 
Oepfxa reyycov Satcpv' dpa rrrova^ai^ 75 

opdiov (fxovaae' Udrep YLpovLwv, ti? Sr) Xvaa 
eaaercu nrevOewv ; iced efiol Odvarov avv tg38' iirLTeikov, ava%. 
oXyerat ri/xd <pl\a)v rarcopLeva) <^a>ri' wax/pot, 8' iv nrovcp iriaroi 

74. KaC viv k.t.X.] And he found him 
not yet dead, but with a gasp shuddering 
through his jaws. 

BB (Pp'ktgovt' a/j-woas £/ax f , D <ppi<r- 
govt dvaTri>ods ^/cix 6 - Schmid read <ppi<r- 
ffovTa nvoas iKix^v. From the reading of 
the scholium in D t&s 5£ 701'as [B irvods] 
uwo\l/vxpov/x£i>as virb ttjs (ppiKTjs, Mommsen 
restores both in the scholium and in the 
text 7eVi>s (or 76* Das). Compare Nonnus, 
Dionysiaca XXV. 534 ko.1 \j/vxpa.?s ytvvecrai 
ira\i/Airvoov dcrO/xa nralvwv (quoted by 
Abel in note on scholia, p. 325). I fail 
to see (1) why yivvs should have been 
corrupted to 7oeas (indeed 701'as has 
rather the appearance of a blur) and (2) 
why ylvvs should have been altered in 
the text and left no trace. — The true 
reading is clearly irvods, restored by 
Schmid ; dfiirvods was a very natural 
gloss, subsequently regarded as a correc- 
tion and introduced into the text. Just 
as axoal was used in the sense of ears and 
6'i//«s in the sense of eyes, so 7reods here 
means the regions of breath; and this 
meets the objection that Qplaouv can be 
used only of parts of the body {(pplaoeiv 
de membris vel partibus corporis dici so/et, 
Bergk). For a vowel short before irv 
see Ncm. III. 41 aXXa irviuv. 

75. Gepfid a-.t.X.] B15 Oepp-d 5t rtyywv, 
D 6ep/j.d 5t riywv. Various proposals 
have been made for the restoration of the 
metre. Schmid Oep/ud dij riyywv, Schneid- 
ewin Oepfid dt ordfav, Hermann Oep/xd 
ot oriyuv. Bergk saw that the corrup- 
tion more probably lay in the latter part 
of the line, 54 being an insertion, partly 

to fill up the complement of sylla- 
bles, partly to supply the usual transi- 
tionary particle. He first proposed to 
read dvd OTovaxais, dvd belonging to 
(pibvacre ; but in his 4th ed. reads Sdxpv' 
D7r6 o-TOfaxa??, tears falling to the sound 
of groans. He does not however explain 
how D7r6 fell out. 

In forming a judgment on the passage, 
four points occur; (1) the effect is bet- 
tered by the absence of 6V ; (2) arovaxcus 
almost requires a preposition ; (3) in the 
two other places in Pindar where Sdxpv 
occurs, Pyth. IV. 121, frag. 122, 3, the 
first syllable is long ; (4) 5tj is improbable 
as it occurs in the following line. I there- 
fore propose 

0ep/J.d rtyyuv ddxpv' d/xa orovaxaiis 
lacrimas inter gemitus fundens, shedding 
warm tears and making moan. 


was probably read ddxpufia or SaKpufiara 
and afterwards corrected to Saxpna. — ctto- 
vaxd does not occur elsewhere in Pindar. 
Compare Soph. Trach. 848 riyyeiv 8a- 
Kpvuiv axvav. 

76. opGiov <j>covacrt] lifted up his voice, 
or cried with a loud voice, ' father, 
Cronos 1 son, when, when will there be 
deliverance from my sorrows ? Upon me 
too, lord, lay the charge of death along 
with him. Honour clean forsakes a man 
wheti he is reft of his friends. But hi 
the hour of need feiv mortals are true, to 
take a share in the travail of a comrade''. 

78. iravpoi k.t.X.] For responsions cf. 
11. 24 and 54. The scholia explain 7ra0- 
poi as really meaning an absolute negative: 



avT. e 

Kafxarov /j,eTaXafji(3(iveiv. &W evveire' Zei)<? 8' avrlos fj\v0e Fot 
/cat t6& i^avSacr' eVo?' EoW /tiot vio<> ' rovhe 8' eTrena 7ro<xt9 80 
airepfia Ovarov fiarpl Tea ireXdaais 
ard^eu rjpw$. aAA' dye rcovSe too ep,irai> aipecnv 
7rapSl8co/ub ' el fxev Odvarov re cpvywv /cal yrjpa<; dnre-^doixevov 
avros olKelv atTo? OvXv/attov 6e\ea avv r ' ' KOavaia KeXauveyyel 
r "A pet' 

avTi toO ovSe oXiyoi.' ws /cal trap 0/x- 


7j bXiyov 01 iratcJa e'ot/cora Tv- 


79. avisos t|'Xv0€ Foi] I have printed 
the reading of D, but it is remarkable 
that BB have avrla. I am inclined to 
believe that Pindar wrote dvrl' iXrjXvffi 
foi, the perfect tense vividly expressing 
that Zeus has already drawn nigh while 
Polydeukes is still speaking. eAeAyBe 
was liable to become rjXvtfe, and the 
divergency of the MSS. would thus be 
accounted for. The fact that eXrjXvOa 
(though occurring in Herodotus) is not 
found elsewhere in Pindar makes me 

80. tijavSeur ] Observe that avSav is 
used here and in 89 of the utterance of a 

€<ro-£ fxoi vlos k.t.X.] My son thou art ; 
but after me the hero, her lord, approached 
thy mother and begat him with drops of 
mortal seed. JireiTa is used as if / begat 
thee had preceded. tov8« air£pp.a ard^ev 
= roude Haireipe (cf. \f/rj<povs tdevro with 
an object, — i\f/rj(piaavT0, in Agamemnon, 
1. 816, according to the usual explana- 
tion). — 0-Tripp.a. dvarbv contrasts with the 
<rire pp.' dddfiavrov of 1. 17. <rTa£ev is the 
correction of Pauw for 'iara^ev of the 


82. dX\' — ?|xirav] Notwithstanding 
the fact that thy brother is a mortal. 
dye has a consolatory force, Twvdi rot 
dipeaiv Trap8idwp.t, I place these courses at 
the disposition of thy choice. 

83. ■yrjpas dir€x0o|j.€vov] loathed eld, 
a notion characteristically Greek. 

84. avTos k.t.X. ] The mss. have 
avrbs "OXvfxTrov edeXeis avv t 'AOavaia 


a line metrically defective. If we read 
OvXvp.vov 0Aets we require four addi- 
tional syllables, either after OeXeis (- - - -), 

or before OuXvp.wov ( -) ; and the 

sense demands a verb signifying to dwell. 
The scholiast shews that he had such an 
infinitive in his text, by the paraphrase av- 
rbs f3ovXei tov ovpavov o'lKeiv avv ep.ol /cat 
'A9r]va~ /cat "Apei, words which have been 
thought to point to efiol or some equivalent 
before avv. Benedictus accordingly inserted 
oiKelv i/J.ol. Boeckh valeiv ep.oi after QeXeis. 
Schmid read OvXvpnrov /carot/cvycrat 6eXeis, 
Mommsen OvXv/j.ttov vip-eiv p.iXXei.% ep.0'1, 
Kayser voeh oiKelv ep.oi, Ilartung avvoiKtiv 
p,0L e#Aets. 

Among all these conjectures there is 
little to choose, for not one of them pre- 
tends to account for the omission of the 
words supplied. It is clear that a verb 
meaning to dwell is required after deXeis, 
and it is safer to adopt oiKelv from the 
scholium than to guess a synonym. As 
for e/xoi, we may well believe that, as 
Boeckh said, the scholiast added that 
frigid avv tfiol out of his own head. — My 
restoration, printed in the text, explains 
the corruption as an instance of para- 

When he had written aiVos, the scribe 
glanced again at his 'copy', and his eye, 
falling not on the word he had written 

2I 4 


ecrri aol rovTOiv Xrt^o?" el 8e Kaaiyvr/rov Trepi 

fjbdpvaaat, irdvrwv Se voels diroSdaaaadai flaov, 

rjjjbicrv fiiv K6 irveois 70.1a? virevepdev ia>v, 

rj/jLicrv 8 ovpavov iv ^pvaeoi? hopboiaiv. 

oo<i ap* avSdcravTOS ov <yvoop:a harXoav diro fiovkdv. 

e7r. e . 


but on the almost identical clItos, passed 
on to OvXvfxTTov, so that the two words 
oiKtiv alros were omitted. OvXvpnrov was 
subsequently altered to OtiXvpnrov, as the 
object of diXeis. (For "OXvp.irov in the 
MSS., cf. 01. xiii. 92, where the MSS. 
have 'OXvp-mp for OvXvp.Tnp. ) 

The rare word a!ros occurs in 01. in. 
17, where the reading of the best MSS. 
has been rightly preserved by Bergk : 

wutto. <t>pov£<jiv Aids arm TravdoKip 

The word is recognized as Pindaric and 
explained by Eustathius 381, 27; X^yet 
5£ Kal llivdapos ev 'OXvfj.7uoviKa.1s KaivQs 
euros to ivdialrripa, olov Aid? oXtu trav- 
doKqj. Pindar uses his rare words delibe- 
rately, and part of my justification of alros 
is a demonstration how it contributes to 
render perspicuous the chain of thought. 
Theaeus' contention for Olympian honours 
answers to Polydeukes' contention for 
his brother's fellowship, as is indicated 
by irepi (d/iuXXarai) in 1. 31 answering 
exactly to iripi (papvacrai) in 1. 85. And 
there is a further parallel. For Poly- 
deukes it is possible to make two requests ; 
he chooses that which involves hardship. 
And so likewise Theaeus has a choice 
<>f prayers; it is said in line 30 that he 
does not ask amiss, but his heart has the 
will to endure travail, if need be. Well, 
Polydeukes would have asked amiss ( Trap- 
air eirai) if he had chosen the alros 
OvXiip-trov unreservedly, without the habi- 
tation underground ; just as Theaeus 
would ask amiss if he prayed for an 
Olympian victory, his alros OvXvp.irov, 
with a heart unprepared for toil, alros 
and irapaiTchai occur each in the last 
line of an antistrophos. It is well to 
observe that in the Third Olympian Ode 

also, the introduction of this word alros is 
the occasion of a paronomasia, there 
Ai'rwXo's (as I pointed out in Hermathena, 
1887, XIII. p. 187). 

KeXaiveyX 4 ^ T ' "Apti] Other epithets 
applied by Pindar to Ares are (HadvrroXe- 
/xos, /Stara's, x&XKeos (as in Homer), x&X- 
Kao-ms. On this passage Dissen writes 
' h.e. vivere in consortio bellicosorum 
deorum, ut ipse bella amas et gloriam 
bellicam '. For the connexion of Ares 
and Athena cf. Hymn. Horn. xi. 2 5eii>r)v 
rj avv "April /ueXet TroXeprjl'a Zpya. In the 
Homeric hymn (really an Orphic hymn, 
most probably) to Ares, he is called 
dopvo-devts epKos 'OXv/nrov (1. 3) and diKaio- 
Ta.Tuv dye (purQv (1. 5). — Swart applied 
to the war god's spear means bloody ; cf. 
KeXcuvefas ai/xa in I 36, peXavSerov <poi>u> 
£i'</>os in Euripides, Orestes 821, KeXaivbv 
^l<pos in Sophocles, Ajax 231, &c. 

85. &tti K.r.X.] it is thine to inherit 
this lot. Hermann gratuitously reads tQv 
fj.ei> for tovtuv, after p.ev tovtuv of the ed. 

d 8« K.r.X.] But if thou contendest for 
thy brother, and it be thy purpose to im- 
part to him a like share in all things, 
thou must draw half thy breath in places 
under earth and the other half in the 
golden halls of heaven. 

For fMapvapiai with rrepi Dissen com- 
pares II 497 adrap frreira kcu avrbs ep.ev 
Tripi p.dpvao x^X/cy . 

87. fjfj.uri>] Schol. to p.h i)p,L0-v TOV 
Xpovov ££as vrrb tt]v yrjv 5iarpi'/3wj/, rd 5e 
ijpuo-v if t<£ oupapui Kal rots TtpiLots tQv 
Oewv oikois. 

89. ov ■yvwfia. K.r.X.] Schol. ov Karepie- 
picOr) tttjv 7cw/x7jf 6 IIoXi/5ei'/c??s. Com- 
pare 01. VIII. 85 ei'xo/aat dp.<pl KaXuv 
poipq. vipeaiv dixoftovXov p.r) Oiptv. Poly- 

ava o eKvaev 

jxev 6(p6aXfi6i>, enecra Be 


cpcovdv ^aXKufJLLTpa 

deukes divided not the bent of his judg- 
ment, lit. set not two counsels in his 

90. dvdi k.t.X.] But he (Polydeukes — 
not Zeus, as is wrongly suggested in a 
scholium) unclosed the eye and then released 

the voice of brass-girdled Castor. This is 
the Xuffis prayed for in 1. 76. — The ixlrpa. 
was a woollen girdle plated with bronze. 
In Theocritus, xx. 136, Castor is ad- 
dressed as TaxvirwXe dopveraoe x a ^ Ke °0w- 




The island of Tenedos, noted for the beauty of its women — 'the most 
beautiful in the world,' an ancient writer said 1 — was perhaps a land of 
handsome men also ; two handsome men at least, commemorated in 
Pindar's verses, have survived the despites of time. In a skolion, admit- 
ting us to a secret of his personal life, he records the masterful, perhaps 
voluptuous, beauty of Theoxenus of Tenedos and its influence on his own 
'love-tost' soul, here suffering a rapture and expressing itself in rapturous 
words, which may be set beside the poem of Sappho, also fragmentary, 
addressed to a young girl. The colder and maturer comeliness of Arista- 
goras, nobly born in the same island, has been likewise thrown up from the 
sea of lost beautiful things, and still lives, visible at least to the imagination, 
through the accident that Pindar was invited to write a hymn for the 
occasion of his investiture with the office of President of his native city 2 . 

No man in Tenedos could have enjoyed a more enviable social position 
than Aristagoras. Among the ancient families there was one which traced 
its origin to the Peloponnesian city of Amyclae, from which at the time 
of the Dorian invasion a noble named Pisander had gone forth in company 
with Orestes himself, and sought a new home in the 'Trojan island,' at 
the head of a party of Aeolians, whom he had enlisted in Boeotia. One 
of the Theban adventurers who sailed to try his fortune with Pisander was 
Melanippus, a hero who had won some fame in legend by wounding 
Tydeus. The Melanippids and the Pisandrids were thus peers in claims 
to ancient nobility, and at a date which cannot be more closely deter- 
mined than as probably prior to 500 B.C. Arcesilaus a Pisandrid married 
a Melanippid lady. Their son Aristagoras had inherited from this noble 
ancestry a beauty of that lofty, physically intrepid type, which inspired Greek 

1 Nymphodorus quoted by Athenaeus, - The ceremony was called eicrtrripia. — 

Ilk. xm. 6oy E koX ~Sv/J.<p6du)pos 5' £v tiZ For this Ode, the only complete extant 

ttjs 'Acfos wtf>'nr\ip naWlovas (/>t](tl ytveaOai work of Pindar which is not an Epinician, 

tuiv iravTaxov yvvaiKwv tV T«^5y rrj see the general Introduction, section 2. 

TpWtKT? VqfflfJ. 


sculpture, lending itself well to repose, — statuesque or 'moveless' (arpf^'s) l . 
He had won sixteen triumphs in wrestling and that combination of wrestling 
and boxing which was called the pancration, at games held in neighbouring 
Asiatic cities, but had never contended in the greater Panhellenic festivals, 
restrained through some diffidence, ill-judged in Pindar's opinion, of his 

Excelling in beauty, and distinguished by success, truly of a somewhat 
provincial kind, the President {Prytanis\ — in the picture drawn by Pindar — 
accompanied by the Senate, enters the Public Dining-hall of the city to pro- 
pitiate Hestia with the sacrifices and libations, which were used to celebrate 
the annual installation of a President. In her shrine there was a statue of 
the goddess, with a golden sceptre in her hand, and here the chief citizens, 
who were themselves her only priests, might feel drawn together as members 
of a large family, standing round the public ' hearth.' A banquet was 
prepared, and perhaps, while the senators and their guests feasted, the hymn 
composed by Pindar was sung to the sound of lyres. 

This hymn falls into three parts. Hestia is invoked to welcome her 
worshippers, and to keep in glory and defend against perils during his year 
of office the new Pryjanis, who may perhaps have had grave cause to 
fear the outbreak of some domestic faction' 2 . The goddess is invoked to 
defend; but the man himself — really blessed by nature and fortune— is 
admonished that surpassing beauty, wealth and brave exploits cannot 
deliver a mortal from the supreme shroud of clay. The terms in which 
this gloomy fact is expressed suggest that Aristagoras was a 'glass of 
fashion' as well as a 'mould of form,' somewhat of an 'exquisite' perhaps in 
personal adornment, or studious at least to compose the folds of his tunic 
and mantle for displaying most becomingly the graces of his limbs. '■Let 
him remember that the limbs which he dresses are mortal and that the end 
of all his dressings will be a shroud of earth.' 

This is the first part of the hymn. The second tells what Aristagoras has 
done and what he has left undone. His brilliant victories deserve praise and 
song ; but a man of such quality might have confidently striven for crowns 
at Olympia or Castalia. The 'halting hopes of his parents' held him back, 
and Pindar, deprecating diffidence, as much as vain confidence, suggests 
a picture of one denied grasping the prizes he might attain, by a hand 
plucking him from behind — the hand of the faint heart, that, as we say, 
'never won fair lady.' 

In the third part of the ode the ancestry of Aristagoras is mentioned, with 
an implication that the blood of heroes, not perhaps perceptible in previous 

1 Such is the impression made on me - The strong phrase <rvv drpuru) Kpadlq. 

by Pindar's dayrbv eiSos arpe/xlaf re in 1. 10, combined with the significant 

avyyofov, where the felicity of drpe/xia is mention of good citizens in 1. 17, supports 

its double intent, signifying both physical Mezger's assertion Mass es an unruhigen 

and moral character. — The word moveless, Elementen in Tenedos niclit fehlte ' 

which I used above, served Wordsworth (p. 4S4). 
in a description of a swan. 

218 [NEMEAN] XL 

descendants, is at length reasserting its continued life in him. As in crops 
and trees, so in the generations of men, nature reserves her forces. It was 
strange (Pindar suggests) that his parents should be unaware of the heroic 
powers indwelling in their son ; for in his case the horoscope was super- 
ficially patent ; though generally such insight is hardly possible for mortals. 
Errors in this kind of divination more frequently move in the path of extra- 
vagant hopes, and in this connexion, by a subtle poetical enchantment there 
rises before us, dim and unobtrusive, a vision of life, as a sea, and men 
thereon sailing in ships, the which are great enterprises, bound on many 
quests, and driven by the wind of Fate. They are unable to desist from 
rowing, because they are chained to the oars of Hope ; and in the heaven, 
alas ! Zeus has set no sure pilot-star. Moreover the rivers of foreknowledge 
flow not into this sea, but have their course in other far regions. The 
vision vanishes ; and the conclusion is the doctrine of the Measure, the 
principle of all Greek wisdom, which regarded excessive desires, sighs for 
the unattainable, as a form of madness. 

It will be observed that the thread— the logical thread, we may say- 
round which this ode is spun, is curiously simple. In the first system we 
are reminded that the strong and fair are mortal ; this established, the 
second and third systems deal with the two great errors to which such 
mortals are exposed, undue diffidence and undue confidence, — the former, of 
course, the rarer and less harmful 1 . To catch and hold the Measure is 
really the problem of the art of life ; but the implied comparison of this art 
to that of guiding a ship without charts or fixed stars suggests gloomy 
forebodings touching the chances of the mariners. Here we have a glimpse 
of what we may call a resigned pessimism, latent in the depths of the Greek 
spirit, sometimes peering forth, ultimately proving an element of decay, but 
never, in early days, troubling its cheerfulness or impairing its grace. 

1 The consecution of thought is indi- 1. 48). I may add that Keveotppoves ai'xcu 

cated by dvard 1. 15, fiporuv 1. 29, dvarbv (29) are opposed to the true ai'x^ of 

1. 42. Mezger has noticed that oKvqpo- Aristagoras implied in /xeyauxei 7ra7- 

repat e\7r/5es in 1. 22 is the counter-phrase Kptxrly (21). 
to eXiridi in 1. 46 (followed by 6£i/repcu in 

INTR OB UCT/ON. 2 1 9 



v. \. (i. — ^ - w w — w w — w — w — A 7. 

7/. 2. CI . — \J v-' w w — w w 7- 


■y. 3- ^- — ^ w — w w - w w — ww — a 6. 

?/. 4. b'. — \j w w — A 6. 

£/. 5 • £ ~ w w — • — w — • | — w ww — A 8. 


1)1). I 2. £f. — ww — ww ww — ww — A ~ w ww-"- ww — — — w — A 13. 

£/?/. 3 — 4' "• — wv -' — ww — — — ww-— ww — — — ww — ww — — — ww — • — w — A 13. 

vv. 5 — 6. b. — w w w— a | — w w ww -ww- a 13. 

The rhythm of b, is so signally different from a, d, that, although it has 
the same fityedos, it is clearly meant to be epodic. The rhythmical con- 
struction of the first epode is adapted with singular felicity to the sense. 

The rhythm is dactylo-epitritic. 



Ual f Pea?, a re irpvTavela A-c^oy^a?, 'EcrTta, 
Zt]v6s v-fyiaTov Ka(Tiyvi]Ta Kal bfiodpovov "Upas, 
ev fiev ' ApiaTayopav 8e%cu Teov e? 0d\ap,ov, 
ev S' eralpovs ay\aw aKarrrw 7reX.a<i, 
01 ere yepedpovres opdav fyvXaacroKTLV TeveSov, 

iroXkd p,ev \oij3alo~LV dya%6p,evoi nrpoorav Oewv, 
TToXKd Be Kviaa- Xvpa Be a(pc fipefxerai Kal docSd' 

o-rp. a 

(ivt. a 

i. irpvTavtia X«XoYX a s] Schol. ra 

irpvraveia <f>r)<n \axew tt\v '¥,gtLo.v, irapb- 
o~ov at tuiv irb\ewv eariai ev tois wpvra- 
veiois &<f>L5pvvTai Kal to iepbv Xeybfievov 
irup ewl tovtojv diroKeiTai. \i\oyxas signi- 
fies that the Prytanea are part of Hestia's 
sphere, assigned to her in the mythical 
division of functions among the gods, see 
01. VII. 55. 

2. 6(io9pdvov] sharer of his tin-one 
('throno duas sedes habente', Dissen). 
For a throne of many seats, see Nem. IV. 

3. «3 |«'v k.t.X.] Welcome Aristagoras 
into thy chamber, yea we/come his com- 
panions near thy shining sceptre It is 
impossible to reproduce the force of Od\a- 
/j.os applied to the shrine of a goddess; 
used of a woman's habitation it can be 
rendered bower. — It was first pointed out 
by Boeckh that the iratpovs are not tovs 
av/j.irpvTav€vovTas, as the schol. says, but 
the senators of Tenedos. It is not known 
what the official name of the senatorial 

body was ; we may assume it to have 
been /3oi>\??. We learn from this passage 
that in Tenedos, as in Athens (see Pau- 
sanias, I. 18. 3), a statue of Hestia hold- 
ing a sceptre stood in the Prytaneum. 

5. 6p9dv k.t.X.] A'eep Tenedos from 
falling, yepaipovres refers to the etVtTTj- 

pia or inaugural sacrifices. There were 
no priests of Hestia ; her worship was 
maintained by the care of the prytanis 
and senators. 

6. iroXXd (Atv k.t.X.] often worshipping 
the first of the gods with libations, often 
with sacrificial savour. 

Schol. npu)T7iv Si Tavrr/v el-ire KaObaov 
a7r' avTijs Tjpxovro. Kal 2o$>o/cX?}s ' (2 
irpypa Xoijirjs 'Ecrria. This note sug- 
gested to Bergk the conjecture irpypav 
deQiv, which might explain the accent 
in D, irpwrav 6euv. 

7. Xvpa 8e <r<j>i. k.t.X.] The lyre peals 
for them and the song. For ftpinerai of 

the lyre see Nem. ix. 8. 


22 1 

Kal %eviov Ato? dcrKelrac (De/it? devdois 
iv Tpa7re£Vu9* «XXa avv 86^a Te\o<? 
SvwSetcdfjLrjvov irepdaai avv drpooro) KpaSia. 

avBpa o' i<yw fiaKapi^w fxev irarep 'ApicecriXav, 


€7T. a 

8. Kal £€v£ov Aids k.t.X.] Schol. kclI 
rod £eviov Aibs dtfxis daKelrai Kal diroaoi- 
£erai irap' avrols oiairavrbs ev reus rpairi- 
£ais" dvrl rod (piXb^evol elffiv. Dissen 
quotes Athenaeus IV. p. 143, F rjaav de 
Kal ^eviKol 6S.K01 Kal rpdirefa Tplrr) deltas 
elaibvrwv els rd dvope?a rjv ^evlov re Aids 
^eviav re it poaijyo pevov (cp. c). For the 
expression doKeirai Oi/xis and for the 
connexion of Themis with Zevs ^ivios, 
compare 01. VIII. 21 

fvOa ^,d)T€ipa Atbs £eviov 
irdpedpos daKeirai Qifiis 
££ox' dvdpuirwv. 
Cp. also iiraaKijaw, Nem. IX. ro. 

dcvdois] perpetual, never running dry. 
Compare devdov itXovtov, inexhaustible 
ivealth (fr. 119), devdov irvpbs unquench- 
able fire {Pyth. I. 5), divaov irarpbs 'OXvfi- 
wloto n/j.dv, the eternal honour (01. xiv. 
12). I observe that Mr Fennell takes iv 
here in the sense of with, but I agree 
with Rumpel that it has the more literal 
meaning of place. The tables are not 
only the instrument, they are also the 
place of the daK-qais. 

9. dXXd crviv Sojja /c.t.X.] No really 
valid objection can be brought against 
the repetition of oiv. Mommsen has 
appositely compared such expressions as 
Kar alaav ovS' virtp alaav, olos dvevO' 
dXXwv, where an idea is expressed both 
positively and negatively. May he pass 
with glory the twelve-month of office, yea 
with heart unscathed. 5o£<x is positive 
and objective, arpwros Kpadia is negative 
and subjective. In my judgment the 
repetition of avv is happy. Editors have 
proposed many emendations (Kayser t' 
ee drpibn^, Rauchenstein atpiv aTpibnp). — 
B B have irepdaai, but Boeckh from 

lemma D irepdaai read aXXd vtv 56£ct... 
irepdaai, and Dissen dXXd avv 5o£a... 
irepdaai viv. It is worth quoting the 
scholia in full because they point to both 
irepdaai and irepdaai. 

Schol. ei>'xeTai ti)v dpxw M 67 "^ 56£?js 
avrbv diareXiaai. avv drpuiTi^ Kal dXviruj 
rfj Kapbi a, rovriaTiv dirTalanfi Kal dfiXafie?, 
tt]v eviavalav dpxyv diavtiaeie. SrjXov Si, 
Kad&s Kal irpoelirofjiev, 5td tovtwv, on ovk 
iartv eirlviKos r\ dsS-q. § 6 Si vovs' irapd- 
axov ovv avrois avv evSot,ia i^eviavrrjaai 
rrpi irpvravelav avv dXinruj KapSla. 

The last note clearly points to ircpdo-cu 
and also to the double criV. Now as 
irepdaai is quite simple, it is difficult to 
see why irepdaai should have been foisted 
in ; whereas, if irepdaai were in the 
ancient MSS., irepdaai was an obvious 
simplification. I believe therefore that 
irepdaai attested by D and by a scho- 
lium is the right reading. The infinitive 
depends on an imperative like 56s, which 
is not expressed but can be easily under- 
stood from the general notion of gracious- 
ness implied in Siijat, The intervening 
words Xvpa...rpairit;ais should be treated 
as a parenthesis. In point of sense, it 
will be conceded I think that the op- 
tative is weak after the address to 
Ilestia, and that the context really 
demands that Hestia's protection for 
the whole year should be expressly 

11. dvSpa 8' t-yw /c.t.X.] A goddess 
was the centre of the first two strophes ; 
here in the epode the transition to the 
mortal is emphasized by the position of 
dvSpa in a loose construction ('oppositio- 
ns causa praemissum', Dissen). As for 
the man — / deem his father Arcesilaus 



Kal ro Oarjrov 8ep,a<; drpepjlav re ifvyyovov. 

el 8i T£9 o\/3ov e^o)v fxopcfxz Trepa/xevo-eTcu dXXoyv, 

ev t aeOXoiatv dpiarevcov eireSei^ev filav' 

dvard /jLe/jLvdaOo) TrepiareWcov p,e\7] 1 5 

Kal rekevrdv diravrcov <ydv iTTi?ecrcr6p,evo<;. 

ev \6<yoi$ 8' darwv dyadols p,ev eiraiveia-Qai ^pewv, err p. /3'. 

blessed, and I praise his (the son's) ad- 
mirable body and the intrepidity which he 
inherits. Dissen notes the Zeugma 'qnum 
e paKapifa eliciendum sit alvia ad secun- 
dum membrum'. Mezger takes it other- 
wise ; ' den Mann aber preise ich selig 
vvegen seines Vaters Arkesilaos und 
seiner stattlichen Gestalt und der ihm 
angebornen Unerschrockenheit'. But 
fictKaplfa takes accusative and genitive, 
the only example of two accusatives that 
I can find being that quoted in Liddell 
and Scott; Aristophanes, Wasps, 588 

tovtI yap roi ere pbvov rodriov lcv eiprjKas 
where it seems to me that toiti is on a 
different footing, being a sort of cognate 
object (as it were, tovtov paKapicr pbv 
povov ixaicaptfa). 

Schneider and Bergk unnecessarily 
read dpreplav, which would almost imply 
that Aristagoras had recovered from an 
illness or been preserved from some 
danger. Neither this word nor arpeixiav 
elsewhere occurs in Pindar. A scholiast 
had the silly notion that 'Arpepiav was 
the name of a sister of Aristagoras. — The 
choice of dTpejxiav is really a felicity. 
It suggests the character of Aristagoras' 
beauty, calm like that of a statue. In 
Plato's Phaedrus (250 e) drpepris is used 
of the (paffpara in Mysteries, b\oK\y]pa 
Si Kal air\a Kal drpeprj Kal ei/Salpova 
paffpara. drpcpds in Homer is generally 
used of pose. 

13. tl Si tis k.t.X.] The reading of 
I) is pop(j>q. TTapa/meiiffeTai dWtov, B P» have 
vapap.l\peTaL.— irapapevopai, like napapei- 
ftopai (cf. /)'///. 11. 50) praeverto, must be 
followed liy an accusative; accordingly 

Boeckh read p.op<pdv, Hartung dWovs. 
Bergk on the other hand reads irpoap.ev<Te- 
rai which he supports by glosses in Hesy- 
chius. The question is : is it likely that irpo- 
would have been changed, by accident or 
intention, to Trap-? I am disposed to think 
that Pindar wrote TTtpa\i.iv(rtrai, the 
preposition (Aeolic for irepi, see below, 1. 
40) having the same force as in rrepiTo^ eiio, 
irepi.ylvop.aL. This was much more ex- 
posed to the chances of corruption. Cf. 
the conjecture of Mr Postgate, 6 iripaWov, 
in Nem. III. 33. 

15. Ovard k.t.X.] Let him remember 
that the limbs which he clothes are mortal, 
and that the last vesture of all will be 
a shroud of earth. reXevrdv dwdvruv is 
adverbial, but it means the end of all his 
dressing will be a dress of clay. See 
Introduction, p. 217. 

17. ev X6701S k.t.X.] Schol. ev 8e rrj 
tujv ayadQv yvthpet) eiraiveicrQai. tovs dya- 
dovs irpoffrjKei, (prjffiv. § 77 ovrco' tovs 
toloijtovs Kal roiavra -qffKrjKoras dpxovras 
del virb twv dffTccv twv dyaOwv Kal \6yois 
eTraivtiffdai Kal K0<rp.etff6ai iroL-qpao'iv. 

The MSS. have dyadols ptv alveiffdac. 
The metre shews that a short syllable 
has fallen out, and Triclinius emended 
dyaOolai. Mingarelli read dyadolffl p.iv, 
Mommsen and Bergk dyaOdtcl viv. It 
would be wrong to change the signifi- 
cant p.ev, but I think that instead of 
adding the 1 to dyadois we should read 
eiraiveTffOai (not contradicted by the 
scholia). The omission of the syllable 
was due to parablepsia ; 

The scholia rightly separate dyaOois from 
\0701s : /;/ speech it is meet that he should 



Kal /jLe\iy8ov7rotai 8aiSaX6evra p,eXeiv iv aoihals. 
€K Be •nepiKTiovwv ifcicalSefc ^Apicrrayopav 
ctyXaal vikcu irarpav T evwvvfxov 
€<JT€(pdva)aav iraXa, Kal p,eyav%€i Tray tc par iw. 

iXTTiSa 8' oicvriporepai yovewv Traihos fiiav 

ea^ov iv Tlvdcovi ireipaaOai Kal ^OXvpLTriq cleOXwv. 

val pid yap opKOV, ifiav Sotjav irapa KaaraXiq 


dvr. /3' . 

be praised by good citizens, ayadoh \t.iv 
implies a kcikoI Si, which Pindar does 
not express, the licv being sufficiently 

18. 8ai8a\0e'vTa] Compare 01. v. 
21 alryjcrwv woXiv evavopiaiai rdv8e kXvtois 
8ai8dXXeiv, and 01. I. 105 irtiroida Si 
t,ivov Kkvralcn SaiSaXuaifxev vfxvuiv tttv- 
X<zts. Translate tricked out. With /xe- 
XlySoviros (air. elp.) cf. fxeXiKOfiiros and 
/xeXippodos. — The MSS. give /xeXi^ifiev 
ctotScus, which cannot stand, as delSw and 
doiSd do not suffer synizesis in Pindar. 
Pauw proposed /xeXl^ev, Mommsen /J.e- 
/j-ix^' f"> Christ /xiXeo-cn KXieaBai. After 
considerable hesitation I have come to 
the conclusion that Hermann's p'Xeiv Iv is 
the true restoration of the passage. The 
corruption, I believe, arose thus. In 
uncial MSS. N , written a little crookedly, 
tends to assume the appearance of Z, and 
thus M E A E I N E N might become ME- 
A E I Z E N , which would be read fxeXifcv 
(as ei and 1 were constantly confused in 
MSS. owing to itacism, this interpretation 
would be inevitable) and subsequently 
corrected to iieXc^ifxev. — iv doiScus con- 
trasts with iv Xoyois, and piXeiv means be 
a theme. 

19. €K 8£ ircpiKTiovojv k.t.X.] Neigh- 
bouring states crowned Aristagoras and 
his clan of auspicious name for sixteen 
splendid victories in wrestling and in 
the ennobling pancration. The force of 
ck is that a stranger carried away prizes 
or crowns from among the native inhabit- 
ants. Compare Pyth. IV. 66 kvSos e£ 

dp.<piKTi6vuv 'iiropev ''s. Isth. 
VII. 64 iwel TrepiKriovas ivlKaae S-f) ttots Kal 
Kelvos dvSpas.— iraTpav €vcovup.ov means 
the Peisandridae, a name of good omen. 

21. li^Yauxet] glorioso. The mss. 
have /j.eya\avxeT, but Schmid's correc- 
tion /j-eyavxet, which restores the metre, 
may be regarded as certain. The cor- 
ruption was quite natural as composites 
with the longer stem are far more 

22. iX-rrtBis OKvnpoTtpai] The halting 
hopes of his parents refrained their power- 
ful son from essaying contests at Pytho or 
at Olympia. It is hardly necessary to 
remark that ^x w TreipaaOai and ^x w A") 
neipacrOai are alternative expressions, the 
latter being the more common. Dissen 
quotes ffx^cw <re m]Sdv, Euripides, Orestes 

24. val [id -yap 6'pKov] For as I live ; 
yap explains oKv-qphrepai [unduly diffident). 
See Hesiod Thcog. 231 

opKov 0' 8s Srj TrXe'iarov iinxOovlovs 

■rrr)/j.aivei, ore Kev tis iK&v iiriopKov 
€|xdv 86£av, in my judgment, an adverbial 
accusative (cf. to abv /xipos), not to be 
taken with val /xd as Mezger takes it. 
Dissen is hardly correct in construing 
irapa KacrTaAia with /moXtiv ; it goes with 
8r]pubvTU)v. Had Aristagoras gone and 
striven at Castalia or the hill of Cronos, 
he would have returned more honourably 
than his rivals. — In 01. xill. 44 Pindar 
has the form 07]pio/.iai ; the Homeric 



Kol irap 1 evBevSpa) p,oX(iov o^Ow K.povov 
kc'iXXlov av BrjptobvTQJV ivocrTija avrnrdXcov, 

TrevraeTrjpLS' eoprov 'Hpa/cXeo? riO/xLov 
KQ)fMicrcu<; dvSrjcrdfAevos re Ko/iav iv 7rop<frvpeoi<; 
epvecnv. dXXa fiporwv tov fiev fceveocfipoves av-^at 
i£ dyaOoov eftaXov' tov c? av /caTap,e/j.(f)0evT dyav 
Icryvv OLKeicov irapetrtyaXev KaXwv 
%eipo<; eX/ccov OTrlacroi dvp,bs aToXyu.09 i(6v. 


eV. /3'. 


avfifiaXelv fidv evpapes r\v to re UeicrdvSpov irdXai, err p. 7' 

form is SrjpLa.o/ With oxOw Kpdvov 
cf. 01. IX. 3 Kpoviov nap' oxOov. — Schol. 
evSe'vSpa) did to. tQv eXatwc (pvTa. 

27. ir€VTa€TT|pi8'] A festival which 
we should call quadriennial the Greeks 
called quinquennial. TeGjiiov, prescribed 
according to fixed rides, has much the 
same force as the Latin sollennis; Tedp.65 
corresponds to institutum. The first syl- 
lable is short here; in Isth. v. 20 it is 
long, TeOpiov p.01 (pap.1 ffacpiararov elvai. 

28. €V irop<f>vjp6ois £pv€<riv] having 
bound his hair in glistering branches. 
The expression loses its strength if we 
take iv as merely instrumental ; the 
victor's locks are conceived as actually 
in the wreath of olive leaves. The poet 
permits himself to apply to this wreath 
the name of a colour, not literally appro- 
priate to it, and intended altogether in a 
figurative sense. Regal 'purple' might 
be considered the queen of colours and 
used as a metaphor for supreme excel- 
lence; and in the same way Pindar 
borrowed the most precious of the metals 
to describe the badge of Olympian vic- 
tory. See 01. XI. 13 iirl crTe^dvip xpi'c^cis 
i\aias, and Nem. I. 17. (Cf. also Pyth. 
in. 73 vyUiav xp va ^ av ' golden health.) 
For Zpvcaiv see A em. VI. 18. 

30. *£, etyaGuv ^PaXov] Cause him to 
miss his desires (an aorist of generality); 
the passive ikttItttu in this metaphorical 
sense is more familiar. (I! M have ?\a(iov, 

a not unfrequent confusion in MSS.) 

tov 8' av k.t.X.] Whereas another, 
underrating his strength, lets the honours, 
that were within his reach, slip from his 
hand, plucked back by an unadventurous 
heart. — Mezger takes Karapep^pdifra in 
a passive sense (comparing Diogenes 
Laertius, VI. 47), blamed in point of 
strength. —<r<pd\\u has much the 
same meaning as e/c/3dXXu, cause to fail 
in, deprive of, but, appropriately to the 
sense, is gentler. Over-confidence ex- 
pels; over-diffidence leads astray. 

33. o-vp-PaXeiv k.t.X.] Surely it was 
easy to conjecture in him the ancient blood 
of Pisander fro?n Sparta — for he came 
with Orestes from Amyclae, conducting 
hither (to Tenedos) a bronze-mailed host 
of Aeolians — mingled near the sti-cam of 
Ismenus with the blood of his mother's 
ancestor Mclanippus. 

Schol. o~vp.f$a\e'iv \iav ev/xapis yjv ical 
(Ttjp.ei.ibaaa0at rhv Ibbvro. 'ApiffTaySpav oti 
to Trd\ai avrov alp.a Kal to 7^05 rjv dvb 
UeiaavSpov toO 'ZwapTia.Tov cus dwd twos 
UeiaavSpov twv TraKatutv ovtos tov 'A/h- 
OTaybpov. ovtos 8i, <py)al, avv 'OpiaT-Q 
d-rra)Ki]<T€V in 1,irdpT7]s Kal ttjv TiveSov 
Ka.TwK7)cre. TeviSws yap 6 'ApiaTaydpas. 
wepl Be tt/s K)pi<jrov els ttjv AloXISa 
dwoiKlas 'EWdi'iKos iv ry TrpwTip AIoXikQu 
iaToprjKev. 6 8i MeXdi't7r7ro5 ovtos Qrj- 
ftciios 7)v twl tov TroXipov avaTas T<2 Tl'Sff. 




ai/jL dird ^Trapras — ^ApbvicXaBev yap e/3a avv 'OpeaTa 

AioXecov arpariav xnXfcevrea Bevp' dvdywv — 35 

/cat Trap laprjvov poav iceicpapLevov 

€K Me\avL7T7roio piarpwos. apyalai S' dperal 

apcpepovr aXXaaaopLevai yeveals dvhp<2v crdevos' dvT. y' . 

ev a^epw o out oov pueXaivac Kapirov eSw/cav dpovpai, 

8ev8ped t ovk eOeXei irdcrai^ erecov irepoSois 40 

dvOos ei'wSe? (pepeiv ttXovto) tlcrov, 

aXX ev ap,e[/3ovTi. ko\ Ovarov ovrws eOvos dyei 

polpa. to S' €K Aids dvOpwirois aacpes ov% eTrerac err. 7'. 

This scholium recognizes the reading 
of the mss. Xlav. The metre requires a 
long monosyllable here and most editors 
read p.dv (due to Pauwius). The simi- 
larity of A I and M accounts for the cor- 

36. poav] Bergk's correction of poav ; 
compare schol. wapa to. 'Ifffx-qvov pev/j.ara. 
The genitive is forcible and idiomatic 
(corresponding to dwd Hirdpras), and 
scribes familiar with napd nora/uov, etc., 
were tempted to alter the accent. 

37. dp\aiai k.t.X.] This is the way 
of men's generations ; their original excel- 
lences change and then win strength anew, 
(yeveais is dative of those interested.) 

Aristagoras, Pindar implies, is the suc- 
cessor of Pisander and Melanippus ; the 
intermediate generations were obscured 
(tu>v Se piera^v ijfiavpw/j.e'viov, schol.). 

Schol. at apxaiai tuv irpoydvuv, (p-qcrlv, 

dperal varepov eKXdfnrovo~iv § rj ovtus' 

al 8£ iraXaial dperal dwocpepovrai odivos 
evaXXacraofievai rah tuv dvdpwirwv ye- 

39. «v ax.€pw] continuously, opp. to 
aXXao-ao/xevai. — jxeXaivai. is chosen with 
the purpose of pointing the illustration 
by a play on MeXdviiriros. 

40. SevSped t' k.t.X.] Neither are 
trees fain to bear in each revolving year 
an equal wealth of floivery fragrance, out 
rather by turns. irepoSois, Aeolic for 
irepioSois. It is curious that B B omit 


ttXovtu) before Icrov (sic). Bergk reads 
■jrXovruaiov, formed like x a P LT ucriov, a 
Rhegine adjective, see Ibycus, fr. 51 (P. 
L. G. ed. 4). 

42. Kal GvaTov k.t.X.] On this wise 
the race of mortals also is driven by the 
tvind of Fate. The MSS. have oCrw 
crdevos, which Heyne corrected, with the 
help of the scholiast's words to twv 
dvOpu-rruv yivos. The scribe had cdivos 
in his mind from 1. 38, and when he came 
to the words 

he unhesitatingly read ovTwcrdevos, trans- 
posing two letters and violating the metre. 
A similar instance of contamination 
from the general context is the familiar 
Xvova 1 dv 77 '(pdiTTovcra in Sophocles' 
Antigone, 1. 40, where a scribe wrote 
ddirrovaa, because his mind was full of 
the idea of burial, the subject of the 
context. In the present case, the occur- 
rence of <r6ivos in 1. 38 would be a point 
against it in 1. 42, even if the metre 
were not decisive. 

ot"yei means drive, like a wind. Inter- 
preters have missed the felicity of this 
passage through not perceiving the meta- 
phor from sailing. 

43. to 8' eK Ai6s k.t.X.] And as for 
Zeus, no clear sign in heaven accompanieth 
men on their course; but, albeit, we em- 
bark in vessels of proud designs, devising 
many works. For our limbs have been 




reKfiap' dX)C ep/wav fieyaXavoplais e/xfiaivofiev, 
epya re iroWd fxevotvwvTes' SeSerai yap dvaiSel 
eXirlSt yvla' 7rpo/u,a6ela<; S' diroKeivrai poai. 
fcepSewv 8e ^pr) fierpou d^pevep.ev' 
aTrpoaiKTOJV S' ipcorcov S^vTepai p,avlat. 


fettered by importunate Hope ; and the 
streams of foreknowledge are situate far 
away, to 5' £k Atbs is more emphatic 
than ck Aios, pointing the antithesis be- 
tween Zevs and fxoipa. T«K|xap suggests a 
guiding star; cf. reK/xwp of the moon in 
Horn. Hymn. 32, 13 reKfxcop 8e /3po7-otcu 
TervKTai. The reading proposed by Christ 
k*v fiaivofxev for ifj.paivofj.ev surrenders the 
metaphor. For efxfiaivw in this meta- 
phorical sense Dissen compares Plato, 
Phaedrus 252 E eav ovv fxrf wporepov 
€f.ij3ej3Qai t£ iirLTrfb'evfjaTi.. Mr Fennell 
happily suggests that SiSerai 7wa may 
be "a metaphor from a slave chained to 
the oar ". — dvaiSei, exceeding dice measure, 
corresponds to a common use of impro- 
bus, as in Virgil's labor omnia vincit 

45. ^p-ya t« iroXXci] B, D ipya re, 
B epya re, Bergk i'pya ye, Mommsen 
Zpy' are, Hartung epya ra. Schol. dXXd 
fxeya\r]yopovfj.ev /xeydXa re fj.evoivwvres /cat 
(ppovTifrovTes inrep eavrotis. 

The reading of the mss. is clearly 
correct. It is more difficult than any 
of the corrections, and that it is more 
logical than either they or /xevoivw/xev 
(which might have been easily written) 
would be, may be shewn by an analysis 
of the thought. The (1) central notion 
is, we are at sea ; and our position is 
defined by (2) the nature of our vessels 
and (3) the object of our voyage. 
The simplest grammatical connexion of 
these three moments would be: irXiofxev 

efifiaivovrh re /xeyaXavoplais epya re 
iroXXd fxevoiviovTes, but Pindar abbre- 
viates it by making the first participle 
do duty as a verb, e/x(3alvofj.ei>, zve are 
embarkers in. 

|A£voivaJvT€s] meditantes. 

46. poat] pod is used metaphorically 
in 01. 11. 33, 

pool 5' d'AXor' dAXcu 
evdvfudv re /j.era Kai irovuiv es avSpas 
Schol. ttJs 8£ irpoyvdocrews at 6S0I airodev 
Tffiwv Keivrcu. But 6801 (another metaphor) 
misses the point of poai. The rivers of 
foreknowledge do not flow into the sea, 
on which mortals sail. 

47. K€p8e'wv 84 k.t.X.] It is good to 
observe a measure in the chase for gain ; 
sharp are the Jits of madness wrought by 
unattainable longings. Bergk charac- 
terises the last line by the words "sin- 
gularem audaciam sermonis Pindarici", 
and adds "nam poeta dicere volebat 
o'irives dirpocriKTWv epwcnv, tovtujp 6£. fi., 
qui cur dirpoaiKTWv 8' epuivTwv scribere 
noluerit planum est ". 

The comparative o£vTeptu suggests, 
more emphatically than 6£actt, its op- 
posite j3pa8vrepai or d/j.(3\vTepai ; and 
here, succeeding iXTriSt at such a short 
distance, it inevitably reminds us of the 
lagging hopes, eXwiSes OKvnpoTtpai., of 
1. 22 (so Mezger). The use of the com- 
parative to suggest a correlative may be 
illustrated by drjXvTepos, £re/)os, Se^irepos 
etc. See further Appendix A, note 10. 


NOTE I. I. 58, 7raAiyyAwcroro9. 

In commenting on this word I omitted to refer to an Homeric 
expression which throws some light on it. In A 357 we read 

tov 8' €7rt|Ltet8^cra9 Trpo(r£<f>y] Kpctcov 'Aya/xe/moj/ 
(09 yva> xcoo/x.€voio • 7raAiv S' o ye Aa£eTO /xvdov. 

The most obvious meaning of the last words is ' he withdrew his remarks.' 
Agamemnon had chided Odysseus, and, when Odysseus replied angrily, 
he retracted his injurious words. But this meaning will not suit the 
passage in the Odyssey where the same phrase occurs, v 254. There it 
is used of Odysseus telling a false tale of his own life to Eumaeus. 
Commentators give no hint how the two passages are to be reconciled. 
In order to reconcile them, we must get rid of the idea that Aa'£eTo 
/xvOov means ' took back his word ' in the Iliad. Both there and in the 
Odyssey it means 'grasped' or 'laid hold of a word,' in accordance 
with the regular usage of Xd^o/xai. In both cases, moreover, 7raA.1v has 
the same sense : ' reversely.' The difference lies in the context. In the 
Iliad TrdXtv reverses what Agamemnon had said before, the 7raAiv fxv0o<; 
is a palinode ; in the Odyssey -n-dXiv reverses the truth, the irdXtv 
fxv9o<; is a falsehood. 

This apparent difference in the meaning of -n-dXiv, owing to a real 
difference in the things on which its sense operates, illustrates the two 
uses of 7raAtyyAa)crcros in Pindar, as pointed out in the Commentary. 

Note 2. 11. 9, aWo?. 

There are several passages in Pindar where the point obviously turns 
on a supposed connexion of aWos with a^/xi, cf. the Homeric aWew 
(aWen-e yXvKov virvov). Indeed it is not impossible that aan-os may have 
actually meant breath as well as gloss ; it is even conceivable that breath 



was the primary meaning, and that awros is cognate to awrtw. In any 
case the Greeks connected them. In the general Introduction (p. xix) I 
pointed out a passage in the Sixth Isthmian where olwtos has a suggestion 
of this kind, and here I may call attention to other instances. 

Pytll. X. 51 sqq. Ktoirav (ryacrov, raxv 8' ayxvpav epecaov -^Oovi 
TrpwpaOe, ^otpa'Sos aA/<ap 7T€Tpas. 
eyKU>puu>v yap awros vp.vtav 
iir aXXor aWov cotc yu.eA«rcra 6vv€i Xoyov. 

Here aon-os vp.vuiv, joined with Ovvti and in collocation with a sea- 
metaphor, could not be justified, if it did not suggest gale of hymns, as 
well as fairest of hymns. Again in Isthm. 1. 51 the strange phrase 
77-oAiaTav koI £eVwv yXwo-o-a? awTov is justified by the suggestion breath of 
the tongue ; and unless he intended to convey this suggestion, I cannot 
think that Pindar would have ventured on the expression yAwcrcras 


The phrases £was aw-ros (Isth. iv. 12) and t^was acoTov (Pyth. iv. 131) 
obviously allude to the breath of life, cf. cugjv, and perhaps p.ovaiKa<; iv 
dojrw (01. 1. 14) suggests the breathings (irvoai) of flutes. Another 
instance of this secondary significance of awro? will be found in Note 3 
of this Appendix. 

In the present passage the argument seems to turn on a similar 
allusion. It has been pointed out in the note on 1. 8 that aiwv ei8v- 
7roju.7ros is metaphorical, a straight-ivafting breeze of time (or life). Now 
the strong verb SfaiXei, and the strong conjunction eiwep show that there 
must be a definite inference, and I have no doubt that the inference is 
from atwv to aWos. The Timodemidae had a fair wind (aiVv) ; we may 
infer that Timodemus will also have a fair wind (aWos). This 
etymological, allusory argument is highly characteristic of Pindar. 

A confirmation of this view is furnished by 1. 14. Al'avros aKovcrev 
responds to KaAAiorov dWov, and it has been pointed out (see note 
on 14) that Atas is conceived as a mighty wind, and that this is the 
justification and motive of uKovaev, in which commentators have found so 
much difficulty. If awTo? also alludes to a-qpu, there is greater significance 
in the comparison of Timodemus to Ajax. 


Note 3. 

III. 26 sqq. Qv\xi, riva 7rpos aA.\o8a7raV 

aKpav i/xov ttXoov Tra.po.fii.t.ftea.1 ; 
AittKaJ crc (pap.i yei'ci re Moicrav ^epetv. 
29 e7T€Tcu 0€ Xoyw Stxas aWos, ecrXos alvelv 

ovK aWorpLwv epojres aVSpi <pepetv Kpeaaoves. 
oiKodtv /xareve. 

Verse 29 is one of the most difficult in Pindar. There is a difficulty in 
the mere translation, and there is a further difficulty in discerning its 
connexion with the lines which precede and with the lines which follow. 
That a close connexion must exist in both directions is obvious ; for if 
we leave the line in question out of the context, the train of thought is 
consecutive. Pindar supposes that the Muse is in a ship, steered by his 
soul (Ovp.6%). He charges the steersman to come back from the pillars 
of Heracles, as it is for the sake of Aeacus and his race that the Muse is 
sailing. Then — if we omit the enigmatical line — he observes that we 
should not resort to foreign tales, when there are good tales at home ; 
the cycle of Aeginetan legend is ample enough. Or, in the language 
of the metaphor, desires of foreign things are not a good freight 
(<f>epeiv). Thus the connexion of thought between line 28 and line 
30 is close. According to all hitherto proposed interpretations 
(criticised in note on 1. 29), the intervening words break this con- 
nexion with a frigid commonplace. We may conclude that if the line 
is sound Su<as aWos must bear some further significance than essence of 

Now we saw in Note 2 of this Appendix that in Pindar's use aw-ros 
has frequently the secondary meanings of breath or breeze. The present 
passage is another instance. A blast of justice is just the expression 
required by the metaphor in the preceding lines. The poet's soul is 
compared to a craft, bearing the Muse and his tale (Xo'yos); its errand is 
to praise noble men (the Aeacids and Aristoclides) ; and it is escorted 
by a breeze of justice. Translate: My tale, on its errand to praise noble 
men, is escorted by a wind that blows fair. The justice consists in 
choosing the Aeacidae for the burden of the hymn, as explained in the 
following lines — olkoOcv /idreuc. In aiveiv the original dative sense of 
the infinitive comes out ; cf. Homer, v 33 

ao"7racrt(J5 8' apa tw koltzSv c/mos tjcXiolo 
bopirov iiroL^ea 6 'at. 


But it will be asked, Why should praise of the Aeacidae be called the 
perfection of justice ? — for ' breeze ' is only the less usual sense of awTos. 
It may be explained as a conclusion from Aia/co's to awros (cf. the 
inference from aiwv to aw-ros in n. 8, 9). 

This interpretation secures to the context a connected meaning. 
But it is strikingly confirmed by a subsequent passage in the Ode. 
The sailing of Achilles to Troy is introduced thus (1. 57 sqq.) — 

yOVOV T€ FoL <}>€pTaTOV 

driraXXev iv dpp.£voi(Ti irdvra Gvjjiov av£cov " 
o(ppa #aA.acrcrtais ave/xwv piiralcn Trep.<pOei<; k.t.X. 

These words are remarkable. In the metaphor of the ship, which we 
have been considering, the idea of burden or freight was emphasized by 
tplpeiv (1. 28), (pepuv (1. 30), noTLcpopov (1. 31) occurring in rapid succession. 
It is more than a coincidence that cpepTarov occupies the same position 
in the 7th line of antistrophos y as 4>€p<=iv in the 7th line of strophe ft. 
The recurrence of 6vp.6<> in the same connexion shows this. The soul of 
Achilles, figuratively, is a ship bearing him to Troy, just as the soul 
(0v|i€ 1. 26) of the poet is a vessel of imagination, which bears the Muse. 
And the unique phrase iv dpp.evoiai points this allusion to the ship. 
app-wa was a vox propria for the rigging or gear of a ship, and could 
not fail to suggest a naval metaphor. I suspect that there is a similar 
double meaning in Theognis, 1. 695 : 

ov hvyapcai aoi, 6vp.e, irapaayexv iravTCf 
t£t\o.$i' tcoi/ Se k<i\<xv ovtl uv pLOVvos epa?, 

where the juxtaposition of KaXwv and app.eva suggests ropes (ko.\ol) and 

Now just as the craft of the poet is wafted by a breeze of justice on its 
way, so the craft of Achilles is wafted by sea blasts, tfaAao-o-uns avipnav 
pnralo-i. x*\nd the destinations of both voyages are similar, — to kindle 
lights of glory. 

At Troy Achilles slays Memnon and 

TTjXavyls apape </>eyyos AiaKiSav airoOev, 

1 thereby a star of the Aeacidae shineth afar in the firmament.' apape 
shows that the (peyyos is a star. Cf. Aratus, Pliaenomcna, 453 ovpavu ev 
ivdprjpev dydXpara vvktos lovatj 1 ;, 482 dprjporos 'H^io^oio, etc. And 
Aristoclides, who is compared to Achilles, has his constellation too. 

1. 83 tiv ye p.iv, eWpovov KAeovs We\oi<Ta%, deBXotpopov A.77/ACITOS 
Ne/u,£ttS 'Hin&avpoOev T airo «ut Meydpwv oeoopKtv </>uos. 


There is a suggestion in these words of a star shining on a ship whose 
burden is the prize of victory. For de6Xo(f>6pov XrjpaTos is a phrase 
intended to recall Trori<popov Koa/xov eAa/?es (1. 31). The play on Xrjpa 
and Xfj/jL/xa would hardly be evident, if it were not more distinctly 
suggested in the immediate vicinity of Xrjparo<; ; but Pindar has provided 
for this. Two lines before e\a/3ev atya (81) is used of the eagle, to 
whom Achilles, Aristoclides and the poet himself are all likened. 

And thus Pindar has indirectly insinuated that his own hymn of 
victory has lit the light of fame for Aristoclides. 

But the eagle too has some bearing on the words (Stxas awros) which 
this note is intended to explain. (.Xa(3ev and /xeTa/x.ato/xevos in 1. 81 
recalling c'Aa/Jes and fidreve in 1. 31 make us bring the two passages into 
connexion ; and we are reminded that cuVros is the omen of the house 
of AiaKo'?. These three words, Aia/cds, dwros and cue-rds are associated 
together (just like aim', cuotos and Ams in Nem. 11.), the link of meaning 
being wind or breath ; and this note of ivind is struck in taov dvip.ois 
(1. 45) of the flight of an Aeacid's javelin. The quality of the eagle 
which is emphasized is its swiftness, — that in which it resembles wind. 

Note 4. 

III. 62, ev (ppaarl ird^aiO' O7rojs. 

This expression excites suspicion, because no parallel can be 
adduced. But there are other reasons too for regarding the passage 
as possibly corrupt. (1) eVi/xt^ais AWLOTreaai ^ei^as is a solecism. 
iTnp.iyvvva.1 is used in this sense but not 1-mp.iyvvvai x e V> a ?> to which our 
familiarity with the Latin phrase conserere manus unconsciously reconciles 
us. (2) The whole sentence may appear rather forced. We are told 
that Chiron educated Achilles, to the intent that (oeppa) he should 
withstand the enemy at Troy and having engaged with the Ethiopians 
should fix in his mind the resolve to prevent the return of Memnon. 
It is certainly a strange way of putting the matter. We should rather 
expect the clause of purpose to cease at AapSaVwi/ -re, and a new 
indicative clause, stating what Achilles did or resolved, to begin at kcu 
eyxeo-^opois lirip.^aLs. (3) A stronger objection to the whole sentence 
may be based on the circumstance that in the extant works of Pindar 
there is no other case of oVo? or o7tojs /u.77 in a final clause. This 
conjunction occurs only in two other places : 

01. X. 57 Kare(ppaaev — TrevTaerrjpLS' oVws apa eoracrev loprav. 

Frag. 61 ov yap taB' oVws Ta 6(.<Zv (SovXevp-ar' iptvi>d<rei fipoTea. 


In reply to these objections it may be said that none of them is 
conclusive ; and it may be urged in support of the text that the strange 
form of expression is designedly chosen to emphasize the attribution of 
the Fourth Virtue (cppoveiv to TrapKeip-evov 1. 75) to Achilles. This has 
been noted in the Introduction to the Ode. 

Note 5. 

IV. 93 oXov aivewv kc MeA/^criav epiSa (TTp£<poi, 

prjp.ara ttXckwv, a7raAcuoTos Iv Aoya> kXxziv, 
paXaKa pikv cjipovewv ecrXois, 
Tpa^us Se 7raXiy/<0T0ts ec^eSpos. 

The current explanations of this difficult passage cannot be regarded 
as satisfactory. It is generally supposed to mean nothing more than a 
compliment to Melesias, couched in terms borrowed from the wrestling 
school. If this was Pindar's sole intention, he cannot be congratulated 
on his language. ' How one would wrestle in a word-contest, if one 
were praising Melesias!' — this, if it has any meaning, implies that 
Melesias cannot be fitly praised, except in verses of a pugnacious or 
controversial character. But why not? Melesias doubtless had enemies; 
but it would surely be feasible to extol Melesias to the skies without 
engaging in an encounter with his rivals. Nor is anything gained by 
taking Euphanes as the subject of the sentence. The conceit that if 
Euphanes were alive again his occupation would consist in fighting the 
battles of the trainer Melesias against critics is frigid enough. But if 
Pindar had meant this, he would have used very different language ; he 
would not have used the present tenses alveiov kc arpicpoi without some 
introductory phrase to indicate that the dead singer was supposed to be 
alive. For example, in the first part of this ode the idea of Timocritus 
surviving to celebrate his son's victory is expressed in the clearest 
language (ci 8' en Wd\.TreTo...6dp.a kc KeXdSrjo-e). A reference to Eu- 
phanes here seems to me to be both irrelevant and not countenanced 
by the Greek. The subject of alviwv and o-rpifpoi is obviously tis, 
understood from the preceding sentence. 

There is another consideration which seems fatal to the received 
view. The language in these last four lines is strikingly forcible ; but 
if the received view were correct it would be at the same time in- 
expressibly weak. For nothing could be weaker than to use this strong 
language of a hypothetical case. It is almost as if, after composing 
eleven and a half strophes in honour of Timasarchus, the poet added, 


' But if I were charged to praise Melesias, then would I put forth my 
strength as a wrestler in verse.' 

Now Pindar leaves us in no doubt that so far from meaning this he 

regards the present hymn as a specimen of his skill in the art of poetic 

wrestling. For each of these carefully chosen phrases is intended to 

recall some phrase which occurred before. (1) p^paTa 7t\c'kwv answers 

to pina in 1. 6, according to the canon of Mezger; and this means that 

'the word' which is to glorify Timasarchus is an instance of the 

wrestler's 'word-twisting.' (2) There can be no question that iv Ao'yw 

refers to the mythical tale, which was the special feature of Pindaric art. 

This, as we saw, was the meaning of Aoyov in 1. 31 and \6yov in 1. 71. 

But a danger threatens the teller of such tales. He is tempted to 

exceed limits and give the myth an undue proportion. Into this fault 

Pindar himself is said to have fallen in his youth, and to have been 

warned against it by the counsels of Corinna. We saw that he referred 

to the subject in 1. ^t, sqq. Professing to be unable to relate the story 

of the Aeacids at length, he feels nevertheless that a charm draws him 

to touch on it. The attractive power of the myth, to which the poet 

must only yield in measure, is expressed by the word e'Axw ( 

1. 35). This explains the second edge of a7raAa<.o-ros lv Adyw 'i\Ktiv. 

In relating a myth Pindar grips his subject, so to speak, and does not 

let it grip him. The point turns on the double meaning of eAxeiv, as a 

term in wrestling and as a term in magic. (3) paXaKct (<$>povlwv eo-Aois) 

is an echo of poAeaxd in 1. 4. And this clearly suggests that the hymn 

which is to soothe Timasarchus after his labours is an instance of to 

[xaXaKa <f)poveiv co-Aois. (4) We shall hardly be wrong in supposing 

that e</>€Spos, like c'Akciv, has a double signification. For otherwise 

e^eSpos would have no point, and the simple 7raXaio-T7/s would be a more 

suitable word. It is not fitter to compare a poet to a man who draws a 

' by,' than to compare him to one of the paired wrestlers. But there is 

fitness in using the technical word if it has a second implication which 

is appropriate to the poet and not to the wrestler ; and I think it may 

be shown that ec/>e8pos is used here for the sake of such an implication. 

Pindar presented to us a picture of his Lyre weaving a song in honour 

of Aegina (1. 45), and I pointed out in the Introduction to the Ode that 

this picture is, so to speak, set by the side of another, in which the gods 

weave gifts of might for Peleus and his descendants. The prominent 

feature in the second picture is the cukukAos eSpa on which the lords of 

heaven sat (^e^o/xerot). And from this we may supply a defect in the 

first (a slighter sketch), and imagine the Phorminx and the poet himself 

sitting on a lopa, as the song is woven. Now iicptSpos may mean 'seated 


on' as well as ' lier-in-wait,' and this secondary meaning justifies and 
explains its use in the passage under consideration. It is clearly an 
echo of KSpav (i-as) €<j>d;6|«voi, and suggests the poet seated at the 
work of composing his song. This conclusion is strikingly confirmed by 
yet another correspondence of words. (5) The song woven by 
Phorminx is described thus : 

AuSia avv dp/xovLa (At'Xos 7re<£iAr7/xe'iw 

in the 5th verse of the 6th strophe. It is no accident that MeX^o-iav 
echoes //.e'Aos in the 5th verse of the last strophe. This p.e'Aos is the 
work of the poetical 'wrestler,' who is none other than Pindar 


We shall now find it less difficult to answer the question : What is 
the meaning of aiveW xe MeA^ow o-rptyoi ? We have only to remember 
that alviw does not always imply the praise conveyed by panegyric ; it 
may also express ' the sincerest ' form of praise— imitation. This is the 
force of the word in Isthmian VI. 32 paxa-rav alviwv MeAeaypov, aiveW 
8« KaVExTopa, where it differs little from £ryAwi/. And this signification 
admirably suits the present passage. Pindar represents himself as 
imitating in his own art Melesias the master of another science. Pindar 
is the wrestling poet; Melesias is the wrestler with a poetic name. 
' What a master in words would he be who should excel in poetry as 
Melesias excels in wrestling ! ' — this is, in effect, what Pindar says ; but 
he uses words which show that he meant to compare himself to Melesias, 
and to designate this hymn as a specimen of poetic wrestling, not 
without a glance at his rivals. 

It is hardly necessary to refer to the explanation of olov in the sense 
'for instance.' There is no idea in the last four lines, however 
interpreted, which can be regarded as an ' instance ' of the preceding 

Note 6. Lampon (Ncmcan v.). 

In Herodotus (Book ix. c. 78) we read of a certain Aeginetan, 
Lampon the son of Pytheas, who proposed to Pausanias that Mardonius 
should be impaled. It is clear that this Lampon (whom Herodotus 
calls Pdyiv-qriuv to. -rrpwra) was a member of the same family as the 
Lampon of whom we read in Pindar. For the father of Herodotus' 
Lampon had the same name as one of the sons of Pindar's Lampon— 
Pytheas; and this can hardly be considered accidental. But Muller 
went much too far when he proposed to identify the two Lampons. 
The father of Pytheas and Phylacidas was the son of Cleonicus {Istk. iv. 


55, v. 16), and it is quite gratuitous to suppose either that Cleonicus and 
Pytheas were the same person or that Cleonicus was Lampon's true 
father and Pytheas his father by adoption. The only conclusion that 
we are entitled to draw is that the two Lampons belonged to the same 
■n-drpa, namely that of the Psalychiadae, as we learn from Isth. v. 63. 
At the utmost we might venture to suppose with Mr Fennell that the 
Lampons were first cousins, called after their common grandfather. 
See Mr Fennell's judicious remarks in his Introduction to Nemea v. 

Note 7. vi. 64 sqq. 

The Introduction and Commentary on the Sixth Nemean had been 
finally printed, when I discovered, as I believe, the solution of a problem, 
which had hitherto baffled me, in connexion with that Ode. This 
solution, which I offer here, throws light simultaneously on some minor 
difficulties, and I must request the reader to supplement the explana- 
tions given in the Commentary by this additional note. 

The chief difficulty is the abruptness of the last three lines of the 
Ode, which seem to have no connexion with the remainder of the 
composition. Melesias was the trainer of Pytheas, and of course it 
was strictly appropriate to pay the trainer a compliment. But the 
introduction of this compliment as an appendix, in three lines whose 
absence would not detract from the artistic effect of the hymn, cannot 
be regarded as happy, and is certainly not in the manner of Pindar. 
In the Fourth Nemean Melesias was likewise referred to in the 
concluding verses, but we saw how this reference was carefully woven 
into the fibre of the whole work (above Note 5). 

Our doubts increase when we consider the form which the compli- 
ment to Melesias assumes. The trainer in wrestling is compared to a 
dolphin for swiftness. This simile may indeed be illustrated by the 
word SeA.c/uvi£<o which Lucian uses to express ducking in wrestling. But 
still, if Pindar merely wanted a poetical image to express the qualities 
of a consummate wrestler, his choice of a dolphin cannot be regarded as 
specially appropriate. Perhaps we may conclude that the dolphin was 
intended to suggest something more than the swift movements of a 
wrestler's limbs. 

Now the two things for which the dolphin was chiefly noted were its 
swiftness 1 and its love for music, exemplified in the story of Arion. The 

1 Compare also Pylh. II. 51 feds da- 234 napa. vavv 8' iOvu rax'cra 5e\<pis. 
\acaalov irapa^ei/ierat SeXi/nVa, and Frag. 


second quality is thus mentioned in a remarkable fragment of Pindar 


dXtov 8' lpsB'itp\x.o.i SeX<£ivos xmoKpicriv ' 

tov fJiev uku/aovos ev ttovtov 7reA.ayei 

auA.u5v eKivqcr iparov /acXos. 

It may be shown, I think, that the characteristic of the mythical 
dolphin determined Pindar to employ the image now under con- 
sideration. He regards the zvrestler as playing the dolphin to his own 
Arion ; and the name Melesias (/xe\os) lent itself to the suggestion. The 
poet comes 

kcu auros t^coi' fxtXirav (1. 54)> 

— a strange phrase which arrests the attention, — and the /xcXeVa is for 
the benefit of wrestlers typified by MeX^crias. For if Melesias is a 
dolphin, it follows that the wrestlers whom he trains to excellence, are 
as dolphins too. 

In support of this explanation there are several points to be urged 
(besides the fact that it solves the difficulty). 

(1) It has been pointed out that in the Fourth Nemean there is a 
similar play on the name of the Aeginetan trainer (McXrjo-tav in 1. 93 
responding to p.£\o<i in 1. 44). 

(2) If p-eXeTav (1. 54) is intended to prepare for the allusion in 
MeA^o-ias, the introduction of the metaphor from the ship in 11. 55, 56 
is explained. For this metaphor requires some explanation. It 
interrupts the metaphor of the 686s dixaicros, and it was difficult to see 
for what purpose it was introduced. But if we recognise that it antici- 
pates the simile of the 8e\<pLVL St dA/ms, the whole passage begins to 
become intelligible. Pindar stands in the ship (like Arion) with his 
fjieXeTOL, and the dolphins are in the circumfluent waves, which beat 
against the vessel (1. 56). 

(3) The expression sacred games occurs more than once in Pindar. 
As it was an ordinary term, which required no apology or explanation, 
one is rather surprised at the strange form of expression in 1. 59 

aywojv, tovs Ivzirotcnv tepovs. 

Why 'games which men describe as sacred? Why not ayw'vwv Upwv? 
Unless Pindar intended to draw special attention to the epithet sacred, 
the words tous IvIttoktiv are an objectionable superfluity. There must 
have been some purpose in introducing upous with such emphatic 
formality. I believe that this purpose is closely connected with the 
simile of the dolphin. It is worthy of observation that an extant 


fragment of a lost Isthmian Ode (Frag. 1) compares the Aeginetans to 
dolphins and connects this comparison closely with song and games. 

otot o aperav 
SeAcpiVts iv 7TOVTO) Tap.iai T£ tro<£oi 
Motcrav aywviW T aiOXoiV. 

These words are an excellent commentary on the passage before us. 
In both places, Aeginetans are compared to dolphins ; in both places 
(according to my interpretation) the dolphins are associated with ay<3vcs 
and with song. Now the dolphin was sacred to Dionysus, and in this 
circumstance may be found the explanation of that puzzling Homeric 
expression Jcpos ix^ s > which should be taken as meaning the dolphin and 
not a fish in general. This consideration seems to explain the purpose 
of Pindar's carefully chosen words. As the aX/xa is the leaping ground 
(Pindar probably connected it with aXXo/iat rather than with aX<;) of 
the sacred fish, so the sacred games are the element of the human 
dolphins. And the association between the dolphin and the sacred 
games is rendered unmistakable by a verbal echo, if my restoration of 
1. 65 be correct; air 01/11 echoes IvIttoio-iv. 'Men call those games 
sacred; and so it is not unfitting that I should call Melesias a dolphin 
(the sacred fish).' 

But we may go yet further. The simile is woven still more deeply 
into the texture of the hymn. In 1. 28 we read of the oupos eTreW, and 
in 1. 29 how songs and tales ' waft home ' (iKo/xio-av) the fair exploits of 
the Bassidae, and in 1. 31 of the ships which they have chartered. Now 
the word iKo/uo-av does not receive its due until we recognise that it 
means gathering home to the storehouse of the Bassids,— their storehouse of 
victories. This is suggested by the notable expression in the pre- 
ceding lines 

erepov ov tlvol Foi/cov aTrecpdvaro 7rvy/x.a^ia 7rXeova)v 

ra/xtav <TTccpa.V(i)V. 

Here is a remarkable coincidence, if it be nothing more. The 
Bassid house is called a Tcyuas oTe</>ouw, in the immediate context of 
a metaphor from the sea; and the Bassid wrestlers are afterwards 
(through Melesias) likened to dolphins. In the Fragment of an 
Isthmian Ode, cited above, the Aeginetans are called ra/xiat aywviW 
aWXoiv, and compared to dolphins in the same breath. Are we entitled 
to infer that there is some link of connexion between the simile of the 
dolphin and 'the house dispenser of crowns'? If any such connexion 
exists, it must lie in some technical use of ra/xias in dithyrambic worship 
or the mysteries of Dionysus. It is at least worth recalling that the god 


with whom dolphins were specially associated is described in the well- 
known choral song in the Antigone by the mysterious title tcV rafxiav 
"Ia.K X ov (1. 1 154). 

There are, I believe, similar allusions to the worship of Dionysus in 
Isthmian v., and they may be briefly indicated here. That Ode opens 
with a simile from the wine-bowl : 


Sevrepov KpaTijpo. MoicratW jaeAe'cov 
KLpvafxev K.T.A. 

In 1. 9 we read cx7rei/S€iv p.t\i(p6oyyoi<; doiSai?, in 1. 40 oivoSokov 
(pidXav, in 1. 64 dpSovTi KaXXtcrTa Spo'o-w. In 1. 73 the strange simile of 
the Naxian tvhctstone was chosen, I believe, with the special purpose of 
alluding to the Naxian god. But the phrase which concerns us at 
present is that which occurs in 1. 57 : 

<$>v\a.KL&a yap rj\6ov, co Mouru, ra/Ata? 
Uv8ea. re Kwpnov. 

The felicity of this phrase lies, I would suggest, in its harmony with the 
Dionysiac undercurrent which runs through the Ode. 

Note 8. ix. 17, 18. 

Since the note on 1. 17 was printed, the difficulty in the text has 
been discussed by Mr W. R. Hardie, of Balliol College, in the Classical 
Revieiv (June 1890, p. 269) \ He holds with Kayser that eWav p.iyicrroL 
is right, and that the lacuna is in 1. 18. In the mss. a new line begins 
with £irTcnrv\ov<;, and Kayser reads 

/cat ttot es 
eTTTairvXovs WeXov k.t.X. 

Mr Hardie compromises. He leaves kcu ttot€ in 1. 17, but carries 
on es to 1. 18, and proposes two alternative readings : 


AeKTOv ts €7TTa7rvXovs ©r/'/3a<j, 


0ry/3as €S €7TTa7ruAoi;s Acktgov 

(-as as in Hesiod). The introduction of Ae/a-oV (Xcktwv) was suggested 

1 It is satisfactory to me to observe coincides with mine, 
tint Mr Hardie's view (//'.) of x. 61 


by E. Schmid's e7rra7n;Xovs KptTOv es &rjf3a<; and Beck's €7rra.7rvAous 
®rjf3as Acktcov. 

The first conjecture of Mr Hardie may be right, though there is 
nothing to confirm it, and the cause of the omission of XektoV is not 
apparent 1 . But I find it difficult to believe that eo-o-av (mss. rjaav) 
Hcyio-TOL is genuine. 

Note 9. 

X. 2 <p\eyeTai 8' apeTdts 

fxvpiais efpyojv Opacrew eveKev. 

Besides the meaning which it usually bears, dperrj is occasionally, 
though rarely, found in the sense fj.vrffj.rf nepl dpeTrjs. A passage in 
Plato's Symposion excellently illustrates this usage. 

208 D : ewe\ olei crv, e<pr), " KXurfcmv VTrep 'ASfxrfrov aTrodaveiv av, r) 
'A^iXXc'a narpo'/cXa) evaTToOaveiv rj 7rpoa.Tro60.veZv tov ifxerepov KdSpov virep 
rrjq /?ao~<.Xaas twv 7rai8wv, fir) olofievov; aOdvarov fivrfp\rfv apeTrjs irepi 
cavTcov <io~eo-8ai r/i/ vuv T^peis e^opev; 7roXXou y€ Set, e<f)rj, aXX oipai i>7rep 
dperrj^ koI TOiavTrfs &6£rf> evKXeous 7rai'Tes Trai'Ta 7roiovo~iv k.t.X. 

Here ape-r^s bears in the answer the same meaning that fj.vrjjj.rjv 
dperrjs irlpi bears in the question. But it is well worthy of note that 
both here and in the other passage where this meaning is most clearly 
marked, Pliiloctetcs 1420, dperrj is accompanied by the same epithet. 
Heracles says dddvarov dperrjv lo-)(ov, cos rrapeo-B' opdv, — I loon immortal 
quality. These two passages suggest that this expression dperr) d6d- 
varo<s is the link connecting the usual sense of dperrj with that which 
belongs to it in the line of Pindar quoted above. In dperrj dOdvaros 
the word may be said to preserve still its proper force (excellent 
quality), but it is on the road to a new meaning, dperd, memorial of 
excellence in Pindar, is, I am inclined to believe, the dperrj dOdvaros 
clipped. Thus apcTcus pupi'ais are countless monuments, which im- 
mortalise the glories of Argos. 

There is another passage in Pindar which supports this explanation. 
In Isth. IV. 17 we read 

r\v 8' cv 'l<T#pw SnrXda 0aXXoirr' dperd, 
<&t.'Xa/a8a, kcitou Nepc'a 8e kcu TrperreL 
YlvQea re irayKpariov. 

Here 6dWour dperd seems to be a resetting of the phrase dddvaros 

1 If I were convinced that 1. 17 ended prefer irpaaaere to irpaacrerai. in 1. 3. 
with /cat 7rore I should be inclined to 


apcra. We may remember how 6aXep6<; is used of the eternal youth 
and beauty of the gods, and we may compare such passages as Isth. 
III. 6 7rXaytats Se (frpeveacriv ov\> ojuws Ttdvia xpovov OdXXwv cp.iXel, 
and 22 (iv. 4) dperd<; — cuon KXcwvi'/Ai'Sat 6dXXovre<; alei. We find 
ddXXeiv in conjunction with dperd also in CV. ix. 16, 0aAAa 8' dperalo-w 
(yj '07rous). 

In any case, however apery acquired its secondary meaning, it is 
clear that it might be applied as fitly to a monument in stone or bronze, 
as to a record in writing or to fame in the mouths of men. 

Note 10. 

XI. 48, 6£vTepai. 

Mr Postgate has kindly allowed me to print the following note, 
which however does not coincide with my own view. 

' 6£vTepai means " passing fierce." The comparative here approxi- 
mates to a superlative. To understand this, it must be remembered 
that the comparative simply asserts that something possesses a quality 
in a greater degree than other things. So the extent to which this 
quality is possessed will manifestly depend on the number of these 
other things, ofrorepos TrdvTm', -iroXXwv, iviwv denote very different 
degrees of " keenness." Hence the comparative, besides its proper use 
for the comparison of two things, has two absolute uses, one (a) "intensi- 
fying," and the other (/;) "qualifying." The context, of course, must decide 
which is to be taken, (a) is the use here : so also in the well-known 
meaning of vewTepos " out of the common," whence vewrepl^eiv, although 
this may be a euphemistic use. It is clear where a negative is added ; 
ov xeipov "not very bad" &c. ; though, had the negative been actually 
compounded with the adjective, the meaning of the comparative would 
have been "somewhat." Compare Plato Thecet. 177 ovk d-yoearepa 
Ae'yeiv (nearly = ^'Sin-cpa). A good example of (b) is Herod. 11. 18, T17V Sc 
Ai[3v-qv ISfieu epvOpoTeprjv re yfjv ko.1 viro\pap.p.orepriv rrjv Se 'Apafiirjv 
T£ kcu 'Svpirji' dpyiXitioeaTeprjv re koX viroTrerpov eov<rav, "reddish, 
...inclining to sand" &c. as is shown by vTroVcrpos.' 



The poems of Pindar 'burn bright,' to use an expression of his own, 
with the presence of the Graces. Xa'pis may sometimes be translated 
the spirit of art, but the sphere of the Charites was wider and cannot be 
better defined than Pindar has defined it himself: 


rd Tepirvd re kcu yAi>Kea 

avaTeAAerai 7ravra /SpoTois, 

K€i <ro<f>6s, el KaXo?, ci Tts ayAaos avrjp. 

It was natural that they should be the sovran ladies in a world of art, 
which was conversant mainly with ' the delightful things in Hellas ' ; 
and I propose to show here that in all his epinician hymns, except 
three (possibly only one) of very small compass, Pindar either mentions 
the Graces or alludes to their influence. 

Nemean Odes. 

I. X' x P lv 1- ^ (see note); dyXaCav 1. 13; 0aAos 1. 2; 6a\(po<s 1. 71. 
Thus the presence of the Charites and especially of Aglaia and Thalia 
is suggested 1 . 

II. In this short Ode there is no mention of the Graces nor even 
an allusion to them. (But see below p. 244.) 

III. ^apteira 1. 12; X a W e ^ 7^j ayAaaicri 1. 69; dyXaoKpavov 1. 56; 
ayaAyaa 1. 13. 

1 It is worth observing that the as- \eirra re kcu x a P' UVTa KaL a7^aa gpya. 

sociation of the words x a P^ €ls arR l a^Xaos j n Homer x a P^ evTa ^P7 a means works 

is as old as Homer: cf. k 223 of art. cf. j" 234. 

B. l6 


IV. The XaptTts are mentioned in 1. 7 ; and the note of the hymn 
is ei(}>po(Tvva 1. 1 ; but the other sisters are also alluded to in dyXaov 1. 20, 
and ddX-qo-e 1. 88. 

V. This Ode concludes with the words a-vv iavOaU Xdpurcnv. Aglaia 
is suggested bydydXpuzTa 1. I, and dydXXei 1. 43; Euphrosyne by ev<f>pove<; 

1. 38. Cf. x at 'p w I* 46* 

VI. The Xdprre? appear in 1. 37 (XapiVwv 6p.d8w (pXe'ycv). 

VII. X^P iV 1- 75> X"P/ xa 1- 84. J dyXadyinov I. 4; ev<ppu>v 1. 67. 
Charis, Aglaia, and Euphrosyne are thus suggested. 

VIII. In this hymn we have only dyaXpo. (1. 16) to suggest Aglaia. 
But the very name of the clan to which the victor belonged, XdpidSai, 
might be considered a gracious one ; and "Clpa iroTVLa, who is invoked 
in the opening lines, was a being of kindred to the Graces. Cf. also 
Xaipoi 1. 48. 

IX. The Xa'ptTcs are confederate with the poet (1. 54) and Aglaia is 
honoured by dyXaiaLo-iv in 1. 31. 

X. In this hymn the Graces are prepotent. In 1. 1 they are 
invoked, Xdpn-cs, and in 1. 38 their name recurs XapiVco-0-1. x a '/ 3lv !• 3°- 
Aglaia is suggested by dyXaoOpovwv 1. 1 ; Thalia by OdXrja-ev, 1. 42 and 
OdXeLav 1. 53- 

XI. This work is not an epinician, but Aglaia is not forgotten in it ; 

cf. dyXaa) 1. 4, dyXaai 1. 2 0. 

Isthmian Odes. 

I. xapiTW 1. 6 ; x a W €T€ !• 3 2 - 

II. xapiTcacnv dpapws 1. 19. dyXaCav, 1. 18. 

III. dyavais xapiVcaortv 1. 8. OdXXwv 1. 6. tvcppoavvav 1. 10. 

IIP. £7rio-Ta'£wi/ x<*P LV 1- 9° (7 2 ) J X^/ 30 " 1- 47 (29)- OdXXovTc; 1. 22 (4). 

IV. <rvv Xdpia-LV 1. 21; x^Pt 1 "-^ 54- OdXXota-a 1. 17. 

V. XapiVwi/ 1. 63; aSeta xdpis 1. SOJ X a P« l 's L IO - OaXXovros 1. I. 

VI. X"P ts 1- r 7- ^"^°5 1- 2 4- €*>(£pavas 1. 3. 

VII. XapLTUtv ttwTov 1. 16. dyXaoV 1. 3. dyXaos 1. 27. 


Olympian Odes. 

I. Xa'pis 1. 31. ayXai^cTtu 1. 143 ayXaoTpi'cuvav 1. 4 1 ; ayXacucri 1. 94; 
aya'XXcov 1. 89. ei<j>pocrvva<; 1. 60. 

II. Koivai Xapires 1-55; X°P lv ^ IX J X^P' 5 ^ T 9J X a P/ xaTt0V ^ 2I j 
€)(aipov 1. 72. ayXatoV 1. 80. 6d\o<; 1. 49. ev(f>p(i>v 1. 16; ev<ppova 1. 40. 
7rupaXvei 8vcr<ppova.v 1. 57. 

III. ^dp/xara 1. 1 09. ayXaoKCopov 1. 5. e^aXXev 1. 23. 

IV. XaptTwv 1. 10; \aipovTa 1. 13. cixppiuv 1. II. 

V. No mention or allusion. 

VI. Xapts 1. 76. #a'Xos 1. 68. <pi\o<ppo(Tvvai<; evr)pa.TOi<; (1. 98) 
suggests Euphrosyne. 

VII. Xapti £<D#aXpios 1. 1 1 j x a P tT€cro ' t,/ 1. 93; X a P tv ^ 5 5 X"PP aTa 
1. 44. 0aXias 1. 94. evcf>pova 1. 63. 

VIII. X^P lv 1- ^°5 X ( * / P LV ^ ^" ayXaov 1. II. 

IX. XaptVaJV 1. 27. ayXaiaicriv 1. 98; ayXaoSevSpov 1. 20. t^aXXti 
1. 16. ev(f>pdv8r) 1. 62. 

X. X a P tv 1" I2 » X a P u/ !■ x 7 J X^P lv ^ 94 J X a PP a !• 22 - ^aXiat? 
1. 76. 

XI. No mention or allusion. 

XII. No mention or allusion. 

XIII. xaptTes 1. 19. ayXaicxv 1. 14; ayXaoKoupov 1. 4; dyXaoOpdvoLS 
1. 96. 

XIV. This hymn is addressed to the Graces. Xapires 1. 4 ; Xapirwv 
1. 8. Their names are mentioned 1. 13: 

w 7TOTVL AyXata </>tX^crtpoX7r€ t Evc/)po(rwa 
©aXc'a re 


Also a'yXao? 1. 7. 

Pythian Odes. 

I. X"P ts 1- 33' X"P lv '• 7^5 X"PP a ^ 59- ayXai'as 1. 2. Oa\tai<; 

II. Xapirwv 1. 42; x a P ls '• x 7 > X a P tv ^ 7° j X a W € ^ ^7- 

16 — 2 


III. SiSupis x a P lTa 5 1- 72; xap^l- 95- €vcf>po<rvi'a<; 1. 98. 

IV. x"P lTCS 1- 2 75; X at P cl,/ !• 6l - ayXaot 1. 82. 0a'XXei 1. 65. 
evcppocrvvav 1. 129; ev<ppova 1. 196. 

V. r/vKOfiot Xdpires 1. 45; x a V ,lJ/ 1- io2 j /«Xos x a P tcl/ 1- io 7- ayXawv 
1. 52. 

VI. XapiVw 1. 2. ayXa/av 1. 46. 

VII. x at P w Tt 1« J 6. 0aXXoi<rav 1. 21. 

VIII. XapLTwv 1. 21; x"P tv ^ ^6; x a Pf JL ° LTOiV !• 64; \aipiav 8k /ecu 
avTos 1. 56. cf>i\6(f>pov 'Acrvxta 1. I. 

IX. Xapireo-cri 1. 3; XapiTwv 1. 89; x^Pf 10 - ^ 64. 0aXXo«rav 1. 8« 
€V#aXet 1. 72. evcppoiv 1. 73; ev<ppa.i>6etora 1. 16. 

X. X < */ MV !■ ^4j X ai P ct !• 36. ayXaiais 1. 28. 0aXiais 1. 34. €vcf>po- 
i/a>s 1. 40. 

XI. X"P tJ/ ^ 5^j X a P tl/ !■ I2 - T£0aAora 1. 53. tvcppoavva 1. 45. 

XII. XapiVtoi/ 1. 26. (piXdyXae 1. I. 

Thus Pindar in all the odes in which he does not pay a direct 
tribute to the Graces, makes us aware that the air is permeated by a 
literally ' gracious ' influence. There are four exceptions ; but of these 
it is possible that one is only apparent, as there are grave reasons for 
suspecting that the Fifth Olympian is not a work of Pindar. The 
Eleventh and Twelfth Olympians and the Second Nemean are such 
short hymns that they cannot fairly be said to invalidate my generalisa- 
tion. And even of these exceptions two may be only apparent. In the 
Second Nemean, in honour of an Athenian victor, Pindar may have 
considered that he had done due homage to Charis, by using a verb 
(ae'lei 1. 13) which the Athenian Grace Av£u might take to herself. The 
Twelfth Olympian, consisting of a single system, is possibly only a 
fragment of a longer ode ; on me, certainly, it has always produced the 
impression of incompleteness. If it is a fragment, I have no doubt that 
the Graces were mentioned or alluded to in the lost part. 



In connexion with the dates of the two odes to Chromius, 
Nemean i. and Nemean ix., the question arises as to the chronology 
of Pindar's visit to Sicily. On this point no direct statement of any 
ancient writer has been preserved to us. The work of Antiochus, 
where there was some notice, no doubt, of the Theban poet's presence 
at the court of the Syracusan sovran, is lost, and Diodorus does not 
help us. From the Lives of Pindar we only learn the fact that Pindar 
was at the court of Hiero. Boeckh and Dissen however have approxi- 
mately determined from internal evidence the time of Pindar's departure 
for Sicily. The reasoning is based on data furnished by Pythian m. 
and Olympian i. 

Pythian in. celebrates victories won by Hiero's horse Pherenikos. 
This horse won two victories at Delphi, according to a scholium on 
Pyth. in. (Dissen's ed. of Boeckh, n. p. 327), which gives us the dates 
01. 73, 3 and 01. 74, 3. But the ode was composed much later, not 
only after the accession of Hiero to the sovranty of Syracuse (01. 75, 3) 
but after the foundation of Aetna (01. 76, 1), cf. 1. 69. As it must 
have been written for an anniversary of the victories, we get as the 
earliest possible date 01. 76, 3 (474). But in this year Hiero was 
proclaimed victor in the Pythian chariot race (which Pindar soon after- 
wards celebrated in the First Pythian ode), and as there is no allusion 
to this brilliant success, it would seem that Pythian in. was written 
and dispatched to Sicily shortly before the celebration of the games 
at Delphi in 01. 76, 3 {i.e. July or August 474), so as to be sung at 
Syracuse or Aetna on the day of commemoration. 

Now when Pindar wrote this ode it is clear that he was in Thebes, 
not in Sicily. This follows from 1. 68 sqq. : 


K.a.1 K€v iv vavalv uoXov 'loviav T€fiV(OV 6a.\a<T<rav 

'Apedovaav ctti Kpdvav Trap AtTvatov ££vov 


76 i^LKO/xav K€ fiadvv 7tovtov 7T€pao-at9. 

Hence Pindar did not go to Sicily before the summer of 474. 

The First Olympian celebrates a victory won by the same horse at 
Olympia in 01. 77 (July or August), 472 B.C. If it could be proved 
that Pindar was in Sicily when this ode was written, it is clear that 
we could fix the time of his going there between the limits of summer 
474 and summer or autumn 472. Boeckh and Dissen infer from 
11. 8 — 11 and 1. 16 that Pindar was then with Hiero. 

8 o$€v 6 TroXvcpaTOS upvos a/A<£i/3aA/\eTcu 
crocjiwv (JLvp-Ucrcri, KeAaSetv 
Kpovou 7rcuS' es dcpveav iko/a€vovs 
[AaKaipav Ie'pcovos eoTiav. 
16 ota 7rai£o/A£V <pikav 

a'vSpcs dfi(pl 6ap.d r ztp.v. 

It cannot be denied that these verses go very near to proving that 
Pindar was in Sicily when he wrote them, ota Trai^opiev are hardly the 
words of a man who had not yet been on a visit to Hiero. They are 
not quite as clear perhaps as i^LK6p.av kc in the Third Pythian ; but I 
think we cannot fairly get out of Boeckh's conclusion. 

The going of Pindar to the west is thus narrowed down to the limits 
of two years. We can hardly compress the limits more with anything 
like certainty. If the chariot of Chromius was victorious at Nemea in 
01. 76, 4 (July 473), and if the First Nemean ode was composed 
immediately when the news reached Chromius, then it follows that 
Pindar went to Sicily between summer 474 and summer 473. But 
(1) Boeckh's view assigning Nemean 1. to 01. 76, 4 is not certain, for 
the victory might have been gained in summer of 471 (beginning of 
01. 77, 2), or (2) the ode might have been written for performance 
on an anniversary of the original victory. 

In any case Nemean 1. was written either when Pindar was still 
in Sicily, or after his visit. This follows from 1. 19 lorai/ k.t.X. The 
past tense rather suggests that he was not actually present at the 
performance of the hymn, and is referring to previous hospitality 
afforded to him by Chromius. But it does not follow that he was 
not in Sicily at the time. I feel pretty certain that Boeckh, Dissen, 
Mezger and most Pindaric commentators are right in teaching that 
the Sicyonian ode to Chromius is later than the Nemean ; though 


it is assuredly odd that in the hymn on the lesser victoiy at the 
games of Apollo, no reference is made to the greater victory at the 
games of Zeus. But it is by no means clear in what part of Greece, 
proper or improper, Pindar was, when the Sicyonian ode was written. 
It is generally assumed that he was still in Sicily, and present at the 
festivities, which he encourages in the last strophes. But there is not a 
word which really supports the assumption, and I own that the first 
lines of the ode seem to me to suggest, if they suggest anything, that 
they were written out of Sicily. 

We can determine then approximately the date of Pindar's going to 
Sicily, but for the date of his return we cannot get anything nearer than 
the likelihood that it took place before 01. 78, 1. For that year is 
probably, though not certainly, the date of Olympian vi., which was not 
written in Sicily (the other possible date being 01. 76, 1). 

Perhaps this is all one is strictly entitled to say. The interpretation 
however which I have given of Nemean 1. suggests a conjectural restora- 
tion of the chronology. I have pointed out that Pindar holds out to 
Chromius the prospect of an Olympian victory. This suggests that 
Boeckh's date is right, that the Nemean wreath was won in 473 and 
that Chromius intended to compete for the Olympian olive in 472. If 
he did actually take part in the chariot race then, he and his horses 
were not as lucky as his sovran Hiero and the famous steed Pherenikos 
at the same festival. A few years later, perhaps when Pindar has 
returned to Greece, he is asked by Chromius, then -installed at Aetna, 
to celebrate a victory gained years ago at Sicyon. The poet writes 
now in a different strain, no longer making allusions to a possible 
Olympian victory, but speaking as if the active career of Chromius 
were well-nigh over. 

There is one thing about these two hymns to Chromius which has 
always struck me as strange. That is the absence of all reference 
to Hiero. This silence stands in marked contrast with the Sixth 
Olympian hymn to Agesias, where the poet takes the opportunity to 
sing the praises of the Syracusan sovran. But we shall doubtless be 
in a better position to judge of the politics of Syracuse and Aetna, and 
the relations of Hiero and Dinomenes to Chromius when Mr Freeman's 
work on Sicily appears. 



It has always been recognised as a patent fact that the great 
games celebrated at Olympia, at Pytho, at Nemea and on the Isthmus, 
were a most important bond of unity between Greek-speaking peoples. 
But it has not been recognised that these Panhellenic festivals were 
only an outcome of a fact more general still. In order to explain 
this, it will be necessary to search for the origin of these festivals in the 
obscurity of early Greek history. The clue to the ramifying history of 
the centuries preceding the Persian War has always appeared to me to 
be the struggle towards a Hellenic unity, which, politically at least, 
was never destined to be realized. It was found impossible to blend 
thoroughly the Ionian aAei<£a and the Dorian o£os ; or, in the metaphor 
of a recent German writer, the Ionian horse and the Dorian ox would 
not pull together. Yet the sum of Greek history was a series of attempts 
to solve this insoluble problem, and sometimes the solution seemed not 
far off. Delphic influence was exerted in this Panhellenic direction, 
and the Delphic amphictyony did important work in promoting the 
unity of Hellas. 

But besides the religious authority of Delphi, there was another 
power that represented the spirit of Panhellenism and furthered its 
cause. This power was the rvpawU. Greece owed to the great 
tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries far more than she confessed 
or knew. The despots, doubtless, were not fully conscious of the great 
historical meaning of their policy, even as Sparta was not conscious of 
the significance of hers. But as Sparta represented the principle of 
narrow provincial isolation, the despots were essentially the champions 
of a wide and expansive Hellenedom. This, I conceive, and not 
any minor differences as to the best form of political constitutions — 
was the deepest cause of the eternal feud between Lacedaemon and 
the iyrannis. The work of the tyrants was to tame the Dorian ox; 



and Sparta, herself untamable, tried to hinder the accomplishment of 
such bold designs. It is well-known that the commercial and social 
intercourse of Greek nations was encouraged and promoted under the 
rule of the tyrants, in Hellas proper as well as in Hellas beyond the 
seas, and that the courts of the despots were centres of Hellenic culture. 
But one work of the tyrannis, a work of the highest importance for the 
history of Greece, has not been recognized as such. I refer to the 
founding of the Panhellenic Games. 

The foundations of three of the great agonistic festivals are generally 
admitted to fall in the early part of the sixth century. 

(1) The Pythian aywv o-Tc^aviVr/s was inaugurated by the Amphi- 
ctyons in 586 after the conclusion of the Sacred War 1 . But the chief 
promoter of this inauguration was Clisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, who 
had been one of the leaders in the conquest of Cirrha. It was through 
his influence 3 that the Amphictyons decided to introduce at Delphi 
gymnic and curule games in honour of Apollo on the model of those 
which were celebrated at Olympia in honour of Zeus. The feast took 
place at the beginning of the 3rd year of each Olympiad, that is in the 
late summer of every even year (b.c.) which is not divisible by 4 (586, 
582 &c). The prize was a wreath of laurel. 

(2) About the same time the Isthmia were founded by Periander, 
the tyrant of Corinth. A panegyric in honour of Poseidon and some 
local games, doubtless, existed already, but this provincial festivity was 
now exalted by the great despot into an aywy o-re^aviV^s, which was 
celebrated in April every second and fourth Olympiad (every even year 
b.c. 586, 584, sqq. 3 ). The victors were rewarded by wreaths of dry 
parsley. Both Eusebius and Jerome testify that the Pythia and Isthmia 
began in the same year. If this statement is correct the games of 
Corinth were a few months older than the games of Pytho. Duncker, 
however, who places the first Pythias in 590, assigns the foundation of 
the Isthmian Games to 587. He thinks that Periander owed the idea 
to Clisthenes. ' Was Periander,' he asks, ' to remain behind the neigh- 

1 The Pythia were renewed after the 
war in 590, but the addition of curule and 
gymnic contests was not made until 586, 
which is rightly called by Pausanias the 
first Pythias. It seems however that the 
dyuiv did not become arecpauiTTTS until 582 
(in which year Clisthenes was victor in 
the chariot race). In 586 it was still an 

dywv xP 7 H J - aTlTr ls- 

2 This is amply admitted by Duncker, 

History 0/ Greece (Eng. Tr.) 11. 360, 


3 More precisely (Schomann, Gr. Al- 

terthiimer, II. 69) 'auf der Grenzscheide 

zwischen dem vierten und ersten wie 

zwischen dem zweiten und dritten Olym- 

piadenjahre begangen, so dass es bald 

in den letzten bald in den ersten Monat 

des Olympiadenjahres fiel.' — The Eleans 

were excluded from the Isthmia. 


bouring king of so small a town as Sicyon ' ? ' I cordially concur with 
Duncker's view (at which indeed I had arrived independently), that 
Periander 2 inaugurated the Isthmia, but I am not sure that he is right 
in assigning the priority to the Sicyonian tyrant. He is certainly not 
right in fixing the date of the first Isthmia as 587. This dating seems 
due to a miscalculation. The end of 587 and the beginning of 586 
belong to the same Olympiad, 48, 2 ; and if Duncker had named 
01. 48, 2 as the date, he would have been right, for this would have 
implied April 586. If we regard 586 as the first Pythias, we must 
conclude that the first Isthmias was nearly four months older ; and, in 
any case, the Isthmia as an aywv crrc^ai/tT^s were older than the Pythia. 
We can hardly, I think, draw any definite conclusion from the official 
order of the games, in which the Pythia came second, the Isthmia 
third ; for this may have been due to the circumstance that the Pythia 
like the Olympia were a pentaeteris. And against this we have to place 
the tradition that the Isthmia were even older than the Olympia. Grote 
thought that the foundation of the Isthmia must be placed before 594 
B.C., because it is recorded that Solon instituted valuable rewards for 
Athenians who should win victories at Olympia or on the Isthmus. 
But any date before 580 is compatible with this circumstance. In the 
same connexion it is to be observed that the Athenians had a share 
in the Isthmian sacrifice. Theseus was supposed to have taken part 
in the legendary foundation of the Isthmia. 

(3) The first Nemead fell in 573 (01. 51, 4)- The circumstances 
of this inauguration can only be inferred indirectly. The agonothesia 
or administration of these games was vested in the citizens of Cleonae. 
But we cannot ascribe the transformation of local games, which may 
have been celebrated in the vale of the lion, to the sole, unaided energy 
of that little city, which never possessed independent political impor- 
tance, at least since the days before Phidon. Now we know that 
during the reign of Clisthenes, Cleonae was made subject to Sicyon ; on 
this fact, vouched for by Plutarch, Curtius has rightly insisted 3 . We 
know also that Cleonae must have thrown off the yoke of Sicyon before 
the death of Clisthenes, which probably took place about 565. For 
Clisthenes would never have consented to the inauguration of the 
Nemean festival, supposed to have been founded by Adrastus, the 
hero whose memory he had treated with such marked contumely at 
Sicyon. The natural conclusion is that Cleonae celebrated her de- 
liverance from the rule of Sicyon by inaugurating the Nemean aywV. 

1 11, 3-0. ascertained — 585. 

2 The date of Periander's death is well 3 Curtius, GHechiscke Geschichte, i 5 . 658. 


There was thus a certain element of truth in the theory of Hermann 
(accepted by Curtius) that the Nemea were instituted in memory of the 
fall of the Orthagorids. The fall of the Orthagorids had not yet taken 
place, but an event had happened which marked the decline of the 
Orthagorid power; and this event led to the institution of the Nemea in 
573. But in rebelling against Sicyon and in founding the new games, 
Cleonae must clearly have been aided by some state stronger than 
herself. This state can only have been Argos, to which she had been 
formerly subject, in the "days of Phidon, the despot. Argos and Sicyon 
were rivals. The power of Argos had waned since the death of Phidon; 
the power of Sicyon had waxed under the rule of Clisthenes. This 
tyrant had shown his hatred for the Dorian spirit rudely enough in his 
renaming of the Dorian tribes, and for Argos especially by his treatment 
of the memory of Adrastus. We may be sure that the liberation of 
Cleonae was wrought with the help and countenance of Argos, and that 
the Argives were deeply interested in that event. It is certainly in 
accordance with the historical probabilities of the case that the city of 
Hera should have promoted the new inauguration, on a grand scale, of 
the festival associated with Cleonae, and that the Nemean aywv o-Te^aviVr/s 
should have been first celebrated under the Argive shield. 

But a record which has been fortunately preserved leaves us in little 
doubt that this is the true combination. Eusebius states that the 
Argives usurped the conduct of the Nemean games in the 53rd 
Olympiad (567 B.C.). That the men of Cleonae were the presidents in 
the days of Pindar we know from passages in his Odes ; but they did 
not retain this prerogative permanently, for Strabo 1 speaks of the sacred 
grove iv <t) kou t<x Ne/xea avvrektlv e#os tchs 'Apyctots. Eusebius had got 
hold of a fact, but he distorted it. His statement really proves the 
close connexion of Argos with the Nemean games in the earliest stage 
of their history. We may infer that the Cleonaeans administered the 
agon under the patronage of Argos. But there is no reason to suppose 
that Argos and Cleonae quarrelled for the presidency, like the men of 
Pisa and Elis. This is confirmed by the argument, which Grote 
adduced to overthrow the statement of Eusebius, and which really 
supports a modified acceptance of it. Grote acutely observes that in 
the Tenth Nemean Ode (not really a Nemean) in honour of the Argive 
Theaeus, the Nemean prizes gained by ancestors of the victor are called 
'prizes received from Cleonaean men,' and that if there had been a 

1 Bk. vin. 377. Pausanias II. 15. belonged to Corinth (see introductory 
Holm, Gr. Geschichtc, 1. 291. In later scholia on the Nemean Odes of Pindar), 
times the agonothesia seems to have 


standing dispute between Argos and Cleonae on the subject of the 
administration of the games, such a designation would have been 
conspicuously unhappy. 

The question touching the successors of Phidon who ruled at Argos 
is obscure, but it is perfectly certain that in the sixth century the 
government was carried on by kings or despots who had inherited the 
traditions and ambitions, though not the power, of the great tyrant of 
the seventh century. Herodotus mentions among the suitors of 
Agariste, Leocedes son of Phidon of Argos. This statement has 
caused great perplexity. A son of the great Phidon could hardly have 
been a suitor for the hand of Agariste, nor is it likely that any Argive 
prince would have appeared for such a purpose at the court of 
Clisthenes. It seems clear that there is a chronological mistake. In 
order to make the visitors of Clisthenes completely representative of 
Hellas, Herodotus (or rather his authority) introduced an Argive prince 
who really lived in the preceding century. This is a more simple ex- 
planation than to assume a second Phidon, confounded by Herodotus 
with the more famous despot of the same name. I shall have some- 
thing more to say on the Phidon question presently; but it appears 
that we cannot attempt to identify the sovereign who governed Argos 
m 573- ^ i s however quite enough for the present purpose to establish 
that the Nemean games were celebrated in 573 under the auspices of 
an Argive ruler. The feast recurred every second year 1 , in summer, 
and the victors were crowned with fresh parsley. 

But in connexion with the Nemea a further question arises to which 
we shall have to return presently. Was the event of 573 a new foun- 
dation or a revival? Is it possible that an dywv o-Te^ai'm/s was 
celebrated at Nemea before Cleonae passed under the power of Sicyon, 
and that Clisthenes suppressed it, in accordance with the rest of his 
policy? It will be convenient to reserve this problem for a later stage 
in our discussion. 

Before proceeding to consider whether any conclusion can be drawn 

1 Scaliger started the idea of summer tememeen,' xxxvn. 524 sqq.) showed 

and winter Nemea celebrated alternately, convincingly that the winter Nemea were 

basing his view on two passages in Tail- a late institution (in imperial times) ; and 

sanias, where winter Nemea are men- also proved that the month Panemos, on 

tinned (n. 15, 1 and VI. 16, 4). In this the 1 8th of which the summer Nemea 

he was followed by Boeckh, Hermann, were celebrated, corresponds (not to 

Schomann {Or. Alterthiimer, II. 68), Metageitnion, as Boeckh thought, nor 

but Unger in two important papers in to Boedromion, as Hermann held but) 

rhilologus ('Die zeit der nemeischen to I Iecatombaeon. Thus the Nemea 

spiele,' xxxiv. 50 sqq., and 'Die win- fell in July. 


as to the origin of the most ancient and august of all the agonistic 
festivals, I would direct attention for a moment to the Panathenaea at 
Athens. The foundation of the Great Panathenaea as a pentaeterid, on 
the model of the Olympia and Pythia, belongs to the second half of the 
sixth century and was due to Pisistratus. Gymnic games had been 
introduced at Athens in 566 B.C., six years before the elevation of Pisis- 
tratus, but this tyrant was the first to establish in his city games of 
Panhellenic fame and importance. It is strange that Pisistratus did 
not constitute this contest an aywv o-Te^avtVr;?. In that case, the 
Panathenaea would probably have ranked with the four great agonistic 
festivals of Greece. 

Thus all the states of Hellas, which were ever first-rate powers in 
those early times, founded Panhellenic festivals, — with two remarkable 
exceptions ; Sparta in the Peloponnese and Thebes in northern Greece, 
the two great cities where, in that period, the tyrannis was never 
introduced. The Isthmia, the Pythia, the Nemea, the Great Pana- 
thenaea were all established under the influence or auspices of despots. 
Thus the theory put forward by Hermann, rejected by Grote, and 
revived by E. Curtius, that the games, at least the Nemea and Isthmia, 
were a demonstration against the tyrantiis, is so far from being true 
that it exactly reverses the truth. Hermann thought that the Isthmia 
celebrated the fall of the Cypselids, the Nemea the fall of the Orthagorids ; 
that the Spartans had taken a leading part in pulling down both these 
ruling houses ; and that Sparta's influence was active in promoting the 
institution of the agones. The chronological data alone suffice to 
refute this theory. The hypothesis that Sparta intervened has no 
foundation; the hypothesis that she helped to found the festivals is 
contrary to all a priori probability. No Panhellenic agon was likely to 
be inaugurated through the influence of that state ; it was notorious 
that the games on the Eurotas were never thrown open to the rest 
of Hellas; and the sole exception which Sparta made in favour of 
the Olympia was due to a political necessity. The Greek agones were 
truly the visible memorial of the beneficent effects of the tyrannis. 

(4) If these considerations are just, an important principle has been 
established, and it remains to consider whether the Olympian games 
form an exception to that principle. In examining this question we 
must disregard the chronology of the Olympian register which was 
compiled about 400 B.C. by Hippias of Elis on uncertain data 1 . In a 

1 The words of Plutarch (JVuma, cap. xp&ov* ^a-Kpt^Sxrai x a ^ e7r ° v tcrrt, teal 
1) are highly significant: toi>$ /xif ovv /.cdXicrra rovs ex tup '0\v/mtti.ovi,ku!v 


remarkable paper which appeared nine years ago in the Journal oj 
Hellenic Studies (vol. ii.) Mr Mahaffy disputed the authenticity of 
the Olympian register, bringing forward arguments which have never 
been answered, and which to me appear cogent. The arrange- 
ment of events in the eighth century from 776 downwards was a 
construction of the fancy and ingenuity of Hippias, based on a priori 
considerations; and the reckoning by Olympiads did not come into 
general use until the 3rd century B.C. 1 . It was always a tendency of 
the Greek mind to assign an imaginary antiquity to the events of their 
ancient history. Some accounts place Phidon of Argos in the ninth 
century 2 : most modern historians have followed the statements which 
place him in the eighth ; but it has been shown beyond reasonable 
doubt that he really lived in the middle of the seventh 3 . This is an 
instance of the tendency to push back events into an earlier epoch. 
It may be affirmed with certainty that Greek chronology begins for us 
in the seventh century ; and it is probable that almost all the historical 
events which, according to the Register, took place in the first twenty 
Olympiads, really belong to the following generations. 

This is not the place to enter into the vexed question about 
Phidon's date, but as the most recent German historians, Busolt, Holm 
and Duncker, have declared themselves for the old date in opposition 
to the view first propounded by Weissenborn and made current by the 
approval of K. F. Hermann and Ernst Curtius, it is necessary to say 
a few words on the subject. As I cannot profess faith in the early 
Olympiads, I am not going to contend with Weissenborn that there is a 
mistake in the text of Pausanias and that in the passage where he 
speaks of Phidon at Olympia, we should read the 28th for the 8th 
Olympiad 4 . It would be hazardous in my opinion to suppose that 

dvayofjiivovs, w tt)v dv ay pacpijv otyi 285,' Die allgemeine Benutzungder Olym- 

(pa<TLi> 'l-rnriav eKdovvai rbv 'HXeioi' an piaden fur die griechische Chronologie 

ovdevbs 6p/ju!)/j.evov dvayxaiov ivpbs ist aber viel spater, besonders durch 

iriariv. Two points strike one here. den Historiker Timaios von Tauromenion 

(1) Plutarch is not proving any theory of im dritten Jahrh. v. Chr. gebrauchlich 

his own, and therefore his scepticism in geworden.' 

respect to the early Olympiads is not 2 The Tarian Marble, 

biassed. (2) There seems little doubt :; Weissenborn, Hellen (Jena 1844). 

that he echoes the censure of some much This date is accepted by E. Curtius 

older critic, perhaps of a contemporary (668 — 660 B.C.), I. 656, but rejected by 

of Hippias. The register of Hippias Duncker and Busolt (after linger) and 

can hardly have passed unchallenged at by Mr Evelyn Abbott. 

the time of its publication. * vi. 2?, 2. 
1 So Holm, Griechische Gesckichte, I. 


Pausanias knew the right date. I shall confine myself to three remarks. 
(1) The placement of Phidon in the eighth century (770—744, nearly) 
was not due to any positive knowledge derived from records, but was 
determined by the calculation that he was the tenth from the semi- 
mythical Temenus. (2) According to Ephorus 1 , silver coinage was 
introduced into Greece by Phidon. There seems no reason to question 
the truth of the record, and here one may judge the champion of 
Phidon's early date out of his own mouth. Unger is supposed by those 
who hold to the eighth century to have decided the whole question by his 
elaborate arguments in Philologus 2 . Now Unger speaks of Ephorus with 
the utmost respect as ' eine autoritat ersten ranges auf dem gebiete der 
alteren hellenischen geschichte.' There is therefore on his own showing 
no reason to doubt the record of Ephorus. Now all the best authorities 
on numismatics are agreed that money was not coined in Greece until 
the beginning of the seventh century 3 . It follows that Phidon cannot 
have lived so early as 770—745. (3) One of Weissenborn's arguments 
for the later date of Phidon was that Leocedes, Phidon's son, appears at 
the marriage of Agariste in Herodotus 4 . The argument, as Weissenborn 
puts it, is worthless, and his opponents easily upset it, pointing out that 
the marriage of Agariste is romance (perhaps Herodotus derived his 
account of it from a poem) and adding that in any case, even with the 
later date, Phidon's son could hardly have been a suitor of Agariste 5 . 
But Leocedes supplies us with an argument notwithstanding. If Phidon 
lived in the first half of the eighth century, as Busolt and Holm believe, 
it is perfectly incredible that Herodotus (or the sixth century poet from 
whom he drew the story) would have made him the father of a 
contemporary of Clisthenes. The discrepancy would have been too 
great and too obvious. If on the other hand he lived in the first half of 
the seventh century and was perhaps really the grandfather of Leocedes, 

1 Strabo vni. 376 (and 358). See also as 'ein keineswegs zuverlassiger Zeuge,' 
Marm. Par. Ep. 30. although in the same breath he accepts 

2 B. xxvni. and XXIX. the conclusions of Unger, in whose 

3 See Holm, Gr. Gesch. 1. 256 'die arguments the statements of Ephorus 
griindlichsten Forscher sind sich gegen- play a conspicuous part (see Busolt, Gr. 
w'artig dariiber einig, dass man sie nicht Gesch. pp. 143, 144). 

wohl vor 700 setzen kann' (and Ilultsch 4 Herodotus vi. 127. 

therefore places Phidon in the seventh 5 So Holm, I. 256 'Aber erstens hat 

century). Money was doubtless coined die Geschichte von den Freiern der 

in Lydia first, but there is no reason to Agariste keinen Werth als Grundlage 

question the statement that Phidon first chronologischer Forschungen, und zvvei- 

introduced minting in Greece. Busolt tens ware fur den Vater einer dieser 

however rejects it and speaks of Ephorus Freier Ol. 28 noch zu friih.' 


the apparition of 'the son of Phidon ' at the court of Sicyon about 
570 is less startling. We can understand Herodotus passing over 
the difficulty in this case without comment. Herodotus was in a 
position to have quite as trustworthy information touching the date of 
Phidon as either Hippias of Elis or Pausanias, and if he had been 
taught that Phidon lived two hundred years before Clisthenes he would 
not have omitted to call attention to the glaring chronological inaccuracy 
in the tale which he tells about the suitors of Agariste. 

The revision of chronology — to which the first step was taken by 
the recognition of Phidon's true date — will clearly affect the received 
view touching the foundation or revival of the Olympian festival in the 
eighth century. If we look merely at the probabilities of the matter, it 
is not easy to believe that any great Panhellenic institution was founded 
in the eighth century. We may readily grant that there were local 
games connected with the worship of Zeus on the banks of the 
Alpheus as early as 776; but the received view that 776 meant for 
the Olympia anything like what 586 meant for the Pythia, is, I 
submit, incredible ; and even the cautious Duncker makes an admis- 
sion which if logically carried out confirms my position. ' The 
Spartans,' he says, 'relying on their close connexion with Elis now 
[end of seventh century] adopted a legend which ascribed the 
institution of the common sacrifice at Olympia to Lycurgus and 
IphitusV Thus the foundation of Iphitus is as legendary as that of 
Heracles or those of Oxylus and the other mythical heroes to whom 
revivals of the Olympia are ascribed by Pausanias 2 . 

Now it appears to me of the highest significance that the first 
historical personage (in the strict sense of the term historical — the 
personality of ' Lycurgus ' is doubtful) whose name has been associated 
with the Olympian games is the despot Phidon of Argos. In the eighth 
Olympiad, according to the text of Pausanias (in the twenty-eighth 
according to the emendation which some accept) Phidon espoused the 
cause of Pisa against Elis, and the Olympian games were celebrated 
under his presidency. The Argive power was at this time at its 
height. When we reflect that the personal names which Greek writers 
connect with the administration of the festival in days earlier than 
Phidon, are all mythical like Heracles or semi-mythical like Iphitus, 
it seems a legitimate historical inference that Phidon did for the 
Olympia what one of his successors did for the Nemea, what Clisthenes 
did for the Pythia, and Periander for the Isthmia. 

1 11. ■246. 2 v. 8. 


There are special considerations which confirm this view. (1) It is 
recognised that Phidon fixed the length of the stadion, the Olympic 
race-course'. This seems to point to a complete remodelling of old 
local games at Pisa. (2) If Phidon established the Olympic agon, 
we have at once a definite explanation of the legend that Heracles 
was the original founder. For Phidon, in pursuing the policy of 
expanding the Argive power, posed as the successor of Heracles. 
He professed to be reconquering lands and cities which had been 
subdued of old by the great Dorian hero 2 . Thus the mythical con- 
nexion of Heracles with the Olympian games accords with the theory 
that Phidon was the original agonothete. It may be added that, as 
Duncker properly points out, ' the worship of Heracles was an addition 
and not a very early one 3 .' This is shown by the statement of 
Pausanias that ' Iphitus persuaded the Eleans to sacrifice to Heracles, 
for the Eleans before deemed Heracles their enemy 1 .' This was the 
Elean way of putting it. According to my guess it was Phidon who 
did what the Eleans attributed to Iphitus. In this connexion the 
conjecture that Heraclea, a town five miles west of Olympia, may have 
been founded by Phidon is noticeable 5 . 

The oldest building discovered by the German excavations at 
Olympia is the temple of Hera, which, according to Pausanias 6 , was 
built by men of Skillus about 8 years after the beginning of the reign of 
Oxylus in Elis. The archaeologists agree that the remains point to an 
earlier date than the oldest temple at Selinus ; this brings us to 630 B.C. 
as a minor limit. Greek architecture was not slow in developing, and 
it would hardly be sober to assert that the Heraeum was necessarily 
older than 660. Some omniscient Germans would fix the date at 
1000 B.C., but few will be bold enough to venture without a light into 
the ages before ' Homer.' It might be a safer guess that Phidon had 
something to do with the Heraeum which men of Skillus built, and that 
the cult of Hera came across to Olympia from Argos, her own special 
city, in the middle of the seventh century. 

It certainly seems to me impossible that the Olympian games, as a 

1 Duncker, 11. 245. dort nicht einmal ein Temenos gehabt zii 

2 Strabo, VIII. 358. haben scheint [the Italics are mine], und 
:i II. 252. Holm, Gr. Gesch. I. 284; der wohl erst spiit als (minder des Festes 

'Da Pelops der Ahnherr der durch die betrachtet word en 1st.' But Holm's 

Herakliden verdrangten Fiirsten eines ' spiit ' is too early. 

grossen Theiles des Peloponnes war, 4 v. 4. 

muss audi in Olympia sein Kultus alter 8 Duncker, II. 252. 

gewesen sein als der des Herakles, der i; v. 16, 1. 

B. 17 


Panhellenic festival, should have been started without the influence, 
money and enterprise of a great power. And from the origins of the 
other great ayaJve?, we are perhaps justified in inferring that, in all 
probability, the Olympia too were inaugurated by a 'tyrant.' It is clear 
that the only possible tyrant who could have been associated with their 
institution was the first and perhaps the greatest of all, — the earliest 
pioneer of Panhellenism, the Argive Phidon. This is the a priori argu- 
ment, and perhaps it is not too much to say that it is supported by the 
scanty evidence of the records. Phidon, I repeat, is the first historical 
person associated with the Olympian agon ; and Phidon identified his 
exploits with the career of Heracles, to whom the institution of the 
Olympia was attributed. Such a work was thoroughly worthy of the 
enlightened policy and manifold activity of the Argive despot, of whose 
acts indeed we know far too little. It would hardly have been achieved 
by any man of less note. And it certainly would not have been either 
achieved or conceived in an earlier period. Curtius justly observed 
that what is recorded of Phidon ' passt nur in das siebente Jahrhundert 
v. Chr." I feel convinced that the same remark is true of the 
institution of Panhellenic games. 

It is not difficult to discern the general outline of the early history 
of the Olympia. Perhaps in the year 668 B.C., perhaps earlier, perhaps 
later, Pisa became dependent on Argos, which then, under the guidance 
of Phidon, was pushing her power towards the west of the Pelopon- 
nesus. It is probable that Pisa had been before subject to her Elean 
neighbours, and that she gladly exchanged dependence on Elis for 
dependence on more distant Argos. Struck by the situation of the 
Altis — and of this there will be more to say presently — Phidon 
conceived the idea of elevating the local games, which were cele- 
brated there, into a Panhellenic agon, and, while the men of Pisa 
were permitted to enjoy the privilege of the agonothesia (owreAeti/ tov 
aywi/a), the festival was celebrated under Argive auspices and started 
with Argive money. So it continued in the 'days of Phidon and until 
the power of Argos declined. Then the jealous men of Elis, when 
Argos no longer held them in check, hastened to share or usurp the 
privilege of their weaker neighbours, and were cordially supported by 
Sparta, which was always interested in opposing Argive influence. 

The tradition which recorded the existence of the Olympia in the 
eighth century is a simple consequence of its history in the seventh. It 
was the cue of the Elean usurpers to base their act of might on a plea 
of right, and they pretended that they had been the agonothetes in 

1 Griechische Geschichte, i. 656. 


olden times, and were only recovering a privilege of which Argos had 
forcibly deprived them. It need hardly be remarked that such an 
invention was thoroughly characteristic of Greeks. The Elean kings, 
Oxylus and Iphitus, were brought into connexion with the agon ; while 
at the same time the associations with Heracles, initiated by Phidon, 
were not discarded. The struggle between Pisa and Elis for the 
agonothesia in the seventh century was represented as the continuation 
of a struggle which had taken place in the eighth, and thus it was 
made to appear that the claims of Elis reached into remote antiquity. 
The connexion of Lycurgus with the Elean king was merely a reflexion 
of the bond between the Spartans and Eleans in the last years of the 
seventh century. 

There is a further consideration which may be adduced in favour of 
the guess propounded in the foregoing pages as to the origin of the 
Olympia. It has been observed 1 as a somewhat curious fact that the 
games of the Olympic agon present no likeness to the contests described 
in the 23rd Book of the Iliad. One might have expected that the 
Greeks, who had such a profound reverence for Homer, would have 
framed their athletic contests on the Homeric model. Mr Mahaffy has 
pointed out to me that if, according to the view put forward in these 
pages, the Greek games of historic times were the creation of the 
iyrannis, the anomaly is explained. The Homeric contests were only 
intended for the nobles ; whereas the tyrants were not concerned to 
promote the interests of the nobles who were their political foes, but, 
on the contrary, the interests of the demos. The sports of Olympia 
were designed to be open to every Greek, whether of noble or of 
vulgar birth ; and therefore the agon of Homer could be no model for 
the agon instituted by Phidon and copied by his imitators. Chariot 
races were only for noble competitors, and it is significant that the early 
contests at Olympia, according to our Greek authorities, were foot-races. 

In the days of Pindar the Sicilian kings and nobles were frequent 
competitors at the Olympic games, and it may well strike us that 
Olympia was a remarkably convenient centre for a Panhellenic festival, 
as far as Sicily was concerned. Situated near the coast of Greece, facing 
the island of the west, the Altis seemed to invite the lords of Syracuse 
and Acragas to cross the Ionian iropo% and contend for olive leaves on 
the banks of the Alpheus. If it was merely by accident that the most 
important festival of Greece was celebrated on a spot whose geo- 
graphical position rendered it so admirably suited to be a connecting 
link with western Greece beyond the seas, it was by an accident 

1 By Mr Mahaffy, op. cit. 

17 — 2 



which certainly had important results. The games at Pisa were 
frequented by the Sicilian and Italian Greeks. Thus the Olympian 
celebration was adapted, through geographical circumstances, to 
promote intercourse between the Peloponnesus and the West, whereas 
it did not tend, in the same measure, to encourage communication with 
the East 1 . Of the ten treasure houses at Olympia, which we know of, 
five belonged to Sicilian and Italian towns. 

That this was the result of an accident I can hardly believe. I 
would maintain that it was the result of design. The man who 
conceived the idea of the Olympian a'yojv crTc^ai/tVv/s and inaugu- 
rated one of the most remarkable and permanent institutions of the 
Hellenic world, was not likely to be blind to the geographical aspect of 
the place which he selected ; nor could he have failed to consider the 
political bearings of his choice. We may be sure that Phidon of Argos 
was wide awake to the probable results of a Panhellenic festival near 
the western shores of the Peloponnesus ; and that those results 
harmonized with the rest of his policy. The choice of Olympia was 
plainly the choice of a man whose eyes were turned to the west rather 
than to the east ; and if it can be shown that Phidon had reasons for 
desiring to promote intercourse with Sicily, it is clear that this will be 
an additional confirmation of the view urged in the foregoing pages, 
that Phidon was the founder of the Olympian games. 

The great object of Phidon's policy was to promote free traffic and 
intercourse among the Greeks, in opposition to the narrow Dorian 
principles so obstinately upheld at Sparta. Curtius has brought out 
this feature in words which are worth quoting : ' Statt der Concentration 
im Binnenlande die Richtung auf das Meer, statt der Trennung der 
Stande Vermischung und Ausgleichung, statt des Abschlusses gegen 
aussen freier Verkehr, und dieser Verkehr wird nun in demselben 
Grade erleichtert wie Lykurg ihn erschwert hatte.' Such was the 
program of Phidon, and such the motive of his most famous measures. 
' To facilitate the traffic between the opposite coasts of the archipelago 
was the essential aim of his legislation touching coins and weights.' 

1 The westward aspect has of course 
been noticed by others, and, since writing 
the remarks in the text, I have found it 
well stated by Holm (Gr. Gesch. I. 290): 
'Schaut doch Olympia, wie mit Recht 
gesagt worden ist, nach Westen. Nach 
Western weist der Alpheios, der auf dem 
sicilischen < (rtygia wieder /.urn Vorschein 

kommt ; im Westen, in Sicilien, hat die 
Freude an olympischen Siegen auf den 
MUnzen mit den Viergespannen einen 
charakteristischen Ausdruck gefanden. 
So ist Olympia das vornehmste Band 
das die westlichen Kolonien an Griechen- 
land knupfte.' Was all this the result 
of chance? 



But the cities in the west must have attracted the attention of 
Phidon as well as the cities in the east. In his time the settle- 
ments of the Greeks in Sicily had just begun and the colonisation 
beyond the seas was progressing briskly. I find it hard to believe that 
the foundations of the Greek cities in Sicily are more ancient than the 
seventh century. It is difficult to give any credence to the chronology 
which Thucydides derived from the history of Antiochus of Syracuse, 
for all the dates depend on a preconceived numerical system l , and were 
clearly invented for the purpose of exalting the age of Syracuse. The 
antiquity of his native city was one of the great vanities of every Greek ; 
and therefore, as Antiochus was a Syracusan, we are compelled to be 
distrustful. I strongly suspect that in the earlier part of his history, 
Antiochus was as little trustworthy as Hajek for the history of 
Bohemia, or the ' nameless scribe ' of king Bela for the doings of his 
Magyar forefathers. But as the work of Antiochus is lost, there is no 
chance here for a Palacky or a Roesler. We may regard it as highly 
probable that Archias of Corinth laid the foundations of Syracuse in 
the seventh century, and it seems likely that he was a contemporary of 
Phidon. Archias, like Phidon, was said to be the tenth from Temenus 2 , 
and perhaps we may accept the synchronism, as long as it does not 
commit us to a definite date. However this may be, — whether Phidon 
was actually acquainted with the founder of Syracuse or not, — the 
conclusion that Phidon, when he chose Olympia for the dyo)v o-Tc^a- 
ra-rys, had his eyes on Sicily, is thoroughly in harmony with all that we 
know of the aims of his policy. He doubtless regarded also other 
western islands nearer home. We may well suppose that the enemy 

1 Cf. the remarks of Mr Mahaffy, The 
Olympic Register in Journal of Hellenic 
Studies, vol. II. p. 124. It is to be 
observed that the sources of Antiochus 
were confessedly oral; see Busolt, Gr. 
Gesch. 1. 224. Dionysius Hal., Arch. 
I. 12, quotes Antiochus' own words about 
his history of Italy, 'Avrioxos aevo<pdveos 
rade o~vveypa\pe irepl 'iTaXlrjs eK rwv 
\6yuv to. ■Kiurora.Ta. ko.1 ua^iaraTa. 
k.t.\. Thus the credibility of Antiochus 
depends on the validity of his conception 
of to ttkttov. For his Sicilian history, 
from Kokalos king of the Sicanians to 
424 B.C., see Diodorus xil. 71.— Of 
Hippys of Rhegium, who wrote on Si- 

cilian affairs shortly before Antiochus, 
we know nothing. 

2 See Ephorus, fr. 15.— The relations 
of Phidon with Corinth are obscure. It 
has been inferred from some statements 
that Corinth was dependent on Argos in 
his reign (Busolt, Gr. Gesch ichte I. 68). 
For the tale of Abron and Phidon's death 
see Plutarch, Am. Narr. 2 (for Actaeon 
and Archias, see Diodorus vm. 7). — 
In Philologus XXVIII. Unger discusses 
Phidon's connexion with Corinth, and 
argues that what is recorded of this con- 
nexion does not square with 668 B.C. 
This is true, but only on the assumption 
that 734 is the date of Archias. 


of the Corinthian aristocracy took an interest in Corcyra, which was 
then disputing the naval supremacy of her mother city (664 ?). 

This effect of Sicilian colonisation on the origin of the Olympian 
aywv is of course a theory which does not admit of proof by docu- 
mentary evidence. But a curious legend has survived which may 
be invoked in support of this theory. Just as the story that Heracles 
founded the Olympian Games really supports the view that Phidon 
was the true founder, so the strange fable of Alpheus travelling 
under the sea to Ortygia points to an early historical link between 
Olympia and Syracuse, and even suggests some more definite con- 
nexion than a political design in the brain of Phidon. It suggests 
at least that Sicilians were formally invited by the founder to take 
part in the first celebrations of the Olympian panegyris. But we 
cannot draw any conclusions as to early relations between Syracuse 
and Olympia (or Arcadia) from that obscure passage in Pindar's Sixth 
Olympian Ode, where Agesias is called a o-vvoiKLo-njp of the Sicilian city : 

y8cD//.u> tc fiavreiio Tcuu'as Atos iv Ilicra 


Before we take leave of Phidon there is another question which 
must be briefly touched on. There is a passage in Strabo which 
seems to show that the Olympian was not the only agon founded by 
him. Strabo professes to speak on the authority of Ephorus : 

7rpos toutois (<&ei8tora) eiriOiaOat kou tol<; v<j> 'HpaxXeovs atpefleurais 
TroXecrL kcu tous aywvas d^iovv TifleVcu olvtov ovs cKetvos ZOrjKe' tov'tojv Bk 

etVCU TOV 'OXv/A7TiaKOV . 

Here the Olympian is mentioned as only one of certain agones, which 
Phidon, as the successor of Heracles, administered (e0r/Ke). The only 
other agon in the Peloponnesus which had any associations with 
Heracles was the Nemean. The Nemea were said to have been 
founded by Adrastus, and afterwards celebrated by Heracles. Hence 
we might venture to conjecture that Phidon founded the agon which 
was conducted by the Cleonaeans, as well as that which was con- 
ducted by the Pisatans. When Cleonae fell under the power of Sicyon, 
Clisthenes would not have failed to suppress a festival which was 
associated with Adrastus and owed its origin to Argos. In this case 
the year 573 would mark, not the first foundation of the Nemean 
Games, but their renewal after a temporary disuse. 

If the conclusion, which I have endeavoured to establish, is well 
founded, a new feature emerges in the history of the Greek tyrannis. 

' 11k. viii. 358. 


(1) Phidon, the founder of the tyrannis, is also the founder of the 
earliest Panhellenic games, the Olympia. (2) Periander ' der System- 
atiker der Tyrannis ' institutes the Isthmia. (3) Clisthenes, the despot 
of Sicyon, initiates or promotes the institution of the Pythia by the 
Delphic amphictyony. (4) The Nemea, whether originally founded 
by Phidon or not, owed their first historical importance to an unknown 
ruler of Argos, who plays the same part in relation to Cleonae that 
Phidon had played in relation to Pisa. (5) Pisistratus, the last of the 
great tyrants of Greece's early period, institutes the quadriennial Pan- 
athenaea, clearly in imitation of the Olympia and Pythia. 

Thus the history of the origin of the great Games has more than 
a merely external bearing on Pindar and his Epinician Odes. The 
poet of this Panhellenic institution was filled with the spirit of Pan- 
hellenism (or should we say Panhellenedom, and reserve Panhellenism 
for the coming of Alexander?), and he was a friend and admirer of the 
potentates who preserved the traditions of the tyrannis, no longer 
indeed in old Greece, but in Sicily and Cyrene. In the anecdote that 
Alexander the Great spared the house of Pindar from the destruction 
which befel Thebes, we may see a deeper meaning than admiration for 
the memory of a great poet. For when we take a wide view of Greek 
history, we must recognise that Alexander of Macedon was the true 
successor of Phidon, Periander, Pisistratus and Pericles. Pericles, 
who, though not a tyrant, really carried on the policy of the 
Pisistratids, made Athens the school of Hellas ; the work of Alexander 
was to make Hellas the school of the world. In Pindar the Macedo- 
nian conqueror might well have recognised a tt/oo^^'t^? of Hellenedom 
in a really wide sense, — one who looked beyond the needs and interests 
of a single city, and who, while he glorified the Dorian hero, Heracles 1 , 
was far from sharing that Dorian spirit of exclusiveness which animated 
Sparta. We might say that Pindar exalted Heracles from a Dorian to 
an Hellenic ideal. 

1 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (Euripides' hat er es wenigstens nicht sein wollen, 

Herakles, 1. 165) writes: 'Pindaros ist und da sein name ausser auf Thera auch 

clem herzen und dem glauben nach ein in Ephesos widerkehrt, so war sein hlut 

Boeoter gewesen ; aber der abkunft nach wol wirklich Kadmeisches. ' 


aftoari 152 

<*/V J 133 
dyaXp.a 152, 211 

dydvwp 177 

dyXata 12, 178 

dyXaodpovos 197 

dyXaonapTTOs 56 

dyXaoKpavos 56 

dypav 60 

dYwi/ xdXKeos 202 

ddeX<pe6s 128 

d5ue7r?}s 10 

d&aos 221 

diOpodiKCLS 25 

At'Sws 165, 178 

ai'erds (emblem of Aeacids) 43, 60, 85, 

in. 231 
Alfioves 74 
altreivos 93 
aiea 48, 106 
alros 213, 214 
aiXMa T as (0i'M&) 179 
aiuu (spirilus) 33 
d/cd 1 12, 209 

dKa/jias dKa,>Tos, see list of Addenda 
an [id 53, 76 
duovrev 35 
dXeOjlujipoTos 154 
'AXKifxlSa (110m. ) 1 1 2 
d\ua 237 
dnjHoXadav 204 
a/xirvev/Aa 9 
d/x7ro\eiV 144 

djit0t 18 (tlat.); 23 (accus.) ; 198 

' AiA<pidpt]s 171, 176 

dva( 140 

duayopefiu (dvepet) 138 

dVa^tai 152 

dcaxd j'w 211 163, 172 

dfe<o-#cu (<w'aJ'«o"0ai) 30, 35 

dveXfodai 136 

dVia (quantity) 22 

avreivu 154, 155 

doidLfios 60 

OTrdpxw 73 

dn-as 26, 107, 129, 136 

direlpdros and dwdpdros I 5 

direipoftdxas 71 

diro^Xdirro} 137 

dwdKei/xai 226 

dwpoffiKTOs 226 

dv-rop-ai 152, 154, 155, 158 

dpape 58, 96, 230 

dperd (= manorial of dperd), 239 

dpiyvibs 90 

dpiueea 56, 230 

dppiooios 14 

dp/xoj-w 143 

dpxa, dpxop.0.1. 1 1 

dadfiaivu) 55 

darepoird 174 

darvvofios 178 

drpf/xia 217, 222 

drpo7ros 144 

at)5d i69sq. 

auSdeis 170 

aiVo's (.va/«<r) 89 

ai ! X<* 224 



d<pap 2 1 o 

' Atpaprjridai 2 I 1 

' A(ppo5l<jios 123 

'Axaios 137 

duTos 33, 87, 227, 228, 229 


j3a.8vKpy]fjivos 180 

fiadv/ArJTCi. 55 

fiadtj-rredos 48 

fiadvaTepvos 177 

/Saffrdj'w 151 

/3eXos 21 

/3tdfw 172 

Piaras 183 

/3idw 172 

/3X- (vowel short before) 151 

/3oii/3ot7;$ 74 

j3paxvcrL5apos 54 

fiptneadai. 220 

/3pi0w 53, 152 

pp6/Mos 170 

7<x\a 60 

Y e 35 

7e jute 158 
ytvirupa 128 

OaiSaX^eira 223 

AatSdXou fMaxaipa. /,=; 

Oaivvfxi 1 76 

SdlXKlOS 1 1 o 

dtdopKe 61 

oeicos (in Pindar) 172 

OeX</>t's 1 13, 235 sqq. 

Aeii/caXicuf (Aet>s) 48 

oexop-ai 33 

5r)piao) and drjpio/xai. 224 

0ict7rX^KW 143 

5ta7rpi/<nos 74 

Aids K6p»>0os 144 

56/ctjuos 47 

8o\o(ppad^s 155 

Socei*' 141 

5i^ar6s (feni.) 35 


ey/cara- 20 
eyK0V7]Ti 51 

€K<t>aiVb3 76 

&? 59 

'EXeiflma 128 

eXeX^w 1 74 

eXtft/w 89 

£Xkw 72, 80, 233 

'EXXdwos, Zei/s 90 

i\iri8es (/topes and fears) 19 

tfi^aivu 226 

i/xiredouOevris 143 

&» 133 (with accus.); 221 

^Sop (with dat. and gen.) 56, 135 

2vtos (instrument) 174 

tto X os 74, 80 

i^iKpaivu 73, 76 

^7raXro 1 1 1 

iwaffKeiv 171 

^Trecrn r 3 f 

tV^eraTOS 105 

ewifiaivo} 49 

em/ii^ai (x"P*s) 57-231 

ewofiai (uses of) 17 

iir6irT7)s 1 70 

epeiad/jLtvot (al. epi'ccrd/Liei'oi) 174 

fyvos 106, 109, 224 

&rxaTos (play on) 203 

erepos (untoward) 151 

eTTjTV/jLos 137 

6t6j 132, 141, 200, 206 

iroacre 106 

eC nadetv 18 

evdvup 36 

evduTrvoos 134 

ei'ipt''KoX7ros 134 

tvpv<j$(.vr]s 57, 89 

ei)pw7ros 77 

ei'cpopos 202 

evwi>vp.o$ 135, 141, 158 

'{(ptdpos 8o, 113, 233 

i<piw(a 204 

fa/uecTjs (meaning of) 57, 69 
J-1/76V 143 




"H/3a 128 

'Hpa/cX^s (declension of) 49 


OdXap.os 20 

0aXe'w 78 

ddXos 9; daXepos 27, cf. 239, 240 

0<x/jid 13, 15 

Oapuvd ^4 

Qedpiov 59 

deXyw {charm forth) 68 

04«.ei> 69 

deplirXeKTOS 183 

diaaavro 82, 90 

Ge'rts (etymology) 90 

diyydrw 72 

dpaavtxdxa-vos 76 

6paavfJ.rjSijs 172 

i€pofi7]i>ia 45 

iepos i'x^t''S 237 {caestits) 34 

loXas 53 

i7nratxAtos 13 (a7T. e/p.) 

icrr; (tVapi) 79 

laoSaifiuv 78 

">>£ 67, 72 

'IwXkos 52 

KXur6/cap7Toj 77 
ko^uj 36 
Koif6s 19 
koivou) 47 

KOfllfa IO8 
KOftOS l8l 

Kopv(pai 4, 13 

KOlHpOS I53 

Kpayircu 61 
Kpavabs 152 
/cpaT77<n7r7Tos 169 


Kpoetaw (quantity) 13, 174 

KiAiVSw 154 

Kw/j.d£w 37 (with ace); 169 

\a£po5 157 
XaYxa^w 91 
Xarptos 74 
Xelptov 123, 141 
XevKavdrjS 164, 174 
Xei/pos 132 
Xt'0os Mouracos 158 
Xiirapapirvt; 130 
Xitrapos 70, 143 
X6>oy 71, 153 
X0170S 179 
Xt'a 172 
Xirypds 154 
Atkaiof 207 


Ka/3as 1 1 2 
KaK07rotos 155 
KavaxySd 152 
Kairvos (of envy) 1 5 
Kapirbs (ppevwv 200 
Kapxd&iov 97 
Karapaivo: 50 
Kara^oXa 32 
Ka.Tidpa.Ktv 70 
Kcu'xa 1 70 
KtKpip.ivos 68, 103 
KeXaSTjTts 66 
KeXaii^x^s 213 
KXapos 113 
KXetw (*X<?os) 48 
KXiOeis 69 


p.a.Lofxa.1 46 

IxaXaKOXtip 40 

p.apyovp.ivov% 174 

p.arp6SoKOS 14 1 

fidrpus 78 

p-axaras (0i>p.6s) 177 

p.a^t'Xa«as 126, 144 (see also Addenda) 

p.eyavxys 223 

p-eWn-w 106, 112 

pAea (limbs) 21 

peXira 112, 236 

p;eX£yapvs 46 

p.tXLydoviros 223 

p.iXi(ppuu 129 14 

/.uvoivaoj 226 



ixipipva 58, 59 
tyOierat|acrat 95 
piyvvpu (in Pindar) 13, 23 
plrpa 152 
puaarrjp 13 
p.ov6\pa<pos 199 
Mvppi56i>es 47 
pvxfc 107 

Nep^a (vep.0)) 48 
vipopai 61 
ve6yvios 176 
eocros 30 
i>ocr<plfa 113 
vovpr/vios 72 
vwSwos 158 

ijwoU' 92 

oi (/bt) 12 
WKodev 49 
oiVa 156 

Oivwva (olvos) 73 
6pa8os 109 
6pa.Lp.10s 106 
'Opr/plSai 32 
opdKKapos 1 70 
6/x6(/)otTos 155 
6/«</>d 204 
o^vrepai 240 
07rd56s and 07rdj w 46 
oVajs 231 
6p7d 93 
6pd6pai>Tis 24 
opKOj/ (vat /xd) 223 
Opcrorplaiva 78 
orpvviii 19 
ocpe'CKu) 33 


irayiws 57 
7raXa£a> 154 
7ra\dju.»; 2 1 1 
7ra\i77Xtc , cr(ros 23, 227 
7ra\i'7/v'OTos So 
wanfiLas 164, 1 76 
TrapiroiidXos 204 
wavSo^ia 1 2 

7rd|aiTo (tV <ppao~L) 57 

irapaire'iodai. 203 

wapapfLpopai 50 

Trapapevopai 222 

Trapair\afa 199 

wapao-(pa\\u) 224 

Trappovos 153 

7ra/)7r65ioj 1 79 

Trdp<paaLS 154 

irarpa 157 

7re5ai7di"w 210 

7reXe/u'fto 154 

IleXadSes 34 

IIeXo7r?;i'd5a: 152 

7re'Xos 22 

irepLffdevqs 48 

TrepiareWw 222 

irepodos 225 

irecpupcrecrdai. 26 

7rXa7eVres 1 34 

Trvoai {regions of breath} 212 

Troiprjv 1 5 1 

TTOlI'd 2 7 

iro\lapxos 141 
7roXw^i'C»' 45 

7TOpOS ISO, l82 

TTop<pvpeos 224 
ttoti crraOpav 104 
iroTl(popos 5 1 
7r6r/xos dca^ 73, 104 
7roTcia 150 
7T017S 112 

7rpa70S 46 

wpacaeLv (agere) 17; (facere?) 169 

Trpopds 140 

TrpOTT€T1]S II3 
7Tp07ToXoS 78 

TTpowpewv 142 
Trp6a<popos 158 
■n-poarid-qpi {marry) j8 
irpoffTptwu) 74 
irpoa<pipo3 104 
irpocppwv 92 
Trpi'Tavera 220 
7ru5(reif 2^ 


l'aodyttae^i'S I 7 
pawra tirea 32 



P^aj 7ropos (6", 180 

JHTTT) 26 

aidapiras 91 

aweipu) (ayXatav) 12, 27 

(nripxoiJ-ai 20 

<T7rot/« 113, 237 

ffTadfJLa, 104 

<jTa.dfi.6s 27 

crroXos 48 

arpi(pu 80 

at'^7reipos 129 

<xiW7ra£e 92 

(rxafw (meanings of) 76 

o'XeSoi' 2 1 1 

ff X e PV (*") 2 ^> 22 ? 


to. kou ra 18 
rafiias 237 
rid/jitos 224 
Te0/x6s 72 
reK/J-aipu) 105 
rite/map 226 

T^KTOVeS (KUlfJLWf) 45 

rAetos 201 
repays 50 
ripua 138 
TTjXai'yijs 58 
Ttdrjixi (of hymns) 10 
TifJi.aXcpe'iv 184 


uypos 156 
uWp 137 
vntpaXXos 51 
uirepeicrat. 158 
viripraros 107 
L-7TO(7*fa7rTW 91 

(paidifios 1(1 
(pafxi 51 

tpdyyos 161, 180 
4>ep<T€(/>o»'a 1 2 
(p^pw (?w«) 49 
(piKoras [50 
(pXauav 2 1 1 
<pX£yw 109, 197 
tpotviKoaroXos 165, 177 
<ppa8a£o) 50 
0ua 16 
</>i5(Tts 104 
<pvTdi<i) (met.) 75 

XaX/cecTTjs 13 

XaXKOfAiTpas 215 

XO-Xkos 188 

X^P'S 241 sqq. 

Xdp«rcrti' 97 

Xapp-a 58 

XaOfoy 157 

Xdpwv (x e fy>) 4° 

X^ptros 18 1 

Xpao/xat 75 

X/io/ios 5, 20, 2 1 

Xpi'<raXaKaTos 93 

Xpt'ffos (symbolic) 78, (i») 140 


i/'ai'w 94 
xf/evois 135 
xf/evaryjs 92 
\f/€(p-qv6s 53, 54 
\poXoeis 2 1 1 

wyirytos 1 1 o 
tows 20 
"Qpa 150 




Acastus 74, 93 

Achamae 36 

Adrastus 158, 162 sqq., 171 

Aegae 93 

Aegina 69, 81 ; games at, 96 ; history, 


Aetna, town, 2, 159, 169 

Ageladas 185 

Ajax 117, 11 8, 147, 154 

Alcimidas 98 sqq. 

Alcyoneus 71 

Alpheus 9 

Amphiaraus 162, 164 sqq. 

Amphitryon 70, 200 

Amyclae 216 

Arethusa 9 

Argos 185 sqq. 

Aristagoras of Tenedos, 2 16 sqq. 

Aristoclides of Aegina 38 sqq. 

Artemis 10 

Athens 152 

Atlas 34 


Bacchylides, alluded to, 6 
Bassidae 100 sqq. 

Chiron 40, 41, 42, 75 

Chromius, see Introductions to Odes i 

and ix, and Appendix C 
Cinyras 153 
Cleonae 70, 206 
Clitor 207 
Corinth 107 
Cos 71 

Creontidas 1 10 
Cyprus 73 


Daedalus 75 
Deinis 145 sqq. 
Delphinius (month) 96 
Diomede 199 
Dioscori 187 


Endais 90 

Ephyra 120 

Epidaurus (games at) 61, 97 
Eriphyle 163, 172 
Euphanes 79 
Euthymenes 82 sqq. 
Euxenids 139, 141 

Callicles 78 

Castor and Pulydeukes 185 sqq. 

Catana 159 

Gadira (Gades) 77 
Cigantomachia 26 




Haemones 74 

Hector 179 

Helenus 57 

Helorus 2, 166, 167 

Heracles, in Pindar, 1, 201, 208 

Hermes 208 

Hesiod 103 

Hestia 220 

Hiero 6, 162 

Hippolyta 74, 92 

Hypermnestra 199 

Idas 192, 209 
Io 198 
Iolaus 53 
Iolcus 52, 74 
Ismenus 174 

Korax and Tisias 1 7 

Lampon 81, 234 

Leuke 63, 73 

Lynceus (brother of Idas) 192, 210 

Lynceus (husband of Hypermnestra) 200 

Neoptolemus 114, 115, n8sqq. 

Oenone (Aegina) 73, 91, 151 
Olympia, at Athens, 38 
Olympic games, legends of, 1 ; gold sym- 
bolic of, 2 
Ortygia 2, 9 

Pamphaes 185 

Peleus 52, 74, 81 sqq. 

Pellene 207 

Periclymenus 177 

Perseus 198 

Philyra 54 

Phlegra 26 

Phlius 100 

Phocus 84 

Phorminx 85 

Pindar, in Sicily, Appendix C 

Pisandridae 216 

Pleiads, Peleiads, 30, 34 

Polytimidas 113 

Praxidamas 106 

Psamathea 84 

Pytheas 8 1 sqq. 

Rhea, passage of, 167 


Machaereus 135 

Medusa 198 

Megara (games at) 61, 96 

Megas (Meges) 145 

Melanippids 216 

Melesias 80, 113, 232 sqq., 235 sqq. 

Memnon 57 

Menander (trainer) 96 

Meropes 71 

Molossia 134 

Mycenae 186 

Myrmidons, agora of, 47 

Mysteries 160 

Salamis 35 

Scyrus 119, 134 

Sicyon 159, 169, 183, 207 

Simonides, alluded to, (\ 

Soclides 107 

Sogenes 1 14 sqq. 

Sparta 152, 208 

Talaus 172 
Tegea 207 
Telamon 84 
Tenedos 216 


Theaeus 185 sqq. Timasarchus 62 sqq. 

Theandridae 77 Timocritus 63, 69 

Thearion 1 14 sqq. Timonous and the Timodemids 29 

Thebes 174 Tyndaridae 187 

Themis 221 

Themistius 96 

Therapna 209 U 

Thero 162 Ulias 202 


A History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius 

to Irene, a.d. 395 — 800. By John B. Bury, M.A., Fellow and 
Tutor of Trinity College, Dublin. 2 vols. 8vo. 32^. 

The Edinburgh Review says : "Mr Bury's estimate of the different literary works 
which come into his history is marked by adequate knowledge and sound critical 

judgment It only remains, before summing up our subject, to add a few words 

on Mr Bury's qualifications as an historian. His historical erudition and literary 
equipment seem to us fairly adequate, and the importance of this remark will be best 
recognised by those who are aware of the enormous scope of research which the 

history of the later Roman Empire involves His illustrative matter is, on the 

whole, ample and correct With regard to Mr Bury's style, the extracts we have 

had occasion to make from his volumes will suffice to reveal its character. It is 

almost invariably intelligible, unaffected, and perspicuous A word of praise is 

also due to Mr Bury's generally shrewd insight into the causes which determine 

political conjectures and events Summing up our subject, the importance of 

which has carried us beyond the bounds we at first allotted for its consideration, we 
can heartily congratulate Mr Bury on the creditable achievement of an arduous but 
much-needed task. His erudite and carefully executed work has gone far to restore 
the later Roman Empire to its true position and importance in European history." 

The Guardian says : " He has thoroughly grasped the great central fact of the 
world's history, which to so many, to all who talk about 'Greek Emperors' in the 
eighth century, remains an impenetrable mystery. If Mr Bury will allow us to use 
King Harry's homely proverb, he has most distinctly 'got the sow by the right ear.' 
When Mr Bury sees an Emperor he really knows who he is. And to learn so to do 
would seem to be, next to learning the alphabet, the hardest lesson that anybody can 
be set to learn. . . . Mr Bury's great merit lies in his wide and bold grasp of oecumen- 
ical history. Nobody has better taken in the nature of that 'eternal question,' the 
first stages of which are to be found recorded in the opening chapters of Herodotus, 
and the latest (as yet) in the morning's news from Armenia or from Crete. There is 
no need for any one to teach Mr Bury the root of the matter. . . . Mr Bury shows else- 
where that he has well grasped the cycles of Sicilian history. . . . Mr Bury has some 
tilings to mend, perhaps some things to learn. But he has thoroughly grasped the 
true substance and meaning of his vast subject. May he go on and prosper." 

The Saturday Review says: "Mr Bury is a loyal follower of Mr Freeman, and the 
main object of his book is to enforce his master's conclusions in detail by exhibiting 
them in their full application as capable of giving unity to a period which was once 
abandoned to confusion. . . . Mr Bury's merits are his grasp of the structural methods 
of history and the copious erudition which a right knowledge of method is sure to call 
to its equipment. . . . We recognise in Mr Bury a well-equipped student, with a firm 
grasp upon the essential points of his subject. . . . His volumes are the fruit of diligent 
and independent work amongst a mass of difficult materials, and will have to be 
reckoned with by all who follow in his steps. Moreover, Mr Bury shows a commend- 
able resolve not to accept traditional views as a way out of difficulties. He is the 
first English writer who has tried to take a really critical view of the characters of 

Justinian and Theodora, and has seen, without trying to shelve, the difficulties in the 
way of reconciling the 'Secret History' of Procopius with his 'History of the Gothic 
War.' . . . But he shows how the Empire, in spite of difficulties on every side, held to 
its principles, and was capable of infinite readjustment to meet the needs of its 
position. He has taken a larger view than any previous writer of the lives and 
characters, the resources and dangers, of the later Emperors. He has followed them 
into the details of their policy, and has not considered anything undeserving of his 
attention. Still more, he has done his best to reproduce the life, the art, and the 
learning of Byzantium. Perhaps his chapters on the literature of the times and his 
estimates of the authorities whom he follows will have the most enduring influence on 
English scholars. Anyone who looks into this book will recognise that, in spite of 
obvious signs of immaturity, Mr Bury has in him the promise of a distinguished 

The Oxford Magazine says: "Mr Bury's solid work — it consists of two stout 
octavo volumes and iooo pages — is a decided acquisition to our historical library. . . . 
the great merit of Mr Bury's work is the clearness with which he brings the divergent 
tendencies of the different centuries, which Gibbon and all his followers represented 
as one monotonous time of barbarian invasions, theological wrangles, and successful 

or unsuccessful usurpations of the imperial throne The bright and attractive 

chapters on literature and on social life, which are scattered among the more solid 
matter, deserve a word of special praise." 

The Classical Revietv says: "Mr Bury's volumes are an important and valuable 
contribution to our knowledge of a period, the history of which has been too much 

neglected by scholars We conclude, as we began, by commending to the 

attention of all historical students, but especially of those who may have been chiefly 
occupied hitherto with the fortune of Athens and the Elder Rome, this careful and 
patient survey of the history of the Roman Empire during a period which witnessed 
changes of the most momentous import to the nations of Europe and Asia, the effects 
of which we are continually feeling in the political controversies of our own day." 

The Academy says : " This is a most creditable piece of work, and fills a gap in 

the cycle of English books dealing with the history of the Early Middle Ages 

Eor the five chapters which deal with the literature of the time we have nothing but 
praise. They are thorough and sound, without ceasing to be bright and interesting. 
.... The sections dealing with the social life and manners are equally meritorious, 
that treating of the rise and development of the Iconoclastic movement is particularly 
worthy of notice." 

The Journal of Education says: "Any chapter of the book is enough to give us 
confidence ; we can feel that we are in the hands of a guide who knows his business, 

a scholar who is at home in his authorities, and knows how to use them Our 

total impression of the book is one of intense admiration." 



University of California Library 
Los Angeles 

This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 

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